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THE  HISTORY   OF   THE   COUNTY 
OF   MAYO 


THH  bukkh:  i-:ffi()v,  glixsk,  county  oaiavav. 

II.  S.  Ckawiokh,  fhoto 


THE    HISTORY 

OF  THE 

COUNTY   OF   MAYO 

TO    THE    CLOSE    OF   THE 
SIXTEENTH   CENTURY 


BY 


HUBERT    THOMAS    KNOX 

M.R.I.A.,  F.R.S.A.I. 

FORMERLY    OF   THE    MADRAS    CIVIL    SERVICE 


DUBLIN 
HODGES,    FIGGIS    &    CO.,    Ltd. 

PUBLISHERS  TO  THE   UNIVERSITY 
1908 


PREFACE. 

In  this  first  History  of  the  County  some  errors  must  be 
expected,  but  I  trust  that  they  will  be  found  to  be  very  few 
as  to  matters  of  fact.  Some  opinions  are  new,  for  which 
general  acceptance  cannot  be  expected  at  once,  but  it  is  my 
hope  that  such  readers  as  study  the  evidence  for  themselves 
will  agree  with  me,  if  not  wholly,  to  a  great  extent. 

The  fulness  of  the  parts  dealing  with  the  thirteenth  and 
early  fourteenth  centuries,  and  again  of  those  dealing  with 
the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  as  compared  with  the 
part  relating  to  the  intervening  two  hundred  years,  is  due  to 
the  want  of  full  English  Records  after  the  King  ceased  to 
govern  in  Connaught. 

Ecclesiastical  affairs  are  passed  over  lightly,  because  they 
have  been  dealt  with  already  in  my  "  Notes  on  the  Dioceses 
of  Tuam  and  Killala  and  Achonry,"  published  when  I  did  not 
expect  to  finish  this  history,  for  which  they  were  prepared. 

If  the  Genealogical  Tables  seem  unnecessary  in  number, 
and  inclusive  of  names  not  wanted  for  this  book,  it  is  because 
it  is  impossible  to  understand  fully  the  alliances  of  clans  and 
tribes  and  their  quarrels,  external  and  internal,  without  a 
knowledge  of  the  family  relationships  in  which  they  usually 
originated.  These  tables  are,  generally,  not  accessible  in  print, 
and  they  will  be  necessary  to  those  who  carry  on  the  history 
of  the  Mayo  families  into  the  next  century. 

My    thanks    are    due    to    His    Grace    the    Archbishop    of 


2060843 


VI  PREFACE. 

Canterbury  for  leave  to  publish  parts  of  the  '■  Division  of 
Connaught  and  Thomond,  1574." 

To  the  Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  for  leave  to 
use  the  translations  of  the  "  Historia  et  Genealogia  Familire 
de  Burgo." 

To  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy  for  leave  to 
use  extracts  from  "  MacFirbis's  Great  Book  of  Genealogies." 

To  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  of 
Ireland  for  the  loan  of  the  blocks  of  the  Maps  in  pp.  326, 
328,  338. 

To  the  Controller  of  His  Majesty's  Stationery  Office  for 
leave  to  quote  from  the  Irish  Annals,  the  Calendars,  and 
other  publications  of  that  office. 

To  Mr.  H.  S.  Crawford  for  the  use  of  his  photograph  of 
the  Glinsk  Effigy  of  William  Burke. 

To  the  representative  of  the  late  Rev.  D.  Murphy  for 
leave  to  quote  from  his  "  Life  of  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell." 

H.  T.  KNOX. 

March  2,  1908. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 

A. C.=  Annals    of   Clonmacnoise   (Murphy's   Edition).      Volume   of   the 

Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Ireland. 
A.I.  =  Annals  of  lunisfallen  in  O'Conor's  "  Rerum  Hibernicarum  Scrip- 
tores  Veteres." 
A.T.  =  Annals  of  Tigernach  in  Revue  Ccltiquc. 
A.U.  =  Annals  of  Ulster.     Rolls  Series. 

C.  =  Chief  or  king  of  tribe. 
C.S.  =  Cbronicum  Scotorum.     Rolls  Series. 
D.F.  =  Annals  of  Duald  MacFirbis  in  Miscellany  of  Irish  Archajological 

Society,  vol.  i. 
D.I.  =  Calendar  of  Documents  relating  to  Ireland,  1172-1307. 
D.K.  =  Annual  Report  of  the  Deputy  Keeper   of   the  Public  Records, 

Ireland. 
F.M.  =  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters  (O'Donovan's  Translation). 
Hist,  et  Gen.  =  Historia  et  Genealogia  Familite  de  Burgo.     See  Appendix. 

H.F.  =  Tribes  and  Customs  of  Hy  Fiachrach  (O'Donovan's  Translation). 
K.C.,  K.I.  =  King  of  Connaught,  King  of  Ireland. 
L.C.=:  Annals  of  Loch  Ce.     Rolls  Series. 
O.S.L.M.=  Ordnance  Survey  Letters,  County  Mayo. 

P.R.=Plea  Rolls  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  Dublin. 
R. S. A.I.  =  Journal  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Ireland,  including 

its  earlier  titles. 
S.P.I.E.  =  State  Papers,  Ireland,  Queen  Elizabeth.  In  the  Public  Record 
Office,  London.  In  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland, 
Henry  VIII.,  &c.  In  a  few  cases  the  originals  have  been 
used. 
S.T.L.  =  Stokes's  Edition  of  the  Tripartite  Life  of  St.  Patrick.  Rolls 
Series. 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Earliest  Legends. 


PAGE 


Iberians — Celts  or  Gael — Tribes  of  earliest  legends — "  Invasions  of  Ire- 
land " — Three  kingdoms  of  the  Olnegmacht — Queen  Meave's  period — 
Clann  Umoir — Attacottic  revolution  and  Tuathal  Techtmar — Clann 
Morna  and  Conn  Cedcatnach — Battle  of  Moj'lena — The  Fianna — 
Cormac  MacArt  and  Lugni  Firtri — Cairbre  Liffeacliair  and  Clann 
Morna         .............         1 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Early  Milesian  Period. 

Probable  transformation  of  Olnegmacht  clans  into  Milesians — Kingdom 
of  Irrusdomnonn  and  its  constituent  tribes — Other  tribes  of  Mayo — 
Those  of  rest  of  Connaught — Book  of  Rights 15 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Fifth  Century  and  Establishment  of  Christianity. 

Brian  and  Fiachra — Family  rivalry — Fiachra,  Dathi,  Duach  Galach,  and 
St.  Patrick — St.  Patrick's  early  work — Amalgaid — St.  Patrick's  tour 
in  S.  Mavo — Death  of  Amalgaid,  and  St.  Patrick's  visit  to  Tirawlev 
— Ailill  Molt— Battle  of  Segais '.24 

CHAPTER  IV. 

From  Accession  of  Eoghan  Bel  to  a.d.  800. 

Christian  mission  work  in  sixth  century — Battle  of  Sligo — Quarrels  of 
Guaire  and  Muredach,  and  murder  of  St.  Cellach-.-Ailill  Inbanna — • 
Decay  of  kingdom  of  Irrusdomnonn — Later  events — Establishment 
of  great  monasteries — Influence  on  architecture 31 

CHAPTER  V. 

From  a.d.  800  to  the  Anglo-Norman  Invasion. 

Invasions  by  Northmen — Partition  between  O'Dowda  and  O'Keewan — 
Round  Towers — Wars  with  Munster  and  Ulster — Rise  of  Torlogh 
Mor — Sea  fight  near  Inishowen — Relations  of  King  of  Connaught 
with  sub-kings — Ecclesiastical  affairs      .......       38 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Relations  of  the  King  of  Conxaugiit  with  the  King  of 
England  in  the  Twelfth  and  Thikteenth  Centuries. 

I'AOE 

Ruaidhri's  settlement  in  1175 — Quarrels  with  sons — Cathal  Crobhderg's 
settlements  in  1201  and  1215 — Aedh's  rebellion — Partition  of  Con- 
naught  in  1228 — Submission  of  Felim  in  12;J7 — Rebellion  of  his  son 
Aedh — O'Conor's  lordship  reduced  to  three  cantreds — Subsequent 
relations 51 


CHAPTER  VII. 
State  of  the  Country  from  1170  to  1237 59 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Events  from  1170  to  1224. 

Rebellion  of  Murrough  O'Conor — Cathal  Crobhderg  invades  Munster — 
Castlehag — William  de  Burgo's  invasions — He  turns  against  Cathal — 
Death — Notices  of  Mayo  chieftains 62 

CHAPTER  IX. 

From  Accession  of  Aedh  to  the  Submission  of  Felim 
in  1237. 

Rebellion  against  Aedh  and  invasion  of  Mayo,  1225 — Aedh's  rebellion — 
Invasion  of  1226— Partition  of  Coimaught  in  1228— Invasion  of  1230 
— Arrest  of  Felim — Release  and  attack  on  R.  de  Burgo — Invasion  of 
1235,  and  fighting  in  Clew  Bay — O'Conors  rise  in  1237 — Peace  and 
colonisation       ............      72 

CHAPTER  X. 

Ecclesiastical  Affairs  to  the  Sixteenth  Century. 

Effects  of  transfer  of  endowments  and  imposition  of  tithes — New  style 
of  abbeys  and  parish  churches — Appointment  of  bishops — Power 
of  King  and  Pope — Decay  of  cathedral  and  parish  clergy — Parish 
church  architecture — Growth  of  monastic  clergy  and  architecture — 
List  of  monasteries — Course  of  Reformation  ......       90 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Enfeoffment  and  Colonisation. 

Organisation  of  Connaught  lordship — Division  of  Mayo  into  fees — Early 
barons'  castles — Manors,  tuaths,  duns,  and  motes — Early  manor 
houses  or  castles — Manor  of  Lehinch — Market  towns     .         .         .         .101 


CONTENTS.  XI 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Changes  of  Appearance  of  Country. 


PAGE 


Duns,  cahers,  and  raths — Dwelling-houses — Woods  and  water — Tillage 
— Crannogs- — The  great  high  forts  —  Roads  —  Ecclesiastical  cashels 
and  towns  —  Round  towers  and  stone  churches  —  Anglo-Norman 
buildings 109 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

From  the  Colonisation  to  the  Death  of  Earl  Walter. 

Incidents  in  1246 — O'Conor  raids  and  rising  in  Umall — Sheriff  killed  by 
pirates — MacCostellos  fight  with  O'Conors — Invasions  by  Aedh  O'Conor 
— War  of  Burkes  and  Geraldines — War  with  Aedh  O'Conor — Defeat  of 
Earl  Walter  at  Athanchip 113 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Time  of  Earl  Richard. 

Rising  and  expulsion  of  Clan  Murtough — Battle  of  Kilroe — Imprisonment 
of  the  Earl  by  John  FitzThomas — Settlement — Sir  W.  de  Burgo — 
Wars  of  Thomond — Bruce  war  and  O'Conor  war — Battle  of  Athenry     .     120 

CHAPTER  XV. 

From  Death  of  Earl  Richard  to  the  Fall  of  the 
King's  Government  in  Connaught. 

Walter  de  Burgo  and  the  O'Conors — His  rebellion  and  death — Murder  of 
Earl  William — Sir  Edmond  and  Edmond  Albanagh  and  the  O'Conors 
quarrel — Murder  of  Sir  Edmond — Consequences 130 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The    De    Burgo    Family    in    Connaught    and    their    Irish 

Keighbours 137 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Establishment  of  the  MacWilliamship 142 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  First  MacWilliams. 

Edmond  Albanagh — Fights  with  Clanmorris — O'Conor  factions— Fights 
with  Berminghams — Sir  Edmond's  son  invades  Connaught — Rise  of 
Richard  Og — Edmond  and  Clanricard— Subdues  Clanricard — Appear- 
ance of  Gallowglasses — His  son  Thomas — Position  as  MacWilliam — 
Wars  with  neighbours — Wars  of  the  two  O'Conors — Admits  superiority 
of  Richard  Og — Submits  to  King  Richard — The  De  Exeters — Barretts 
rise  against  him — General  attack  on  Sligo  O'Conors — Counties  of  Mayo 
and  Sligo  take  shape 146 


XU  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  MacWilliams,  Soxs  and  Grandsons  of  Sir  Thomas 

BOURKE— 1401    TO    1503. 

Outline  of  events  in  his  sons'  time — Walter — Various  fighting — Defeat  at 
Ath  Lighen — Peace  in  1420  between  the  MacWilliams — At  war  in  1430 
— Great  famine — Edmond  na  Fesoige — Forces  Upper  MacWilliam  to 
submit — Famine  and  plague — Barrett  quarrel — O'Kellys  of  Donamona 
— Thomas  Og — Richard — Period  of  the  grandsons  of  Sir  Thomas  — 
Richiird  O'Cuairsci  —  Invades  Galway  with  O'Donnoll  —  Battle  of 
Glanog — Allies  quarrel  over  O'Conors  of  Sligo— Consequent  warfare — 
Theobald — The  Bourkes  quarrel — Battle  of  Ardnarea  with  O'Donnell 
— The  Bourkes  and  Barretts — P^'ace  with  O'Donnell — Ships  sent  to 
Tirconnell — Lord  Deputy  sets  up  O'Conor  Donn — Theobald  puts  him 
down  ..............     154 


CHAPTER  XX. 

From  1503  to  1550. 

General  course  of  events — Edmond  III. — Battle  of  Knockdoe — Murder  of 
John  Bourke — Skirmishes  with  O'Donnell  in  Leyny  and  Tireragh — 
Murder  of  Edmond  —  John  I.  —  Meyler — Edmond  IV  — Connaught 
marches  against  O'Donnell  and  retreats — O'Donnell  invades  Tirawley — 
Takes  Castlemore — John  II.  of  the  Termon — Uiick — O'Dowdas  and 
Ardnarea  —  Theobald  II.  —  Barretts  and  Bourkes  —  Succession  of 
MacWilliams  unknown — Revival  of  king's  power  ....     162 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

From  1550  to  1568. 

Fighting  between  Bourkes — John  MacOliverus  and  Scots  defeated  in  the 
Curlews — David,  MacWilliam — Bourkes  and  Scots  defeated  at  Cloonee 
— Richard  III.  visits  the  Lord  Deputy — Settlement  of  disputes  with 
Lord  Clanricard — Claims  to  Moyne  Castle — Sidney  comes  to  Galway     .     170 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

From  the  Formation  of  the  County  of  Mayo  to  the 
Death  of  Sir  N.  Malbie. 

Government  of  Connaught  formed — The  county  defined^The  cess — Battle 
of  Shrule  —  Submission  of  Bourkes  —  Fear  of  changes  — Sir  John 
MacOliverus  —  Rebellion  —  Fitton's  operations,  1571  —  MacWilliam 
rebels  and  submits — "  Division  of  Connaught" — Sidney  proposes  com- 
position—  His  account  of  Mayo  —  Rebellion  of  Earl's  sons  —  Grace 
O'Malley — Richard  an  larainn's  rising — Death  of  Sir  John — Malbie 
establishes  Richard  an  larainn — Rising  of  Richard  MacOliverus — He 
becomes  MacWilliam — Malbie's  work  in  Connaught        ....     175 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

The    Composition    for    Cess    and    the    Introduction    of    the 

English  Law 199 


CONTENTS.  XIU 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


From  the  Composition  to  the  Return  of  Sir  R.  Bingham 

IN  1588. 


PAGE 


The  composition  introduced — Death  of  Sir  R.  Boiirke — Castlehag  rising- 
Lord  Deputy's  intervention — Extinction  of  MacWilliamship  and  spread 
of  rebellion — Suppression — Execution  of  Edmond  of  Castlebar — In- 
vasion by  Scots — Battle  of  Ardnarea — Charges  against  Bingham  and 
acquittal  —  Remarks  on  composition  —  Composition  for  Costello  — 
Administration  of  law — English  settlers 205 


CHAPTER  XXY. 

From  the  Coming  of  the  Spanish  Armada  to  the  Peace 
OF  1589. 

Spanish  ships  on  this  coast — Execution  of  Justin  MacDonnell — Beginning 
of  rebellion — Weakness  of  Government — John  Browne's  commission — 
Rebels  kill  him — Spread  of  rebellion — Demands  of  rebels — Battle  of 
Carras  —  Peace  negotiations  and  their  failure  —  Bingham's  action 
against  rebels — Lord  Deputy  withdraws  him  and  sues  for  peace — 
Further  action  of  rebels — Their  submission 220 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

The  Persecution  of  Sir  R.  Bingham  and  the  Suppression 
OF  the  Rebellion. 

Unfair  arrangements  for  trial  of  the  Governor — Trial  and  acquittal — Martial 
law — Fitz William's  circuit — Taking  up  of  cattle — Scots  land  in  Erris — 
Blind  Abbot  proclaimed  MacWilliam — Parleying  with  rebels — Orders 
from  England  for  action — Further  parleying — Bingham  ordered  to  act 
— The  march  through  Mayo — The  Blind  Abbot  loses  his  foot — Peace    .     237 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 
From  1590  to  1595. 

Defeat  of  Scots  in  Erris — Attack  on  John  Bingham — Some  social  conditions 
— Attack  on  the  sessions — Operations  against  rebels  and  terms  of  peace 
—Arrest  of  Tibbot  na  Long — Grace  O'Malley  in  England — Her  petitions 
and  answers — Richard  Bourke's  raid  from  Ulster    .....     246 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

The  Breakdown  of  Government. 

Murder  of  George  Bingham  and  loss  of  Sligo  Castle — Consequences — 
O'Donnell's  raid — Sickness  of  soldiers — Disastrous  attempt  to  relieve 
Belleek — Mayo  abandoned  to  the  rebels — Charges  against  Sir  R.  Bing- 
ham— His  flight  to  England — His  government         .....     256 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
O'Donnell's  Domination'  and  the  Final  Peace. 

PAGE 

Rebels  refuse  to  meet  Sir  W.  Russell — O'Donnell  makes  a  MacWilliam — 
Sir  J.  Norris  brings  an  army  to  Mayo,  negotiates,  and  retires — 
Clifford's  operations — Terms  of  peace  in  Mayo — List  of  pledges — 
Agreement  with  Tibbot  na  Long — Raids  from  Ulster — Conditions  at 
end  of  1597 — Defeat  of  the  Yt-llow  Ford  and  rebellion  in  Connaught — 
Crannog  of  Lahardane — Defeat  of  the  Yellow  Pass — Tibbot  na  Long's 
fleet  at  Sligo — Terms  between  the  two  'J'ibbots — Mayo  rebels  in  Mun- 
ster — Tibbot  na  Long  bangs  Dermot  O'Conor — Plot  for  capture  of 
O'Donnell — Richard  Bourke  set  up  as  MacWilliam  and  killed — Battle 
of  Kinsale  establishes  the  queen's  supremacy  .....     263 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
The  Barony  of  Kilmaine. 

Early    tribes — Norman    settlement — Bourke    division — MacSeonins — Mac- 

Tibbots— MacMeylers— MacDonnells 280 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

The  Barony  of  Carra. 

Early  tribes — Norman  settlement — Stauntons — Branaghs — MacPhilpins — 
Sauvages  —  Barrys  —  Bourke  divisions  —  O'Kellys  —  MacDonnells — 
Formation  of  barony 286 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

The  Barony  of  Tirawley. 

Early  tribes — Mullaghorne— Hy  Fiachrach  clans — Their  chiefs — Norman 
settlement — Barrett,  Carew,  and  Cusack  claims — Barrett  estates  and 
clans  —  Branaghs  —  MacAnallys  —  Cusacks — Carews  —  Lynotts — Mer- 
ricks — De  Exeters — Berminghams  and  Ardnarea — Feud  of  Barretts 
and  Lynotts — MacDonnells — Bourkes 289 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

The  Barony  of  Erris. 

The    chieftains  —  Clan    Murtough  —  De    Exeters  —  Butlers  —  Fleming — 

Barretts — Bourkes 298 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

The  Barony  of  Burrishoole. 

Formation     of    barony — Clan     Murtough — Butlers — Bourke    clans — Mac- 
Donnells— Manor  of  Aghagower 300 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 
The  Barony  of  Murrisk. 

PAGE 

Aicill  and  Umall — Clann  Maille — Exploits  by  sea — Obits — Cruachan  of 
Aigill  and  Belclare  Castle — Lawless  estate — MacGibbons — Crannog 
of  Moher  Lake 303 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

The  Barony  of  Gallen. 

Formation  of  barony — Division  among  De  Exeters — Gaelic  freeholders — De 
Exeter  family — Malbie's  settlement  between  MacJordan  and  Mac- 
William — Entries  in  Annals 307 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

The  Barony  of  Costello. 

Early  tribes — Early  de  Angulos — Norman  partition — De  Angulo  lord  of 
Sliabh  Lugha  —  South  Costello  —  Theobald  Dillon  —  Division  under 
MacCostellos  —  War  of  MacCostellos  and  MacDermots  —  Notices  of 
MacCostellos — Their  genealogy 313 

CHAPTER  XXXVllI. 

The  Barony  of  Clanmorris. 

Early  tribes  and  divisions — Prendergasts — FitzfSimons,  &c. — Independence 

of  MacWilliams 321 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

The  Barony  of  Ross. 

Early  tribes— The  Joys 324 


A  P  P  E  N  D  T  0  E  S. 

I.  The  Early  Legends 325 

II.  Agreement    between    the    Earl    of    Ulster    and    Sir 

John  FitzThomas 341 

III.  Inquisitions    taken    after    the    Death    of    William, 

Earl  of  Ulster 343 

IV.  The  Divisions  of  Connaught,   1570,  1574  .       .       .       .346 

V     HiSTORIA    ET    GeNEALOGIA    FAMir.IyR    DE    BxTRGO       .  .  .351 

/, 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

PAQE 

VI.  Indenture  of  Composition  for  Co.  Mayo       .         .         .  356 

VII.  Indenture  of  Composition  for  Iar  Connaught     .         .  3t;9 

VIII.  Barrett  Inquisitions      .......  870 

TX.  Genealogical  and  other  Tables  of  (!aelic  Families. 

1.  Revised  view  of  early  tribal  relations,  p.  373.  2.  Domnonian  kings  of 
Connaught  and  pedigrees,  p.  374.  3.  Succession  of  kings  of  Connaught 
down  to  Eochy  Moyvane,  p.  374.  4.  The  Irish  genealogical  system, 
p.  375.  5.  Relationship  of  principal  Milesian  clans,  p.  37(J.  G.  Relation- 
ship of  Hy  Fiachrach  clans,  north  and  south,  p.  378.  7.  'i"ho  race  of 
Dathi,  p.  37'.t.  8.  The  clans  of  Hy  Briuin  of  Connaught,  p.  381.  9.  The 
Hy  Briuin  Ai,  p.  382.  10.  The  Sihnnrray  clans,  p.  383.  11.  Genealogy 
of  Torlogh  Mor  O'Conor,  p.  384.  12.  Succession  of  kings  of  Connaught 
of  race  of  Eochy  Moyvane,  p.  387.  13.  Ui  Briuin  of'Umhall,  p.  388. 
14.  Clan  Donnell  Galloglass  of  Mayo  and  Tireragh,  p.  390. 

X.  Genealogical  and  other  Tables  of  English  Families. 

1.  Succession  of  the  Mac  Williams,  p.  395.  2.  Relationships  of  the  Lower 
MacWilliams,  p.  Situ.  3.  Relationships  of  the  Upper  MacWilliams, 
p.  39t).  4.  The  chief  de  Burgo  clans  of  Ireland,  p.  397.  5.  Descend- 
ants of  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh,  Sliocht  Walter,  p.  399.  6.  The  Bourkes 
of  Castlebar,  Carra,  and  Umall,  p.  400.  7.  Sliocht  IJlick  of  Carra  and 
Umall,  p.  402.  8.  Sliocht  Ricaird  of  Tirawley,  p.  404.  9.  Clan  Seonin, 
p.  406.  10.  Clan  Philij',  p.  407.  11.  Clan  Gibbon  of  Umall,  p.  408.  12. 
Sliocht  Ulick  of  Umall,  p.  411.  13.  Clan  David  and  Clan  Walter  of 
Corcamoe,  p.  412.  14.  The  Burkes  of  Munster,  p.  413.  15.  The  Joys 
of  Ross,  p.  414.  16.  The  Barretts,  p.  416.  17.  Clan  Jordan  of  Gallon 
and  Clan  Stephen,  p.  41«.     18.  Clan  Costello,  p.  420. 


INDEX 424 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

THE  BUEKE  EFFIGY  AT  GLINSK  .         .         .         Frontispiece 
PORTKAIT  OF  SIR  R.  BINGHAM      .         .         .     To  face  p.  199 

MAPS. 

CONNAUGHT  WEST  OF  THE   SHANNON   IN 

THE  FIFTH  CENTURY         .         .         Between  pp.  24  aiul  25 

THE  DE  BURGO  LORDSHIP  OF  CONNAUGHT 

Between  pp.  100  and  101 

THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO At  end 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY   OE   THE 
COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS, 

Mex  who  used  the  Paleolithic  tools  once  inhabited  these  countries, 
but  it  is  supposed  that  a  gap  due  to  change  of  climate  separated  them 
from  those  of  the  Neolithic,  or  Polished  Stone,  Period.  The  first 
race  identified  in  Ireland  is  the  Iberian,  known  to  have  inhabited 
nearly  all  France,  the  Bi-itish  Isles,  Spain,  and  the  north-western 
parts  of  Africa,  now  recognised  in  the  Basques,  the  Guanches  of  the 
Canary  Isles,  and  the  Berbers  of  Morocco.  They  are  the  foundation 
upon  which  have  settled  strata  of  Celts,  Scandinavians,  and  English, 
and  are  held  to  be  the  element  which  supplies  the  people  with  black 
hair,  blue  or  grey  eyes,  sallow  complexions,  and  fine  features. 

To  them  are  attributed  the  dolmens  or  cromlechs  ;  the  stone  circles, 
mounds,  and  cairns  with  small  cists  to  the  Celts.  These  forms  pass 
into  each  other  and  are  combined,  as  each  race  was  influenced  by  the 
practices  of  the  other  and  by  change  of  fashion.  The  great  chambered 
cairns  seem  to  be  the  greatest  result  of  the  combination  of  both  styles, 
and  to  have  fallen  out  of  use  before  the  historic  or  even  legendary 
period,  being  supplanted  by  buiial  in  cists  in  small  mounds  and  raths. 
Cremation  was  in  use  when  they  were  made.  They  are  unsuitable  for 
disposal  of  unburnt  bodies. 

The  earliest  monuments  show  burnt  remains,  then  a  period  of 
burial,  followed  by  burning  and  burial.  The  practices  were  to  some 
extent  contemporaneous  as  new  fashions  came  in.  There  is  some 
indication  that  burning  was  practised  even  up  to  the  Christian 
period,  but  it  must  have  been  rare,  as  the  legends  and  annals  do 
not  clearly  refer  to  it. 

Upon  the  Iberians  came  the  Celts  from  the  countries  about  the 
Danube  and  Central  Germany,  occupying  France,  Northern  Italy,  a 
great  part  of  Spain,  and  the  British  Isles.  These  were  the  Gael  or 
Cruithne,  who  were  long  afterwards  followed  by  the  British  Celts  who 

A 


2        THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

supplanted  them  in  Northei'u  France  and  nearly  all  England,  but 
made  no  settlements  in  Ireland,  or  only  .small  colonies  which  were 
absorbed  by  the  Gael. 

The  Gael  of  Ireland  were  a  long-headed  race.  The  monuments 
testify  to  the  settlement  of  round-headed  men  in  Ireland,  whom 
Mr.  Borlase  identifies  as  the  Celtse  of  Cajsar,  who  must  have  been 
few  in  number,  as  they  have  not  left  marked  traces  in  the  population, 
and  are  known  only  by  their  skulls  in  tumuli.^ 

The  Iberian  population  had  lost  its  identity  before  the  period  of 
the  oldest  legends,  which  never  mention  such  a  race  as  extant  in 
Ireland.  The  ancient  Irish  historians  identified  the  dark  type  with 
the  Firbolg,  but  this  identification  does  not  show  the  existence  of 
a  separate  race,  because  their  legends  show  a  common  descent  of 
Firbolg,  Tuatha  De  Danann,  and  Milesians. 

The  best  opinion  seems  to  be  that  the  Celts  came  to  these  isles 
about  1250  B.C.,  bringing  bronze  into  Ireland,  if  the  Iberians  had  not 
already  got  it  by  trade,  as  is  most  probable.  The  second  Celtic 
invasion  of  Britain  is  assigned  to  the  fourth  century  B.C.  Iron  had 
come  into  use  somewhat  earlier. 

The  Dolmens  are  of  almost  any  period  before  history.  The  cairns 
of  New  Grange,  Dowth,  and  Lough  C'rew  are  believed  by  Mr.  Coffey, 
on  evidence  of  ornament  inscribed  on  stone,  to  range  from  about  800 
to  300  B.C.  Thus  they  would  coincide  with  the  coming  of  the  Gael 
in  their  beginning,  and  in  their  end  with  the  introduction  of  new 
fashions  into  Britain  by  the  Belgic  Celts. 

No  credit  can  be  given  to  the  ancient  history  of  invasions  of 
Ireland  by  Parthalon,  Nemed,  Firbolg,  Tuatha  De  Danann,  and 
Milesians.  At  mo.st  these  invasions  represent  vague  legends  of 
early  Celtic  migration.  Examination  shows  that  they  deal  with 
events  which  occurred  when  the  Gael  had  been  long  established  in 
the  land,  and  were  broken  vip  into  clans  as  in  the  historical  period, 
and  that  those  events  were  of  local  rather  than  national  importance. 

The  Fomorians  were  northern  families  who  took  their  name  from 
an  ancestor  named  Fomor.  The  name  appears  in  the  pedigree  of  the 
Irian  race  of  Ulster.  They  are  the  same  as  the  Uladh  of  later  legend. 
The  Tuatha  De  Danann  were  clans  of  Meath  and  Connaught,  ancestors 
of  the  Delbna^  Cianachta,  Luighne,  and  Gailenga  of  later  times.  They 
were  acknowledged  to  be  related  to  the  Domnonians  by  descent  from 
Nemed,  who  descended  from  Partholan's  brother. 

The  Domnonians  are  called  Firbolg,  a  name  of  obscure  meaning 

which  comprises  Danonians,  though  it  came  to  be  restricted  to  the 

Firdomnonn,   Firgaileoin,  and  Firbolg.      I  cannot  find  that  the  last 

named  had  any  distinct  existence,  unless  the  general  name  stuck  to  a 

^  Borlase,  "  Dolmens  of  Ireland,"  p.  1012. 


THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS.  3 

clan  of  the  Domnonians,  being  abandoned  by  others  in  favour  of  new 
names,  the  usual  course  in  subdivision  of  Irish  royal  families.  The 
only  trace  I  find  of  it  is  in  the  Bolg  Tuath  of  Badgna,  D.  MacFirbis 
tells  us  that  the  Bolg  Tuath,  the  Gabry  of  the  Suck,  the  Cathry,  and 
the  Cruithne  of  Croghan  were  descendants  of  Genann,  son  of  Dela.^ 
The  Firgaileoin  are  identified  without  doubt  as  Tuatha  De  Danann  of 
Meath  and  as  Cruithne. 

If  I  am  right  in  recognising  the  Delbna,  Luighne,  and  Gailenga  as 
Danonians,  their  distribution  in  Meath  and  Connaught,  the  traditional 
descent  of  Danonians  and  Domnonians,  and  the  evidence  of  the  legends 
combine  to  prove  that  they  were  two  great  clans  of  the  Gael,  who 
fought  with  each  other  and  with  the  Fomorach  for  supremacy  in  these 
provinces  and  in  Leinster,  and  that  there  was  no  more  difference 
between  them  than  between  Hy  ISTeill,  Hy  Briuin,  and  Hy  Fiachrach 
of  history. 

All  these  tribes  are  of  the  same  great  Cruithne  race,  which  includes 
the  Irian  race  of  Ulster,  and  is  the  Gael  of  Ireland.  In  later  times 
the  Milesians  arrogated  to  themselves  the  name  of  Gael. 

The  Milesian  pedigree  before  the  fourth  century  is  untrustworthj'. 
It  is  likely  that  a  man  of  the  Domnonian  royal  family  of  Connaught 
or  Meath  went  to  Spain,  and  acquired  distinction  and  the  name  of 
Miled  of  Spain  in  the  wars  between  the  Celts  and  the  Romans,  or 
between  the  Celts  themselves.  Miled  is  an  Irish  form  of  Miles^  and 
translates  Galam,  his  Irish  name.  His  sons  may  have  returned  to 
Ireland.  So  far  there  is  nothing  improbable.  He  has  been  utilised 
in  making  up  Milesian  genealogies,  largely  fictitious,  but  probably 
made  up  of  names  of  real  persons  available  in  tradition.  The  true 
ancestry  of  Eochy  Feidhlech  is  Domnonian.  Tuathal  Techtmai'  was 
a  scion  of  one  of  the  branches  of  the  Domnonian  royal  family  of  Con- 
naught. When  it  acquired  pre-eminence  a  pedigree  was  worked  up, 
and  many  of  the  great  families  which  maintained  their  position  were 
in  course  of  time  grafted  on  it,  and  so  lost  their  real  and  greater 
connection.  The  quai-rels  of  the  three  great  tribes  having  ended  in 
Domnonian  supremacy,  the  Domnonians  themselves  were  partly  turned 
into  Eremonians,  and  partly  disavowed  and  stigmatised  as  Firbolgs 
and  Attacots.- 

Mayo  seldom  appears  in  these  legends.  But  it  was  a  large  part  of 
the  kingdom  of  Irrusdomnonn,  which,  as  defined  by  Keating,  extended 
from  the  River  of  Galway  to  the  River  Drowse,  and  seems  to  have 
been  the  dwelling-place  of  the  Gamanry  clan. 

Though  the  stories  of  invasions  of  Ireland  and  the  dates  assigned 
by  Irish  historians  must  be  set  aside,  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  that 

1  "  Hist,  of  Firbolgs."     Quoted  by  Borlase,  "  Dolmens  of  Ireland,"  iii.  1117. 
-  For  reason,  see  Appendix. 


4        THE   EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

the  main  events  are   generally   accurately   marshalled  according   to 
relative  dates,  and  that  they  embody  some  historical  facts. 

Partholan  killed  in  battle  Cical  Grigencosach,  great-grandson  of 
Uadmor,  who  is  said  to  have  landed  at  Inver  Domnonn,  now  Broad- 
haven  Bay,  twenty  years  after  Partholan  according  to  some  his- 
torians, to  have  been  in  Ireland  before  him  according  to  others. 
He  and  his  people  are  called  Fomorach,  but  I  take  that  to  be 
because  the  historians  found  no  tribe  name  but  that  of  Fomorach  in 
the  earliest  legends,  and  did  not  recognise  Clann  Umoir  as  then  in 
existence.  We  may  take  Cical  to  have  been  a  king  of  Irrusdom- 
nonn,  a  MacUmoir. 

Named  next  appears  fighting  with  Fomorach,  whom  he  defeated  in 
three  battles,  one  being  at  Ros  Fhraochain  in  Connaught,  said  by 
O'Donovan  to  be  Rosreaghan  in  Murrisk  in  this  county,  a  place  which 
I  cannot  identify.  There  he  slew  Gann  and  Genann,  two  of  their 
chiefs.  Afterwards  the  Fomorach  got  the  better  of  the  Xemedians, 
whom  they  cruelly  oppressed.  Rivalry  may  be  inferred  between  the 
clan  of  Nemed  and  that  of  Umoir  for  the  sovereignty  of  Connaught, 
or  perhaps  for  that  of  Ireland,  which  the  latter  now  held  for  a  time. 
It  does  not  appear  who  Partholan  and  Nemed  were.  The  indications 
point  to  chieftains  of  a  great  family  living  to  the  east  of  Irrusdom- 
nonn,  probably  the  ruling  family  in  Connaught  and  Meath,  from  which 
came  the  Tuatha  De  Danann. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  any  kind  of  date  to  these  legends  except 
that  they  are  a  shadow  of  events  which  occurred  before  the  battles  of 
Moytura,  which  may  be  dated  as  not  long  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  eia. 

The  Nemedians  appear  again  as  the  Firbolgs,  who  invade  Ireland 
under  the  command  of  the  five  sons  of  Dela  and  divide  all  Ireland 
among  themselves,  Connaught  falling  to  Genann.  The  fact  is  that 
they  appear  as  settled  in  Ireland,  in  Meath  and  Connaught,  and  that 
members  of  the  family  are  said  to  have  held  the  chief  sovereignty  for 
thirty-seven  years.  Their  last  High  King,  Eochaidh  MacErca,  made 
Tara  the  residence  of  the  High  King  of  Ireland.  The  other  branches 
of  the  clan  of  Nemed,  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  appear  and  challenge 
the  supremacy.  The  Danonians,  having  landed  on  the  coast  of  Sligo 
according  to  the  legend,  encamped  on  Slievanierin.  When  the  Firbolg 
under  King  Eochaidh  prepared  to  meet  them,  they  went  to  the  west 
and  took  up  a  position  in  front  of  Mount  Belgadan,  now  called  Benlevi, 
that  is  at  Cong,  to  the  west  of  Magh  Nia,  the  Plain  of  Heroes,  now 
called  Moytura.  It  is  a  curious  feature  that  they  are  given  as  an 
ally  Aengabha,  King  of  Iruaithe,  which  has  always  been  translated 
Norway,  the  usual  meaning  of  the  word.  He  played  a  distinguished 
part  in  the  battle.     In  this  case  Iruaithe  did  not  mean  Norway,  but 


THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS.  5 

the  Irish  kingdom  of  Herota  or  Hirota,  which  was  about  Gahvay,^ 
where  we  find  in  later  days  two  Delbhna  clans. 

The  battle  began  on  midsummer  day.  On  the  second  day  Eochaidh 
left  the  field  with  100  men  to  get  water.  The  three  sons  of  Nemed, 
son  of  Badrai,  and  150  men  chased  him  to  the  Strand  of  Ballysadare, 
where  Eochaidh  and  the  sons  of  Nemed  were  killed  in  fight.  Eochaidh 
was  buried  where  he  fell,  and  a  great  monument  was  raised  over  him, 
which  existed  until  the  nineteenth  century.  The  sons  of  Nemed  were 
buried  at  the  west  end  of  the  Strand,  where  the  flagstones  of  the  sons 
of  Nemed  were  set  up  over  them. 

After  four  days'  battle  the  Firbolg  were  reduced  to  300  men  under 
Sreng,  son  of  Sengann.  Being  outnumbered,  they  accepted  peace, 
which  left  them  the  province  of  Connaught.  Thus  the  Danonians 
acquire  the  sovereignty  of  Ireland. 

Though  the  monuments  of  Moytura  Cong  have  been  assigned  to 
various  persons  slain  in  this  battle,  and  Moytura  Cong  has  been 
accepted  as  the  site,  there  are  good  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
battle  was  fought  in  Coillte  Luighne,  near  another  Cong,  a  denomina- 
tion of  land  discovered  by  Col.  Wood-Martin  in  an  old  survey.  That 
site  agrees  with  the  position  of  the  Carn  of  Eochy  and  the  flagstones 
of  Nemed's  sons,  and  the  explanation  of  the  name  of  L.  Key  given  by 
Gilla  Isu  Mor  Mac  Fii'bisigh  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
His  opinion  deserves  great  respect,  and  the  Cong  site  does  not  fit  in 
with  these  incidents  and  traditions.  Unfortunately  we  cannot  place 
mvich  reliance  on  identification  of  monuments,  but  it  is  a  matter  of 
some  significance  that  the  writer  of  the  Tale  of  the  First  Battle 
accepted  the  Strand  of  Ballysadare  as  the  scene  of  his  death.  Yet  on 
the  whole  the  matter  must  remain  in  doubt,  for  a  king  who  ran  away 
from  Cong  may  have  been  followed  up  and  killed  near  Ballysadare. 

The  second  battle  of  Moytura  does  not  concern  Mayo  directly.  It 
was  between  Danonians  and  Ulster  men  called  Fomorach,  aided  by 
some  Domnonians,  who  are  called  Firbolg  ancestors  of  the  Clann 
Umoir.  No  doubt  some  Clann  Umoir  men  were  concerned,  but  the 
legend  does  not  give  their  names. 

The  Danonian  supremacy  is  said  to  have  lasted  197  years.  It 
must  have  lasted  long,  as  so  many  families  which  I  class  as  Danonian 
were  settled  in  Meath  and  Connaught,  but  it  may  have  been  before 
as  well  as  after  the  first  battle  of  Moytura. 

The  sons  of  Miled  and  their  cousins,  the  sons  of  Ith,  now  appeal-, 
called  collectively  Clanna  Breogain,  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
disappear  as  ruling  families,  but  survive  in  legend  as  fairies. 

The  Milesians  spread  quickly  over  all  Ireland  except  Connaught, 
whose  Domnonian  kings  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  High 
1  Professor  Bury  in  Eivjlislt  Ilist.  Review,  April  1902,  p.  2G4. 


(5         THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

King  of  T;iia.  They  were  divided  into  four  great  brandies,  called 
the  races  of  Eremon,  Ir,  Eber,  and  Ith.  The  Irish  genealogists  of 
later  times  called  all  the  families  whose  pedigrees  they  did  not  carry 
up  to  one  of  these  races  by  the  names  of  Firbolg  and  Attacot. 

What  seem  to  me  to  be  the  true  relations  between  the  Domnonians, 
Eremonians,  Milesians,  Firbolgs,  and  Attacots  are  set  out  in  Appen- 
dix I.,  but  for  practical  purposes  of  history  it  is  convenient  to  call 
the  tribes  by  their  well-known  names,  and  to  accept  the  tribal  group- 
ing which  accords  with  their  relations  among  themselves,  though  the 
supposed  origins  be  not  true. 

Our  knowledge  now  becomes  more  definite.  Connaught  is  recog- 
nised as  comprising  three  divisions,  without  very  distinct  boundaries, 
and  under  three  ruling  families,  whose  history  can  be  traced  for  three 
hundred  years,  and  even  to  this  day  if  they  have  been  transformed 
into  Milesians  as  I  suppose. 

Fidach,  son  of  Fiach,  was  King  of  the  Fir  Craibe,  whose  kingdom 
was  South  Connaught  from  Limerick,  that  is  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Shannon,  to  the  Palace  of  Fidach.  O'Flaberty  mentions  the  "  Palace 
of  Fidach,"  Keating  only  "  Fidach,"  as  the  boundai-y.  The  place  is 
not  known,  but  as  it  was  a  boundary  between  the  Fir  Craibe  and  the 
Tuatha  Taiden,  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  if  we  take  it  to  have  been 
a  place  near  the  northern  and  eastern  border  of  Aidhne. 

Eochaidh  Allat  was  King  of  the  Gamanry,  over  the  kingdom  of 
Irrusdomnonn,  comprising  Clann  Umoir  tribes  north  of  Aidhne,  in 
the  kingdom  of  the  Hy  Briuin  Seola,  and  the  lands  afterwards  of  the 
Conmaicne  in  the  county  of  Galway,  all  the  counties  of  Mayo  and 
Sligo,  with  the  lands  of  the  Gregry  and  Calry  in  the  counties  of 
Roscommon  and  Leitrim,  according  to  the  bounds  given,  from  the 
Eiver  of  Galway  to  the  rivers  Duff  and  Drowse.  But  we  must 
believe  that  most  of  the  minor  clans  gave  but  slight  allegiance  to  the 
Gamanry  in  the  period  now  opening,  as  so  great  a  kingdom  would 
have  always  predominated  in  Connaught  if  its  tribes  had  acted 
together.  The  bounds  are  likely  to  have  been  handed  down  by  very 
ancient  tradition,  and  I  should  take  it  to  have  been  really  the  county 
of  Mayo  and  the  countries  of  the  Calry  at  this  time. 

Tinni,  son  of  Curaidh,  was  King  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden,  whose 
kingdom  comprised  the  Plain  of  Sanb,  not  identified,  and  the  lands  of 
the  Tuatha  Taiden,  from  the  Palace  of  Fidach  towards  Tara.  It 
seems  to  represent  what  was  afterwards  the  great  kingdom  of  Hy 
Many  in  its  largest  extent,  and  may  have  included  the  country  after- 
wards called  the  Three  Tuatha  and  most  of  Magh  Ai. 

The  Fir  Craibe  are  the  chief  family  of  the  Clann  Umoir,  who 
occupied  nearly  all  their  kingdom  and  part  of  that  of  Irrusdomnonn. 
From  this  family  came  Brian,  ancestor  of  the  Hy  Briuin  of  Ai,  who 


THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS.  7 

has  been  given  a  false  pedigree,  and  the  Conmaicne  and  Ciarraige 
tribes  of  Connaught,  except  the  Conmaicne  of  Moyrein  and  Annaly, 
who  were  not  in  Connaught  as  known  in  early  times. 

The  Gamanry  and  the  Clan  Morna  branch  I  believe  to  be  the 
ancestors  of  the  northern  Hy  Fiachrach,  whose  Fiachra  ancestor  has 
been  wrongly  identified  with  the  Fiachra  ancestor  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach 
Aidhne,  who  have  been  made  descendants  of  his  grandson,  Eochaidh 
Breac.  The  Hy  Fiachrach  Aidhne  seem  to  be  of  the  Clann  Umoir 
i-ace  from  which  Brian  sprang.  In  O'Conors,  O'Dowdas,  O'Kellys, 
and  O'Heynes,  we  may  recognise  these  ancient  families. 

Fir  Oraibe,  Gamanry,  and  Tuatha  Taiden  are  called  Olnegmacht, 
whence  the  early  name  of  the  province  of  Connaught. 

The  detailed  reasons  for  these  views  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix, 
and  an  explanation  of  the  manner  in  which  the  royal  families  changed 
their  tribal  names,  and  developed  fresh  territorial  groups,  is  set  out 
in  an  article  in  the  Journal  of  the  Galway  Arcliccological  and  Historical 
Society,  vol.  iv.  p.  99. 

Some  probably  historical  facts  relating  to  Mayo  in  this  period  may 
be  gleaned  from  legends  and  references  in  the  poems  recounting  the 
exploits  of  the  Red  Branch  Heroes  and  the  great  wars  between  Ulster 
and  Connaught.  The  wars  seem  to  be  historical,  and  the  principal 
persons  may  be  taken  to  have  existed,  though  there  is  great  doubt 
regarding  their  relations  with  each  other. 

Eochaidh  Feidhlech  and  his  brother,  Eochaidh  Airemh,who  succeeded 
him  as  King  of  Ireland  according  to  the  poets  and  annalists,  seem  to 
have  been  kings  of  Meath  and  Teffa,  a  branch  of  the  Domnonians  of 
Connaught  which  sank  about  this  time,  but  revived  under  Tuathal 
Techtmar. 

Eochaidh  Allat,  King  of  the  Gamanry,  was  King  of  Connaught  at 
this  period,  and  is  reputed  to  have  built  Rathcroghan,  which  was 
called  from  him  Rath  Eochaidh.  This  must  refer  to  the  great  Rath 
of  Croghan,  as  the  place  seems  to  have  been  for  many  ages  held 
by  the  Domnonian  kings  of  Connaught,  as  the  earliest  Milesians  and 
some  of  the  Danonians  are  said  to  have  been  buried  in  the  Releg  of 
Croghan.  1 

Tinni,  son  of  Curaidh,  King  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden,  killed  Eochaidh 
Allat,  and  became  King  of  Connaught. 

Eochaidh   Allat    was    succeeded  by    Ailill    Finn    as    King   of   the 

Gamanry — that    is,   of    Iri-usdomnonn.     Their  relationship  does    not 

appear.     Ailill   is   said  to  have  married   Flidais,   daughter  of  Ailill 

Dubh,  son  of  Fidach,  son  of  Fiach.     Ailill's  ancestry  is  uncertain, 

^  The  name  of  Cruachan  seems  to  be  drawn  from  the  high  mound  which 
formed  a  kind  of  citadel  within  the  great  rath,  the  Little  Peak  or  Rick.  From 
such  a  citadel  Cruachan  came  to  be  used  as  a  name  for  a  king's  fort  (//.  R.S.A.I., 
xxxi.  p.  35). 


8        THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

except  that  his  mother  was  Magu  of  jMuiTisk.  Her  pedigree  is  equally 
unknown.  She  is  stated  to  have  married  Ailill,  son  of  Cairbre  Fir  da 
Loch,^  and  Cairbre  Cennderg.^  Her  seven  sons  were  men  of  note, 
namely,  Ailill  Finn,  Get,  Anluan,  Mogcorb,  Toca,  Scandal,  Anfind, 
Fergal.  There  is  much  confusion  in  pedigrees  from  identity  of  names. 
Magu  may  have  been  the  name  of  many  other  women.  Her  daughter, 
or  the  daughter  of  a  Magu,  by  name  Mata,  was  mother  of  Cairbre 
Niafer  and  of  Finn  File  and  of  Ailill,  King  of  Leinster,  who  has 
been  confused  with  Ailill,  the  husband  of  Queen  Meave.  Fergal  is 
said  to  have  married  a  daughter  of  Eochaidh  Feidhlech. 

Tinni  married  the  celebrated  Meave,  Medb,  daughter  of  Eochaidh 
Feidhlech,  who  after  his  death  married  Ailill  Mor,  King  of  the 
Tuatha  Taiden,  who  succeeded  Tinni  as  King  of  Connaught.  In 
their  time  occurred  the  Tain  Bo  Cuailgne.  Several  Ailill  Mors  of 
this  period  have  been  confused. 

Fergus  MacRoigh,  having  been  driven  out  of  Ulster,  was  received 
by  Ailill  and  Meave,  and  played  a  principal  part  on  behalf  of  Con- 
naught  in  the  War  of  the  Tain.  He  comes  into  Mayo  history  only 
if  the  Tale  of  the  Tain  Bo  Flidais  be  based  on  fact,  according  to 
which  Fergus  started  from  Croghan  to  attack  Ailill  Finn's  dun, 
which  was  in  the  country  of  Cairbre  in  the  north  of  the  Ciarraige, 
and  was  reached  immediately  after  passing  over  Ath  Feni.  The  situa- 
tion answers  to  that  of  Ailech  Mor  at  Castlemore  Costello.  Fergus 
killed  Ailill  and  his  sons,  and  carried  off  Flidais  and  her  cattle. 

Though  Ailill  of  the  Gamanry  was  in  that  dun,  it  does  not  follow 
that  it  was  the  heritable  property  of  the  Gamanry  clan.  He  may 
have  occupied  it  only  as  King  of  Irrusdomnonn. 

Ferdiad  was  a  warrior  of  distinction,  second  only  to  Cuchulain, 
who  was  his  greatest  friend  since  the  days  when  they  Avere  together 
in  Scathach's  military  school  in  Scotland.  Meave  induces  him,  much' 
against  his  will,  to  engage  in  duel  with  Cuchulain,  who  is  defending 
the  ford.  Cuchulain  kills  him  after  a  long  fight,  and  the  ford  is 
called  after  him  Ath  Firdiad,  Ardee  to-day.  He  is  called  MacDaire 
MacDaman,  chief  of  the  clan  Dega,  a  branch  of  the  Gamanry.  In 
Mr.  O'Grady's  "  History  of  Ireland  in  the  Heroic  Period,"  he  is  said 
to  have  lived  at  Moytura,  described  as  the  seat  of  the  kings  of  Irrus- 
domnonn, "  where  they  held  their  games  and  solemn  assemblies  and 
interred  their  kings."  If  Mr.  O'Grady  has  found  this  distinctly  stated 
in  a  legend,  it  follows  that  some  of  the  Gamanry  were  settled  in  the 
country  afterwards  occupied  by  Conmaicne,  and  the  fair  of  Ballin- 
challa  may  have  originated  in  those  games. 

The  Clann  Umoir  appear  in  these  legends  in  a  curious  way.     The 

1  O'Flaherty,  "  Ogygia,"  p.  2G!). 

2  "  Death  of  Sons  of  Usnech,"  Irische  Texte,  2nd  series,  Pt.  U. 


THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS.  9 

stoi'y  handed  down  thus  is  that  they  are  Firbolg  who  went  to  the 
Western  Isles  of  Scotland  after  the  first  battle  of  Moytura,  and  about 
this  time  returned  to  Ireland  and  were  allowed  by  Cairbre  Niafer 
to  settle  in  the  best  parts  of  Breg  upon  agreements  to  pay  rent, 
Conall  Cearnach  and  Cuchulain  of  Ulster,  Cet  MacMagach  of  Con- 
naught,  and  Curoi  MacDare  of  Munster  or  Leinster  being  their 
svireties.  They  throw  up  their  tenancies,  and  are  allowed  by  Queen 
Meave  to  settle  in  Connaught,  where  they  built  the  great  drystone 
forts.  Their  sureties,  being  called  upon  by  Cairbre,  attack  them  and 
kill  each  a  chieftain.  This  seems  to  point  to  a  real  event,  that  before 
Cairbre  Niafer's  time  the  Clann  Umoir — that  is,  the  race  of  Fiach  or 
Fir  Craibe — had  been  for  a  time  dominant  in  Breg  and  had  settled 
some  families  there,  who  in  his  time  were  driven  out  or  subdued,  as  I 
have  suggested  more  fully  in  Appendix  I.  These  stories  evidently 
were  invented  after  the  gi-owth  of  the  Milesian  legend  to  explain  the 
presence  of  MacUmoirs  in  Breg  and  in  Westmeath.  The  attack  on 
them  is  useless,  as  it  leaves  matters  as  they  were.  But  the  stories 
show  their  presence  aloug  the  western  seaboard  of  Connaught  at  this 
very  early  period. 

A  Medon  of  this  clan  is  supposed  to  have  given  his  name  to  Inish- 
maine,  and  I  suppose  to  Mag  Medoin,  or  the  country  about  Inish- 
maine  and  Kilmaine. 

At  the  death  of  Ailill  Mor  a  war  of  succession  ensued.  His  son 
Maine  Aithremal,  supported  by  the  people  of  Croghan,  the  Tuatha 
Taiden,  the  Fir  Craibe,  and  others,  defeated  Sanb,  son  of  Cet  Mac 
Magach,  supported  by  the  descendants  of  Magach,  the  Clann  Umoir, 
and  others.  The  Fir  Craibe  were  of  the  Clann  Umoir,  but  I  take 
them  to  be  a  tribe  of  that  race  which  had  developed  into  a  group  of 
clans  like  the  Silmurray,  and  that  a  number  of  the  old  clans  retaining 
the  old  tribe  name  supported  Sanb.  We  know  that  in  later  times 
Clann  Umoir  occupied  much  of  Sanb's  kingdom  of  Irrusdomnonn. 
Maine  reigned  for  thirty-four  years. 

Sanb  succeeded  him  as  King  of  Connaught.  For  these  events  in 
Connaught,  O'Flaherty's  "  Ogygia  "  is  my  chief  authority,  considered 
with  extant  legends  and  tales,  and  modified  in  accordance  with  my 
own  interpretation. 

The  events  known  as  the  Attacottic  Revolutions  fell  out  in  the 
period  between  the  death  of  Meave  and  the  accession  of  Tuathal  in 
A.D.  130.  In  my  opinion,  much  of  the  confusion  and  obscurity  of  the 
accounts  of  these  events  is  due  to  the  attempts  of  the  Irish  historians 
to  reconcile  Eremonian  genealogy  and  legend  with  facts  which  they 
could  not  ignore,  that  Firbolg  kings  reigned  at  this  period  in  countries 
which Eremonians  should  have  held.  Tuathal  Techtmaremerges  as  king 
of  a  new  and  great  kingdom  of  Meath,  and  history  becomes  less  obscure. 


10       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF   THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

The  Attacots  of  Irish  history  are  not  the  Attacots  of  Roman  history. 
Attacotti  seems  to  represent  the  Irish  words  Aitec  tuata,  which  O'Curry 
transhxtes,  "  lent-paying  tribes."  I  prefer  "  tributary  tribes,"  as 
O'Curry's  explanation  does  not  restrict  the  meaning  to  rent  in  our 
sense  of  the  term.  The  Roman  Attacotti  seem  to  have  been  Celtic 
clans  dwelling  south  of  the  wall  of  Antoninus,  who  submitted  to  the 
Roman  Empire,  and  in  the  period  of  its  weakness  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury made  raids  on  the  Empire  in  company  with  the  Pict.s,  who  were 
the  Gael  or  Cruithne  of  Alba  living  north  of  the  wall,  and  the  Scots, 
who  were  ruling  families  of  the  Irish.  Aitec  tuata  distinguished 
them  from  the  free  tribes  of  the  same  race  to  north  of  the  wall. 

The  Irish  writers  called  all  clans  not  descended  from  Breogan  by 
this  name,  and  applied  it  to  members  of  the  Clanna  Breogain  who 
had  lost  rank  in  various  ways.  According  to  this  classification  all  the 
Domnonian  kings  were  Attacots,  and  so  were  all  the  provincial  kings 
during  the  revolutionary  period  except  the  kings  of  Ulster. 

Cairbre  Cinnchait,  who  was  made  King  of  Ireland  on  the  first  occa- 
sion, seems  to  be  Cairbre,  son  of  Maine,  King  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden. 

'  On  the  second  occasion,  Sanb,  King  of  Connaught,  is  said  to  have 
taken  part  in  setting  up  Elim,  King  of  Ulster,  as  King  of  Ireland. 

Tuathal  Techtmar  now  appeals,  alleged  to  have  taken  refuge  Avith 
his  grandfather,  the  King  of  Alba,  and  to  have  landed  in  Irrusdomnonn 
with  a  large  force  from  Alba.  Fiachaidh  Caisinn,  who  had  been 
levying  Avar  against  Elim,  joined  him.  This  Fiachaidh  is  called  a 
Son  of  Donn  Desach — that  is,  an  O'Conmaic.  They  killed  Elim  near 
Taia,  and  aftemvards  killed  Sanb  at  Duma  Selca  in  Mag  Ai,  when 
Sanb  was  in  extreme  old  age.  Eochy,  son  of  Cairbre,  was  made 
King  of  Connaught  in  his  place.  Eochy  is  the  last  of  the  Tuatha 
Taiden,  or  Hy  Maine  race,  Avho  is  recognised  as  King  of  Connaught. 
Tuathal  is  said  to  have  fought  battles  in  Ceara  and  Umall  and 
Cruachan  Aigle,  among  133  battles  fought  all  over  Ireland  in  subdu- 
ing Attacots. 

He  seems  to  have  revived  the  poAver  of  the  Domnonian  or  Firbolg 
clans  of  Meath.  Those  clans  I  suspect  to  have  been  those  called 
Delbhna  and  Luighne  and  Cianachta,  or  cognate  tribes.  Unless  all 
known  facts  of  Irish  history  are  disregarded,  he  must  have  been  head 
of  a  group  of  clans.  I  take  him  to  haA'e  been  the  representatiA'e  of 
the  Danonian  kings,  the  head  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  bi"anch  of 
the  Domnonian  or  Firbolg  race  in  Meath.  He  died  about  the  year 
a.d'.  160. 

He  is  said  to  haA^e  transplanted  Attacottic  tribes  about  Ireland. 
This  also  is  not  easy  to  believe.  The  Book  of  Ballymote  and  Duald 
MacFii'bis  giA^e  lists  of  forty-six  Free  Tribes  Avho  Avere  extinguished 
by  the  Rent-paying  Tribes,  and   of   forty-seven   Ren1>paying  Tribes, 


THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS.  11 

and  the  positions  occupied  by  the  latter,  whereof  I  give  so  much  as 
concerns  Irrusdomnonn  and  the  adjoining  countries,  from  O'SuUivan's 
Introduction  to  O'Curry's  "  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient 
Irish,"  I.  p.  xxvii. 

"The  Rent-paying  Tribes  were  distributed  throughout  all  Eriu,  and 
the  bondage  rule  of  the  lords  of  Eriu  was  established  over  them  after 
they  had  distributed  them,  uf  est  hie.  .   .   . 

"  Tuath  Sen  Cheneoil  in  Noi'thern  Ui  Maine.  The  Tuath  Conco- 
barni  and  of  the  Sons  of  Timor  upon  Ui  Briuin,  and  around  Loch 
Cim4,  and  in  Cluain  Fuiche.  Tuath  Resen  upon  the  Conmaicni,  from 
Ath  ]\Iogho  to  the  sea.  The  Tuath  Mic  Timor  in  TImall.  Tuath  Fer 
Domnann  in  the  country  of  Ceara  and  in  Tli  Amalgad,  and  in  Tli 
Fiachrach  North,  from  the  Rodb  to  the  Congnaig  in  Carpri  of  Drom- 
cliabh.  Tuath  Cruithnech  in  ]\Iagh  Aei,  and  Magh  Lurg,  from  Loch 
Ce  to  Brogail,  and  to  the  Shannon. 

"  Tuath  Crecraighe  in  Luighni  of  Connacht  and  around  Loch  Techad, 
and  about  Corann  and  about  Bernas  of  Tir  Oililla,  as  far  as  Magh 
Turedh." 

Tuath  Resen  appear  in  another  part  of  the  list  as  Tuath  Resent 
TImoir. 

The  allegation  that  conqviered  tribes  were  moved  shows  us  that 
Cromwell's  policy  of  transplantation  into  Connaught  was  an  attempt 
to  govern  Ireland  according  to  Irish  ideas,  though  he  did  not  adopt 
the  policy  for  popularity's  sake,  and  does  not  appear  to  have  absorbed 
other  Irish  ideas  of  government. 

After  Sanb  the  kings  of  Irrusdomnonn  disappear  from  the  list  of 
kings  of  Connaught  until  Aid,  son  of  Gai-ad,  who  is  the  last  recognised 
Domnonian  king. 

After  the  death  of  Eochy,  son  of  Cairbre,  five  generations  of  kings 
of  Connaught  of  the  Fir  Craibe  race  are  recognised. 

Irrusdomnonn  and  Mayo  drop  out  of  sight  for  a  time. 

Conn  Cedcathach  set  up  Crimthann  Culbuide  as  King  of  Leinster, 
Cumall  deposed  him.  Conn  called  in  Conall  Cruachna  (K.C.),  and 
Aedh  MacMorna,  the  chief  of  the  Gamanry.  They  defeated  Cumall 
and  his  Munster  allies  in  the  battle  of  Cnucha,  where  Aedh  killed 
Cumall,  but  lost  an  eye,  whence  he  was  called  Goll. 

Eogan  Mor,  alias  Mogh  Nuadhat,  and  his  father,  ]\Iogh  Neid,  King 
of  Munster,  attacked  Conn,  who  was  joined  by  the  same  allies.  In  a 
battle  in  Magh  Siuil,  in  ISTorthern  Eile,  Goll  killed  Mogh  Neid.  They 
followed  Eogan  to  Carnbuide,  supposed  to  be  near  Cork,  where  Eogan 
was  defeated  again  by  Goll  and  Conall,  whom  he  tried  to  surprise  in 
camp.  Eogan  fled  to  Spain,  and  Munster  was  divided  between  two 
kings,  Conaire  and  MacNiadh. 

After  nine   years   Eogan   came   again   with  2000  Spaniards.     The 


12      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

kings  of  Munster  submitted  to  him.  The  King  of  Leinster  joined 
them.  The  two  kings  of  Ulster  attacked  Conn,  who  abandoned  Tara 
and  joined  his  allies  in  Connaiight.  Eogan  came  by  Athlone  into 
Magh  Ai.  Conn  and  his  allies  encamped  at  the  Mound  of  the  Well 
of  Tulsk,  opposite  to  Eogan.  Conn  there  made  peace  by  accepting 
Eogan's  terms,  that  he  should  have  half  of  Ireland.  Thus  originated 
the  division  of  Ireland  into  Leath  Cuinn  and  Leath  Mogha. 

Eogan's  Spaniards  wanted  to  go  home.  Eogan  feared  that  without 
them  he  could  not  make  head  against  Conn,  so  picked  a  quarrel  by 
making  extortionate  demands,  denounced  the  peace,  and  assembled  his 
forces  at  Magh  Leana,  round  Tullamore  in  King's  County.  Eochy 
Muinderg,  King  of  Ulster,  attacked  Tara.  Conn  returned  from  Con- 
naught  with  Conall  Cruachna's  sons,  Eochy  Whiteknee  and  Fiachaidh 
Whitehand,  sons  of  Crimhthann  Culbuide,  King  of  Aichill  and  Umall, 
and  of  Gairech,  daughter  of  Criomall,  and  other  allies,  and  saved  Tara 
by  defeating  and  killing  Eochy.  Thence  they  marched  to  Magh  Leana. 
Eogan's  force  was  so  much  the  larger  that  Conn  asked  for  terms  and 
offered  to  surrender  Ulster  and  keep  only  Connavight  and  Teffa  and 
the  profits  of  Tara. 

Lest  it  should  seem  like  suing  for  peace,  he  made  the  offer  not  by 
poets  but  by  the  two  sons  of  Crimhthann,  King  of  Umall.  Eogan 
asked  them  if  they  came  as  ho.stages.  They  said  no,  and  that  they 
did  not  believe  that  Conn  meant  the  terms  to  be  accepted.  Thereupon 
Eogan  hanged  them. 

Conn  heard  of  this  in  the  evening  and  prepared  a  night  attack,  as 
his  forces  were  small.  Goll  MacMorna  refused  to  join,  as  he  was  under 
vow  never  to  make  a  night  slaughter  or  attack,  but  promised  to  help 
Conn  if  Eogan  pressed  him. 

At  dawn  Conn  surprised  Fraoch's  camp  and  killed  him  before  he 
could  put  on  his  armour.  Fraoch  was  Eogan's  brother-in-law  and 
leader  of  the  Spaniards.  Eogan  made  a  furious  attack  on  Conn. 
Goll,  supported  by  his  thirty  brothers,  came  forward  and  covered 
Conn.  Eogan  wounded  Conall  Cruachna  so  that  Conall  died  within  a 
year.  Conn  and  Eogan  wounded  each  other.  Other  kings  rushed  in 
upon  Eogan,  who  was  fighting  with  Goll,  and  raised  him  aloft  on  their 
spears.  Then  his  army  fled.  Conn  could  not  pursue.  His  losses 
Avere  said  to  have  been  greater  than  Eogan's. 

The  sovereignty  of  Munster  was  again  divided  between  Conaire 
and  MacNiadh,  and  Conn  was  for  twenty  years  undisputed  King  of 
Ireland.  He  is  allowed  a  reign  of  thirty-four  years,  ending  about 
A.D.  157  or  212,  according  to  different  computations;  the  latter  is 
probably  the  more  accurate.  This  important  battle  may  be  dated 
about  A.D.  190. 

In  all  these  events  we  find  Conn,  and  afterwards  we  find  his  descen- 


THE    EARLIEST    LEGENDS.  13 

dants,  relying  on  Connaught  to  support  their  pretensions  to  be 
kings  of  Ireland.  Here  Conn  has  the  support  of  his  foster-father, 
Conall  of  the  race  of  Fiach,  who  is  recognised  as  the  King  of 
Connaught. 

But  Aedh  or  Goll  MacMorna  is  the  greater  figure  in  the  legends. 
At  this  time  appear  the  Fianna,  who  are  said  to  have  been  three 
organised  bodies  in  Leinster,  Connaught,  and  Munster.  No  such 
body  is  ascribed  to  Ulster.  The  descriptions  show  that  they  were 
organised  bodies  of  soldiers,  and  it  is  supposed  that  they  were  an 
imitation  of  the  Roman  Legion.  But  they  existed,  by  the  name  of 
Fianna,  for  only  a  short  time. 

The  Connaught  Fianna  were  called  the  Gamanry,  and  were  com- 
manded by  Goll  MacMorna.  Also  they  were  called  Clann  Morna,  but 
these  terms  apply  only  to  their  commanders.  As  the  only  Connaught 
force  is  under  the  kings  of  Irrusdomnonn,  we  should  expect  that  the 
sovereignty  of  Connaught  would  be  held  by  those  kings  during  the 
period  in  which  they  made  much  show  in  legend.  So  also  in  Leinster 
their  commanders,  Cumall  and  Finn,  were  not  kings  of  Leinster.  It 
seems  stranger  still  that  there  were  no  Fianna  of  Meath.  The  ex- 
planation which  commends  itself  to  me  is  that  they  were  bodies  of 
Gallowglasses  such  as  appeared  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  cen- 
turies, but  then  under  command  of  adventurers  who  were  not 
inhabitants  of  the  province,  Free  Companies  who  sold  their  services 
to  any  one  who  could  raise  their  wages.  I  take  the  Fianna  to  have 
been  similarly  drilled  and  trained  as  professional  soldiers  under 
permanent  commanders,  but  raised  by  each  chieftain  out  of  his  own 
people.  All  maintained  them  in  some  form  or  other — at  least  the 
great  chieftains  would  do  so — but  some  made  more  show  than  others, 
and  have  survived  in  legend  because  of  the  distinction  of  their  com- 
manders and  the  events  in  which  they  were  concerned. 

In  the  third  century  the  King  of  Corann  or  Gailenga  oi'  Luighne 
appears.  King  Cormac  MacArt  was  closely  connected  with  Corann, 
so  that  he  bore  the  name  of  Cormac  of  Corann.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  born  there  and  to  have  been  brought  up  by  his  stepfather. 
The  persons  now  mentioned  in  connection  with  this  country  are 
supposed  to  be  closely  related  as  follows : — 

Felim  Rechtmar. 


Conn.  Fiacha  Sui  glide. 

I  I 

Art.  Fiacha  Raiclhe. 

I  I 

Cormac.  Fothad. 

I 
Luis^hni  Firtri. 


14       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Tims  O'Flaherty  gives  the  descent  of  Luiglnii  Fiitri,  "  Ogygia," 
p.  333.  According  to  another  account,  Luighni  was  son  of  Derraot. 
There  is  another  connection  between  those  families  and  the  Clann 
Coin  in  tlie  person  of  Trea,  who  was  mother  of  Cormac  MacArt  and 
married  Luighni,  called  from  lier  Firtri,  after  the  death  of  Art. 

Conn.  Cian. 

I  I 

I  I  """  '    I 

Art  =  Trea  =  Luighni  Firtri.  Tadho;. 


Cormac  (K.I.). 


Cormac  Gailen^. 


NiaMor  (K.C.).  Lugad  (K.C.). 

From  Luighni  Firtri  the  Corco  Firtri  of  Corann,  from  Cormac 
Gaileng  the  O'Garas  and  O'Haras,  are  made  to  descend.  From  Cian 
also  the  CJaileiisa  and  Luiijhne  of  Meath  and  the  Cianachta  of  Meath 
and  Ulster  are  supposed  to  descend.  We  may  believe  that  Luighni 
Firtri  and  his  sons  and  Cormac  Gaileng  did  exist  about  this  period, 
and  that  they  helped  and  were  helped  by  Cormac  MacArt.  The 
Gregry,  who  occupied  all  this  territory  and  all  or  part  of  Tirerrill  in 
Tuathal  Techtmar's  time,  and  who  appear  again  in  St.  Patrick's  time, 
seem  to  have  been  now  eclipsed  by  the  Corcofirtri.  But  I  think 
that  no  credit  need  be  given  to  the  alleged  descent  of  the  Corcofirtri 
from  Felim  Rechtmar,  or  to  that  of  Clann  Cein  from  OilioU  Olum. 

Cormac  attacked  Aid,  who  was  King  of  Connaught,  and  put  up 
Nia  Mor  in  his  place.  Aid  killed  Nia  Mor,  whereupon  King  Cormac 
came  again  and  killed  Aid,  making  Nia  Mor's  brother  Lugad  King  of 
Connaught.  This  Aid  is  the  last  King  of  Connaught  of  the  race  of 
Fiach  mentioned  by  O'Flaherty. 

Cormac  MacArt's  son,  Cairbre  Liffeachair,  King  of  Ireland, 
quarrelled  with  the  Fianna  of  Leinster  under  Finn  MacCumal,  who 
defeated  him.  After  Finn's  death  they  took  service  with  Moghcorb, 
King  of  Munster,  and  gave  battle  to  Cairbre  and  the  Clann  Morna 
at  Gabhra  in  a.d.  284.  The  victory  was  with  Cairbre,  though  he  was 
killed.  The  Fianna  on  both  sides  were  almost  exterminated,  and 
were  not  formed  again.  Aid,  son  of  Garad  Glunduff,  King  of 
Connaught,  commanded  the  Clann  Morna.  Aid  followed  Moghcoi-b 
and  killed  him  in  the  battle  of  Spaltrach  in  Muskerry.  Aid  is  suc- 
ceeded by  Condeus  (a  Latinised  name)  of  the  Corcofirtri.  Thus  the 
Olnegmacht  kings  of  Connaught  disappear  from  history,  and  their 
place  is  taken  by  the  Milesians.  Cian,  son  of  Garad,  King  of  the 
Sencheneoil,  is  mentioned  in  the  legend  of  the  Hy  Maine.  He 
seems  to  have  been  king  of  the  old  kingdom  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden. 
But  we  have  no  further  indications  regarding  him.  Thus  closes  what 
I  may  call  the  Olnegmacht  or  Firbolg  period  of  Connaught's  history. 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE    EARLY    MILESIAN    PERIOD. 

CoNNAUGHT  liistory  is  broken  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century, 
Muredach  Tirech,  of  the  Eremonian  race  of  Meath,  appears  as  King 
of  Connaught  after  Condeus  of  the  Corcofirtri,  and  is  succeeded  by 
his  son,  Eochaidh  Muighmhedhoin.  Both  are  recognised  as  kings  of 
Meath  and  of  Ireland.  Neither  seems  to  have  had  any  local  con- 
nection with  Connaught,  except  that  the  latter  is  called  "  of  Mag 
Medhoin,"  which  may  be  the  country  about  Kilmaine.  In  their 
times  the  ancient  kingdoms  of  the  Fir  Craibe  and  of  the  Gamanry 
disappear  from  view.  On  Eochy's  death  his  son  Brian  Orbsen  is 
King  of  Connaught,  and  his  son  Fiachra  is  king  of  the  territories 
of  the  Fir  Craibe  and  of  the  Ferdomnonn. 

Fiachra  transfers  the  Fir  Craibe  kingdom,  except  Aidhne,  to 
Munster,  as  an  eric  for  the  murder  of  Crimhthann  Mor  by  his  sister, 
mother  of  Brian,  Fiachra,  and  Ailill ;  or  in  bis  time  Conall  Echluath 
conquered  it,  unless  Conall's  father,  Lughaidh  Menu,  had  done  so 
already.  These  transactions  and  the  transformations  of  Connaught 
clans  are  discussed  in  the  Journal  of  the  R.  S.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxx.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  the  kingdom  of  Fir  Craibe  did  not  include  more 
of  the  county  of  Clare  than  the  eastern  part  along  the  Shannon 
occupied  by  Clann  Umoir  tribes  in  the  Attacottic  list,  and  that  the 
conquest  was  no  more  than  the  establishment  of  supremacy  of  the 
king  of  the  Ua  Cathbharr  and  Ua  Corra  ti'ibes  over  them.  It  is 
quite  likely  that  O'Flaherty's  and  Keating's  extents  of  the  Fir 
Craibe  kingdom  are  based  on  the  same  authority,  and  that  the  Fir 
Craibe  territory  did  not  really  extend  south  of  Aidhne,  that  the 
error  is  due  to  the  identification  of  Fiachra  of  Magh  Tail  with  the 
Fiachra  of  the  north. 

In  Ulster  a  like  state  arises.  Muredach  Tirech  became  King  of 
Ireland  by  driving  out  Colla  Uais  and  his  brothers,  who  retire  to 
Scotland.  After  three  years  they  return  and  are  well  received  by 
Muredach,  who  advises  them  to  conquer  for  themselves  a  settlement 
in  Ulster.  With  his  help,  and  that  of  a  large  force  from  Connaught, 
they  destroy  Emain  Macha  and  settle  themselves  in  Ulster  about 
A.D.  331,  and  develop  into  the  tribes  of  the  Oirghialla. 


IG       THE    EARLY    fllSTOHY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

If  these  changes  are  taken  to  have  occurred,  we  must  admit  that 
conditions  existed  in  Ireland  in  the  fourth  century  which  have  no 
parallel  before  or  after.  As  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  legends 
of  earlier  and  from  the  historical  lecords  of  later  centuries,  the 
political  conditions  of  Ireland  were  the  same  from  the  time  of  Queen 
Cleave  to  the  twelfth  century.  Christianity  only  softened  manners 
and  got  rid  of  some  savage  customs. 

No  one  could  be  king  of  a  province,  or  of  a  main  division  thereof, 
without  the  support  of  a  large  group  of  families  closely  related  to 
each  other,  and  forming  the  foundation  of  their  chief's  power  over 
other  tribes.  The  descendants  of  kings  spread  over  the  land,  indeed, 
but  by  very  slow  degrees,  encroaching  on  less  powerful  clans. 

Ulster  suffers  soon  another  conquest.  After  the  death  of  Kiall 
of  Nine  Hostages,  his  son  Laegaire  is  King  of  ]SIeath  and  King  of 
Ireland  in  succession  to  Dathi,  but  his  sons  Eogan  and  Conall  Gulban 
are  settled  in  North  Ulster,  where  they  leave  dominant  clans.  That 
the  Oirghialla  clans  of  the  north  would  have  submitted  quietly 
is  incredible,  and  Meath  could  not  have  imposed  them  violently  on 
that  distant  part  of  Ulster.  After  the  fifth  century,  when  the  High 
Kings  were  of  Meath  and  Connaught  alternately,  the  Hy  Neill  of 
Ulster  provided  almost  all  the  High  Kings  for  150  years.  If  Niall 
of  Nine  Hostages  is  the  Niall  who  was  buried  at  Ochaine,  it  follows 
as  almost  a  certainty  that  he  was  a  King  of  Ulster,  and  was  not  son 
of  a  King  of  Meath  and  Connaught. 

In  Munster  a  somewhat  similar  condition  is  found,  where  the 
King  of  Munster  is  genei'ally  of  the  Eoghanacht  and  only  occasionally 
of  the  Dalcais  race. 

In  Connaught  the  chief  kings  come  from  Hy  Briuin  and  Hy 
Fiachrach,  north  and  south,  until  the  former  establish  a  supre- 
macy. 

In  no  case  is  there  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  alleged  origin  of 
the  rival  families.  In  that  of  Ulster  we  should  infer  from  analogy 
that  Eogan  sprang  from  the  Oirghialla,  the  tribe  of  Ulster  which 
had  grown  strong  enough  to  drive  the  Dal  Araidhe  from  Emain. 
In  that  of  Munster  we  should  infer  that  Lugaid  Menu  and  Conall 
Echluath  were  kings  of  the  ancient  Ua  Cathbharr  and  Ua  Corra 
tribes  who  occupied  nearly  all  Thomond. 

The  confusion  of  this  and  of  earlier  periods  seems  to  have  arisen 
when  the  Milesian  genealogy  was  framed  some  hundreds  of  years 
later.  The  spread  of  Christianity  over  all  Ireland  duiing  the  fifth 
century  must  have  made  the  use  of  letters  general.  To  bring  great 
families  together  whose  real  origin  had  been  lost  for  ages,  the  genea- 
logists had  to  go  back  to  times  before  wiitten  record,  when  they  could 
nail  a  branch  on  a  convenient  place  in  the  tree.     Thus,  I  take  it,  they 


THE    EARLY    MILESIAN    PERIOD.  17 

brought  the  principal  kings  of  Meath  and  Ulster  and  Connaught 
together  in  the  person  of  Eochy  Moyvane  in  the  fourth  century. 

It  has  been  so  long  accepted,  and,  subject  to  these  considerations, 
so  well  expresses  the  relationships  of  the  tribes  of  each  province  towards 
each  other,  that  it  must  be  used  for  the  historical  period. 

The  case  of  Connaught  has  to  be  set  out  as  we  find  it  at  the  close 
of  the  fourth  and  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  when  a  fairly  accurate 
history  begins. 

As  the  Fir  Craibe  kings  had  for  several  generations  eclipsed  the 
Gamanry  and  Tviatha  Taiden  kings  in  the  sovereignty  of  Connaught, 
so  now  the  kings  of  Irrusdomnonn,  afterwards  called  the  kings  of  the 
Hy  Fiachrach,  predominate  in  Connaught,  holding  the  sovereignty  of 
Ireland  alternately  with  the  kings  of  Meath,  and  sharing  that  of 
Connaught  with  the  Hy  Briuin  during  the  fifth  century.  During  the 
first  half  of  the  sixth  centviry,  when  they  no  longer  attain  to  the 
sovereignty  of  Ireland,  they  keep  the  sovereignty  of  Connaught  in  the 
line  of  Ailill  Molt.     After  that  time  their  power  declines  quickly. 

At  this  time  their  power  seems  to  have  been  based  upon  their 
immediate  possessions  of  great  extent,  which  were  in  my  opinion  the 
countries  of  Carra  and  Tirawley  and  Erris,  inhabited  by  Ferdomnonn 
clans,  whose  names  do  not  appear,  save  that  of  the  Corcu  Temne  in 
the  north  of  Carra^  and  a  clan  of  Calry  about  Magh  Eleog,  now  repre- 
sented by  Moylaw  in  Crossmolina  parish,  and  the  mass  of  Calry  who 
occupied  Coolcarney  in  Mayo  and  all  Tireragh  and  Carbury  in  Sligo, 
and  the  baronies  of  Rossclogher  and  Dromahaire  in  Leitrim,  and  the 
country  of  Moylurg  in  Roscommon,  and  a  part  of  Corran. 

The  power  of  Fiachra,  Dathi,  Ailill  Molt,  and  their  immediate 
successors  seems  to  have  been  based  upon  the  support  of  the  Calry,  as 
the  royal  tribe  which  had  grown  up  during  their  period  of  obscurity. 
As  the  O'Conors  left  the  Silmurray  and  began  to  settle  in  other  parts 
of  the  country,  so  I  suppose  these  kings,  while  resting  on  the  great 
mass  of  their  own  tribe,  moved  into  Carra  and  Tii-awley  and  began  to 
settle  their  relations  upon  the  older  clans  in  those  regions.  Their  loss 
of  power  after  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  may  be  due  to  various 
causes.  The  tribes  forming  the  foundation  of  their  power  were  very 
much  scattered.  The  rising  power  of  the  Hy  Neill  of  Ulster  at  this 
time  enabled  them  to  impose  themselves  upon  Carbury,  while  the 
tribe  from  which  O'Rourks  and  O'Reillys  came  imposed  itself  upon 
the  Calry  of  the  County  Leitrim.  They  dropped  a  clan  in  Corran, 
whose  position  I  cannot  ascertain.  The  Calry  of  Moylurg  were  of 
some  importance,  as  they  are  recorded  to  have  been  fighting  in 
751  and  811  (A.U.)  with  the  Hy  Briuin  of  Ai,  who  eventually 
suppressed  them. 

The  Gregry  are  still   a    great    race.      The  Gailenga  and  Luighne 

B 


18       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF   THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

have  not  yet  come  into  sight  as  tribes.  The  Gailenga  and  the  Hy 
Ailello  are  mentioned  in  the  Annals  of  Ulster  for  the  first  time  in  the 
note  of  the  battle  of  Lorg  in  742.  But  the  Hy  Ailello  appear  from 
Tirechan's  notes  to  have  borne  that  name  in  St.  Patrick's  time.  The 
Luighne  first  appear  in  770  (A.U.)  in  a  note  of  the  death  of  a  chieftain. 
The  Hy  Ailello  disappear  after  791  (A.U. ),  when  they  are  defeated  by 
the  Ui  Briuin.  Their  previous  appearances  are  fights  with  Gailenga, 
Gregry,  Luighne,  in  752,  788,  789  (A.U.).  The  name  Gailenga  seems 
to  have  been  the  most  general  name,  denoting  that  they  belonged  to 
the  Fir  Gaileoin  race.  This  eventually  adhered  rather  to  the  !Muinter 
Gadhra  division.  Gregraige  denotes  a  clan  descended  from  Greg  or 
Grec,  which  held  supremacy.  Corcofirtri  is  another  section,  Luighne 
yet  another,  which  was  used  to  denote  the  whole  kingdom  when  the 
O'Haras  gained  ascendency.  As  we  know  that  the  Gregry  once 
extended  over  Tirerrill,  and  as  we  find  the  Hy  Ailello  there  at  this 
time,  and  cannot  regard  their  alleged  descent  from  a  son  of  Eochy 
Moyvane  as  deserving  credit,  it  is,  I  think,  safe  to  take  them  to 
have  been  a  section  of  the  Gregry.  At  some  time  a  split  occurred  in 
the  tribe  of  the  Gregry,  which  divided  itself  into  two  independent 
kingdoms  of  Gregry  and  Luighne,  whom  we  find  in  the  Book  of 
Rights  paying  tribute  in  the  proportion  of  two  to  five.  If  we  take 
the  kingdom  of  the  Gregry  to  have  comprised  the  baronies  of  Coolavin 
and  Tirerrill  or  thereabouts,  and  that  of  the  Luighne  to  have  comprised 
the  rest  of  the  territory,  the  tributes  are  fairly  apportioned. 

Umall  was  the  baronies  of  Murrisk  and  Burrishoole  or  thereabouts, 
inhabited  by  Clann  Umoir  families,  from  whom  came  Clann  Maille, 
whose  alleged  descent  from  Brian  Orbsen  is  contradicted  by  the  Book 
of  Rights.  With  such  a  descent  the  King  of  Umall  would  not  have 
paid  tribute.  His  full  title  was  once  "  King  of  Aicill  and  Umall,"  i.e. 
of  Highland  and  Lowland.^ 

The  Partraige  were  of  the  Clann  Umoir.  According  to  O'Flaherty 
they  were  in  three  divisions : — 

1.  Of  Odba  Ceara,  who  in  historical  times  are  known  only  in  the 
parish  of  Ballyovey,  Baile  Odhbha.  They  may  have  been  in  those  of 
Ballintubber  and  Ballyheane  in  St.  Patrick's  time. 

2.  Of  the  Mountain,  from  Croaghpatrick  to  Lough  Corrib.  Here  I 
think  O'Flaherty  took  Aicill  to  be  only  Croaghpatrick,  or  the  country 
immediately  round  it.  From  Aicill  to  Lough  Corrib  would  be  the 
barony  of  Ross. 

3.  Of  the  Lake.     Cong  was  in  their  counti'y. 

Thus  they  occupied  country  possessed  first  by  Tuath  Resent  Umoir 
and  afterwards  by   Conmaicne,  but    shrank  much  from   their   early 
importance.     The  Book  of  Rights  puts  their  king  on  an  equality  with 
1  "  Battle  of  Magh  Leana,"  p.  87. 


THE    EARLY    MILESIAN    PERIOD.  19 

the  kings  of  Silmurray,  Hy  Briuin,  and  the  Hy  Fiachrachs,  as  he 
receives  a  stipend  but  pays  no  tribute. 

Next  comes  a  group  of  three  tribes,  the  Conmaicne,  the  Ciarraige, 
and  the  Corcamoga,  the  original  Connachta,  who  have  given  their 
name  to  the  province.  These  I  take  to  have  sprung  from  the  Fir 
Craibe  kings  of  Connaught,  and  the  Conmaicne  to  be  more  especially 
the  tribe  over  which  Brian  Orbsen  and  his  immediate  successors 
presided  until  the  growth  of  the  Silmurray  afforded  a  fresh  base 
of  power. 

The  barony  of  Clanmorris,  excepting  the  parish  of  Balla,  which 
was  in  Carra,  cannot  be  ascribed  to  any  of  the  early  tribes.  The 
descendants  of  Xechtan  and  Enna,  sons  of  Brian  Orbsen,  were  settled 
here.  This  country  appears  very  late  in  legend  and  history,  and  then 
only  as  Tir  Nechtain  and  Tir  Enna.  From  MacFirbis's  Great  Book 
of  Genealogies  we  learn  that  Tir  Nechtain  took  its  name  from  Brian's 
son  Nechtan,  and  that  the  Cinel  Enna  came  from  Enna. 

The  Conmaicne  were  in  three  divisions  : — 

1.  Conmaicne  of  Cuil  Tolad,  in  the  barony  of  Kilmaine,  south  of 
the  Robe,  and  in  the  barony  of  Ross. 

2.  Conmaicne  Mara,  in  the  barony  of  Ballynahinch. 

3.  Conmaicne  of  Dunmore,  or  Cinel  Dubain,  in  the  barony  of 
Dunmore  and  part  of  Ballymoe,  and  at  least  the  parish  of  Belclare. 

The  Corcamogha  made  no  show  in  history.  In  late  days  they  were 
in  the  parishes  of  Clonbern  and  Kilkerrin.  Their  alleged  descent 
from  Fergus  MacEoigh  places  them  among  the  Connachta.  I  am  now 
of  opinion  that  they  are  the  Corca  of  the  Woods,  that  they  are  the 
Sencheneoil,  and  that  they  come  from  the  Tuatha  Taiden. 
The  Ciarraige  were  in  four  divisions  : — 

1.  Ciari-aige  Ai  or  of  Magh  Ai,  in  the  barony  of  Castlereagh  except 
the  parish  of  Ballintubber. 

2.  Ciarraige  of  Artech,  which  was  the  parishes  of  Kilnamanagh 
and  Tibohine  in  Roscommon,  and  those  of  Kilcolman  and  Castlemore 
in  Roscommon  and  Mayo. 

3.  Ciarraige  of  Loch  na  nAirneadh,  Mannin  Lake,  or  Ciarraige 
lochtar,  in  the  eastern  and  southern  part  of  the  parish  of  Aghamore, 
and  in  Bekan  and  Annagh. 

4.  Ciai-raige  Uachtar,  in  the  rest  of  Aghamore,  and  in  Knock. 
The  county  of  Mayo  therefore  consisted  of  fragments  of  kingdoms 

and  tribes,  whereof  the  Hy  Fiachi-ach  were  the  principal.  The  events 
affecting  it  are  mainly  those  in  connection  with  their  kings,  and  are 
generally  connected  with  the  quarrels  between  them  and  the  Hy 
Briuin  kings. 

The  Hy  Briuin,  as  already  observed,  were  immediate  kings  of  the 
Connachta,  but  where  they  lived  when  not  in  power  in  Croghan  does 


20   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

not  appear.  If  they  did  not  live  among  the  Conmaicne,  and  if  Brian 
was  in  truth  an  ancestor  of  the  O'Flaherties,  which  is  by  no  means 
certain,  the  barony  of  Clare  may  have  been  their  usual  abode. 

This  view  has  in  its  favour  the  Book  of  Rights,  which  mentions  the 
Hy  Briuin  among  the  royal  tribes  as  distinct  from  the  Silmurray, 
and  suggests  that  the  general  name  clung  to  them  when  Silmurray 
grew  up. 

The  Three  Tuaths,  Hy  Briuin  na  Sinna,  Corcachland,  and  Cinel 
Dobhtha,  claimed  descent  from  Ere  Derg,  son  of  Brian.  But  the 
Book  of  Armagh  and  the  Tripartite  Life  make  it  clear  that  they  came 
from  Ere,  son  of  Bron,  of  the  Corca  Chonluain.  Descendants  of  the 
Ere  from  whom  they  came  seem  to  be  the  Maicne  Ere,  sons  of  Heric, 
who  were  in  Moylurg  in  St.  Patrick's  time.  These  appear  to  be  the 
Hy  Broin,  who  Avere  distinguished  from  Hy  Briuin  by  Tirechan,  who 
calls  them  [Filii]  Briuin  and  Filii  Broin.  Though  they  do  not  descend 
from  Brian,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Corca  Chonluain  had  a  common 
ancestor  with  the  Conmaicne,  and  so  being  of  the  royal  race,  were  not 
under  tribute,  being  included  in  the  direct  dominions  of  the  King 
of  Silmurray,  as  the  Calry  are  omitted  because  immediately  under 
the  Hy  Fiachrach  kings,  as  I  suppose.  Beyond  this  we  know  not 
who  were  in  possession  of  the  rest  of  Magh  Ai  and  of  the  Three 
Tuaths. 

Next  south  of  Magh  Ai  came  the  Delbhna  of  Sid  Nenta,  or 
Delbhna  Nuadat,  who  occupied  the  country  southwards  from  Fairy- 
mount  to  Maghfinn  between  the  Suck  and  the  Shannon. 

Delbhna  Tire  Da  Loch  occupied  the  barony  of  Moycullen,  and 
Delbhna  Cuile  Fabhair  the  country  adjoining  them  and  to  the  east 
of  Galway.  It  is  not  now  possible  to  say  which  of  these  groups  was 
meant  in  the  Book  of  Rights,  probably  the  Roscommon  group.  The 
latter  are  likely  to  have  been  treated  as  in  Hy  Briuin  territory. 

The  Delbhna  Nuadhat  and  the  Corcamogha  are  included  within 
the  traditional  bounds  of  the  kingdom  of  Hy  Many,  which,  like  those 
of  the  kingdom  of  Irrusdomnonn,  seem  to  have  been  handed  down  from 
a  very  early  time.  Though  the  Delbhna  and  the  Corca  are  pla,ced 
separately  vxnder  tribute  to  the  King  of  Connaught,  they  may  have 
been  politically  bound  to  the  King  of  Hy  Many. 

Taking  the  Corca^  as  suggested  above,  to  be  representatives  of 
the  Tuatha  Taiden  and  of  the  Sencheneoil,  and  taking  into  considera- 
tion the  heavy  tribute  assessed  on  them  in  the  Book  of  Rights,  I 
suppose  them  to  have  occupied  the  Corcamogha  and  Sodhan  territories 
of  later  times,  and  a  good  deal  more,  the  northern  part  of  the 
kingdom  of  Hy  Many,  and  I  take  O'Mainnin,  King  of  Sodan,  to  be 
their  representative. 

The  Hy  Many  occupied  lands  in  the  southern  part  of  their  kingdom 


THE    EARLY    MILESIAN    PERIOD.  21 

at  this  time,  but  details  are  not  clear.  They  certainly  settled  clans 
in  Moenmagh  at  a  very  early  date  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  centvn-ies. 
Gaela,  which  O'Donovan  considered  to  be  near  Loughreagh,  was 
their  chief  dwelling.  They  settled  themselves  in  the  old  Cathry 
territory. 

In  the  Book  of  Rights  their  tribute  is  least  of  all,  but  the  stipend 
is  like  that  of  other  kings.  The  small  tribute  may  be  due  to  their 
being  so  powerful  that  they  could  not  be  made  to  pay  more  than  a 
trifle  when  they  lost  the  position  of  a  tribe  which  might  aspire  to 
provide  a  King  of  Connaught. 

Aidhne  was  the  country  between  the  Hy  Many  or  Cathry  and  the 
sea  as  far  north  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Athenry.  The  inhabitants 
Avere  Clann  Umoir  tribes  at  this  time,  even  if  Eoghan  Aidhne  was 
not  of  that  race,  tacked  on  to  Eochaidh  Breac,  son  of  Dathi.  These 
Hy  Fiachrach  kings  were  powerful,  and  in  the  sixth  and  seventh 
centuries  were  often  kings  of  Connaught. 

The  historical  kingdom  of  Brefne  had  not  yet  come  into  exist- 
ence. It  was  included  in  the  kingdom  of  Meath,  except  the  Calry 
of  Dromahaire  and  Dartry  or  Rossclogher.  When  the  ancestors 
of  the  O'Rourks  and  O'Reillys  formed  it  with  the  help  of  the  Con- 
maicne,  they  attached  themselves  to  Connaught,  and  eventually  were 
strong  enough  to  make  four  O'Rourk  kings  of  Connaught  in  the  tenth 
and  eleventh  centuries.  The  alleged  descents  of  Hy  Briuin  of  Brefne 
and  Conmaicne  from  Brian  Orbsen  and  from  Conmaicne  of  Dunmore 
must  be  regarded  as  fictitious. 

These  are  approximately  the  conditions  of  Connaught  kingdoms 
about  the  year  a.d.  400,  from  which  grew  slowly  those  which  will  be 
found  in  the  year  a.d.  1200. 

As  all  Irish  history  turns  on  tribal  relations,  and  so  many  tribes 
are  mentioned  in  connection  with  events  in  which  Mayo  men  were 
concerned,  I  give  tables  of  descents  according  to  Milesian  Genealogies, 
and  tables  of  the  relations  of  early  tribes  according  to  my  own  views, 
and  lists  of  the  Domnonian  and  Milesian  kings  of  Connaught.  The 
O'Conor  and  O'Dowda  families  are  given  in  detail  because  they  wei^e 
much  mixed  in  warfare,  and  because  the  latter  is  the  principal  family 
of  Mayo,  which  had  a  measure  of  real  independence. 

Dr.  J.  O'Donovan,  who  translated  and  edited  the  Book  of  Rights, 
held  it  to  have  been  composed  in  the  time  of  Cormac  Mac  Cuileannain, 
King  of  Cashel  from  901  to  908,  and  to  have  been  probably  revised 
in  the  time  of  Brian  Boro,  but  to  have  been  based  on  a  record  drawn 
up  by  St.  Benen  in  the  fifth  century.  It  is  of  interest  as  showing 
what  a  ninth  or  tenth  century  historian,  working  from  the  King  of 
Munster's  point  of  view,  ascertained  to  be  the  rights  and  obligations 
of  the  kings  of  Ireland  and  of  the  provinces,  and  of  the  kings  of  tribes 


22       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

under  the  provincial  kings.  Tlie  following  lists  give  the  tributes  and 
stipends  of  the  Connaught  kings,  taken  from  the  poetry,  which  is 
considered  to  he  older  than  the  prose  portion.  Poetry  and  prose  go 
over  the  same  ground,  but  vary  slightly. 


Tributes  payable  to  the  King  of  Connaught  by  the  Kings  of  Tribes. 


Cows. 

Oxen. 

Hogs. 

Cloaks. 

Iron 
Sbeep. 

1.  Umall      . 

2.  Greagraidhe    . 

3.  Conmaicne 

4.  Ciarraidlie 

5.  Luigbne  . 

6.  Corca  of  the  ^\'ood 

7.  Dealbbna 

8.  Ui  Maine 

100 
100 
200 
100 
350 
140 
150 

100 

100 
150 
350 

100 

60 

80 

60 

150 

350 

150 

80 

100 

GO 

240 

(;o 

150 

150 

80 

Cloaks  or  mantles 

Red  cloaks 
350 

1140 

700 

1030 

1030 

350  ' 

In  connection  with  the  tribute  of  iron  siieep,  note  that  O'Kelly's 
iron  was  with  the  Hy  Tuathaigh  of  Aughrim  and  with  the  Hy 
Baedain  of  Badhna,i  and  that  Aughrim  is  in  the  country  where  I 
would  place  Sencheneoil  or  Corca  of  the  Wood. 

The  stipends  payable  to  these  kings,  and  to  the  kings  of  I'oyal  tribes 
who  paid  no  tribute,  were  as  follows  : — 

1.  Sil  Muireadhaigh  :  a  ring,  a  dress,  a  steed,  a  shield,  a  sword,  a 
coat  of  mail. 

2.  Umhall :  5  steeds,  5  swords,  5  ships,  5  coats  of  mail. 

3.  Dealbbna  :  6  swords,  6  shields,    6   steeds,    6   tunics  with   gold, 
6  drinking-horns. 

4.  Greagraidhe  :  6  weapons,  6  tunics,  6  bondsmen,  6  bondswomen, 
6  coats  of  mail. 

5.  Conmaicne:    10  drinking-horns,  10  steeds,  2  rings,  2  chessboards. 

6.  Ui  Maine :   7  cloaks,  7  horses,  7  hounds,  7  deep-i-ed  tunics. 

7.  Luighne :    10   steeds,   10    cloaks,    10   drinking-horns,    10    white 
hounds. 

8.  Ui  Briuin  :  5  steeds,  5  matals,  5   swords,  10  drinking-horns,  10 
bondsmen,  10  chessboards. 

9.  Corca  of  the  Wood :   5  war-horses,  .5  matals,  5  swords,  5  coats  of 
mail. 

10.  Partraidhe  :  3  drinking-horns,  3  swords,  3  tunics,  3  steeds. 


1  H.M.,  p.  fU. 


THE    EARLY    MILESIAN    PERIOD.  23 

11.  Ui  Fiachrach  :  3  drinking-hoi'ns,  3  swords,  3  steeds,  10  rings, 
10  chessboards. 

12.  Ceneal  Aedha :  7  women,  7  bondsmen,  3  drinking-horns,  3 
swords,  3  hounds. 

But  that  the  stipend  of  the  king  of  the  Partraidlie  resembles  those 
of  tlie  kings  of  Hy  Fiachrach,  north  and  south  (Ceneal  Aedha), 
except  that  the  latter,  being  much  the  more  powerful,  get  each  two 
additional  items,  I  should  suspect  their  name  to  be  a  mistake  for  that 
of  Ciarraidhe,  who  are  left  out,  and  who  ought  to  receive  a  stipend. 
On  the  other  hand,  they  are  not  classed  with  the  free  tribes  who  had 
privileges  expressed  thus — 

"  The  Ui  Briuin  and  Siol  Muireadhaigh  and  the  Ui  Fiachrach  and 
the  Cineal  Aedha  are  free  tribes,  and  they  are  equally  noble  as  the 
king,  and  they  do  not  go  upon  an  expedition  or  hosting  except  for 
pay ;  and  they  do  not  go  into  battle  with  the  king  but  for  reward  ; 
and  if  they  be  killed,  and  upon  their  being  killed,  the  king  is  bound 
to  give  eric  to  their  king  ;  and  when  the  kingdom  [of  Connacht]  does 
not  belong  to  the  race  of  Fiachra  or  Aedh  or  Guaire,  the  best  man  of 
them  is  privileged  to  sit  by  the  right  shoulder  of  the  King  of  Connacht. 
If  they  happen  to  be  in  exile  in  another  territory,  they  are  to  sit  at 
the  right  shoulder  of  the  King  of  Caiseal,  or  of  the  King  of  Nas,  or 
of  the  Kins:  of  Emain  Macha." 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE    FIFTH   CENTllRY    AND    ESTABLISHMENT    OF 
CHRISTIANITY. 

EocHY  MoYVANE  died  in  a.d.  365.  His  son,  Brian  Orbsen,  is  next 
recognised  as  King  of  Connaught.  Towaids  the  close  of  the  century 
he  quarrelled  with  Fiachra,  whom  he  made  prisoner  and  put  in 
charge  of  Niall  (Iv.I.).  Dathi  and  Ere  Cnlbuidhe  defeated  Brian  at 
Damhchluain,  between  Knockmaa  and  Conmaicne  Cuile.  Brian  was 
chased  by  their  ally,  Crimhthann,  son  of  Enna  Cennselach,  to  Tulcha 
Domnaill,  where  he  was  killed  and  buried.  St.  Beo  Aidh  of  Roscam 
dug  up  his  bones  and  buried, them  at  Roscam. 

Brian's  Druid,  Drithliu,  was  killed  on  the  shore  of  Lough  Carra, 
whetice  Aenach  Drithlind  took  its  name.  This  was  a  royal  fort  of  the 
kingdom  of  Carra, ^  which  I  identify  with  the  great  dun  near  Liskillen. 
Realin  peninsula,  on  the  shore  of  Lough  Carra,  preserves  the  Druid's 
name. 

Fiachra  was  released,  became  King  of  Connaught,  invaded  Munster 
on  behalf  of  King  Niall,  and  died  of  his  wounds  on  his  way  back  to 
Tara  with  hostages,  who  were  buried  alive  round  his  fert  at  Forud  in 
Moyfenrath  barony  in  Meath.  It  must  be  doubtful  whether  two 
Fiachras  have  been  confused  here  or  not.  But  we  may  believe  that 
Dathi,  son  of  Fiachra  Foltsnathach,  King  of  Irrusdomnonn,  became 
King  of  Connaught  towards  the  close  of  the  century  by  killing  Brian, 
and  opening  the  succession  for  his  father  or  himself. 

Fairly  accurate  history  begins  in  the  fifth  century,  when  the  dates 
become  right  with  a  year  or  so  generally,  and  events  are  likely  to 
be  correctly  stated.  During  the  fifth  century  we  have  little  local 
information,  except  about  church  affairs.  Fights  for  sovereignty  of 
Connaught  sum  up  the  political  history.  For  150  years  the  descend- 
ants of  Fiachra  of  Irrusdomnonn  were  the  rivals  of  those  of  Brian, 
and  decidedly  predominated  over  them,  as  Dathi  and  Ailill  Molt  are 
recognised  as  kings  of  Ireland. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  the  Hy  Fiachrach  Aidhne 
entered  the  field,  and  shared  the  sovereignty  with  the  Hy  Briuiu  for  a 
hundred  years.     The  Hy  Fiachrach  Moy  held  it  again  in  the  persons  of 

^  H.F.,  p.  205. 

24 


FNON  IN  THE    5™  CENTURY. 


CloTunoLCnhise 


STANFORD'S  QEOORAPHIC/IL  ESTABT,    LONDON. 


CONNAUGHT  WEST  OF  THE  SHANNON  IN  THE  5™  CENTURY. 


Clonmacn  >is« 


The  divisions  rruark  the  priiicipaZ 
Kingdoms  approximately- 
Tfie.  rwjrus  are  those  of  the 
Trihes  anA  Districts. 


C 


THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF    CHRISTIANITY.  25 

Donogh  of  Murrisk  and  Indrechtach  for  a  year  or  two  each.  Then 
from  756  to  772  they  held  it  for  the  last  time.  Henceforward  it  was 
with  the  Hy  Briuin  Ai,  save  that  the  O'Rourks  came  in  from  time 
to  time  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  that  an  O'Flaherty  held  it  for  a 
short  time  in  a  period  of  unusual  disturbance. 

He  was  acknowledged  to  be  King  of  Connaught  who  was  able  to 
seize  and  hold  Cruachan  and  to  take  the  hostages  of  the  sub-kings. 
Cruachan  was  abandoned  after  the  death  of  Raghallach  in  645.  An 
island  in  Lough  na  nEn,  near  Roscommon,  was  afterwards,  down  to  the 
Norman  Conquest,  a  house  of  the  King  of  Connaught. 

The  dates  1  have  assigned  are  fairly  correct.  Different  annals*  give 
different  dates  according  to  the  synchronisms  on  which  they  are 
based,  but  agree  generally  in  the  order  and  relative  dates  until  they 
become  accurate  within  a  small  error. 

Allowing  Fiachra  to  have  succeeded  Brian,  we  find  his  son  Dathi, 
or  Xathi,  whose  name  was  originally  Feradach,  established  as  King  of 
Connaught.  He  became  King  of  Ireland  at  the  death  of  Niall  in 
406,  and  Duach  Galach,  youngest  son  of  Brian,  became  King  of 
Connaught.  One  of  Dathi's  brothers,  Amalgaid  or  Ere  Culbuidhe, 
should  have  been  King  of  Irrusdomnonn  at  this  time,  which  it  will 
be  most  convenient  to  call  hereafter  the  kingdom  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach, 
as  the  former  name  is  dropped  by  all  Irish  writers. 

Duach  Galach  is  an  important  person  in  this  history,  because 
St.  Patrick  made  his  acquaintance,  according  to  tradition,  before  he 
became  King  of  Connaught,  and  worked  in  the  territories  of  the 
Conmaicne  and  Ciarraige  and  of  the  Partry,  and  in  Umall,  and  in 
North  Carra  among  the  Corcutemne.  He  worked  also  in  the  countries 
of  the  Delbhna  and  in  Moy  Ai  and  in  Tirerrill.  These  are  the  countries 
which  were  especially  under  the  influence  of  Duach  Galach.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  was  wholly  excluded  from  the  countries  under  the 
Hy  Fiachrach,  except  those  of  the  Corcutemne,  and  of  the  Calry  east 
of  Ballysadare.  Duach  Galach  was  a  Christian,  and  his  son  Eogan 
Srebh  was  baptized  by  8t.  Patrick.     He  died  in  427. 

King  Dathi's  death  is  recorded  in  the  same  year.  He  "  was  killed 
by  a  flash  of  lightning  at  Sliabh  Ealpa."  The  account  of  his  death 
in  the  Alps  mentions  the  battles  fought  by  his  army  under  command 
of  his  son  Amalgaid  as  they  brought  the  body  back  to  be  buried  in 
the  Releg  of  Cruachan,  where  the  pillar  stone  set  up  at  his  grave 
may  still  be  seen.  Sir  Samuel  Ferguson  has  identified  the  places 
named  in  the  tract,  but  the  evidence  does  not  seem  to  me  to  establish 
the  fact  of  such  an  invasion  of  the  Roman  Empire,  which  is  not  likely 
to  have  escaped  notice  by  Roman  writers  if  it  had  occurred. 

In  Ballycroy  in  Erris  is  a  mountain  called  Slieve  Alp.  Leaght- 
dauhybaun  is  a  cairn  on  a  high  mountain  to  the  east  of  it,  and  more 


26       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

to  the  east  is  n  Lough  Dauhybaun.  Local  tradition  derived  the  name 
Davihybaun  from  a  "  Fair  David,"  a  great  robber  who  was  killed  by 
soldiers  some  two  hundred  years  ago.^  A  common  robber  would  not  be 
honoured  by  the  great  labour  needed  to  place  so  great  a  monument  at 
so  great  a  height.  It  is  not  likely  that  it  was  put  up  to  commemorate 
King  Dathi,  but  if  King  Dathi  was  killed  in  that  country  the  local  tradi- 
tion would  affix  his  name  to  a  great  monument  of  forgotten  origin.  I 
am  inclined  to  believe  that  Dathi  met  his  death  in  Ballyci'oy,  and  that 
the  legend  was  worked  up  by  men  who  knew  not  this  Slieve  Alp. 
The  death  of  Duach  Galach  and  the  settlement  of  his  brother  Amalgaid 
as  King  of  Connaught  would  account  for  his  presence  here,  chasing 
enemies  or  their  cattle. 

Of  St.  Patrick's  work  in  Mayo  at  this  period  the  only  fact  that  has 
come  down  is  in  a  note  in  Tirechan's  collection  in  the  Book  of  Armagh 
to  the  effect  that  he  went  from  Drummut  Cerrigi,  which  is  near  Kil- 
roddan,  a  little  west  of  Lough  Glynn,  to  Ailech  Esrachtae  in  the  north 
of  iSTarney,  where  he  and  eight  or  nine  companions  were  threatened 
by  certain  men.  Hercaith  of  the  race  of  Nothi  intervened  and  saved 
them.  Hercaith  was  baptized  with  his  son  Feradach,  whom  he  gave 
to  Patrick.  Feradach  studied  with  Patrick  for  thirty  years,  and  was 
ordained  by  Patrick  in  Rome.  He  was  given  a  new  name,  Sachell. 
He  was  a  bishop  who  worked  in  Moy  Ai,  having  a  church  at  Baslick. 

It  is  evident  that  Patrick  had  been  working  much  in  this  country, 
and  that  many  churches  had  been  established  before  his  episcopal 
tour.  But  we  have  no  details  of  his  work  beyond  the  above,  only 
the  inferences  from  general  statements  and  references  to  churches 
which  consist  only  Avith  an  early  period  of  work  in  Connaught.- 

The  accession  of  Laegaire  as  King  of  Ireland  and  of  Amalgaid  as 
King  of  Connaught  produced  opposite  effects  in  Meath  and  Con- 
naught.  Though  not  much  of  a  Christian  himself,  even  if  ever 
nominally  Christian,  Laegaire  held  St.  Patrick  in  great  respect  and 
gave  him  protection  and  freedom  of  preaching.  Patrick  seems  to 
have  gone  to  Rome,  or  at  least  to  Gaul,  to  report  the  good  opportunity 
of  organising  his  congregations,  and  procured  the  appointment  of 
Palladius  as  bishop.  Only  when  the  Irish  rejected  Palladius  did 
Patrick  accept  the  bishopric.  There  is  no  direct  evidence  that 
Patrick  procured  Palladius's  appointment.  It  is  inference  from  the 
facts.  The  Pope  would  not  have  sviperseded  Patrick  by  sending  a 
bishop  to  rule  the  church  in  Ireland  unless  Patrick  suggested  it. 

In  or   soon  after  the  year  443,  (St.  Patrick   made  a   tour    in  the 

1  Proc.  R.I. A.,  3rd  Series,  vol.  iv.  p.  lOS. 

2  For  reasons  for  ascribing  to  St.  Patrick  a  period  of  work  in  Connaught 
before  432,  see  my  "Notes  on  the  Early  History  of  the  Dioceses  of  Tuam,  Killala, 
and  Achonrv." 


THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF    CHRISTIANITY.  27 

Christian  parts  of  Connaught,  accompanied  by  a  train  of  bishops  and 
priests,  founding  new  churches,  visiting  old  churches,  and  leaving 
bishops  and  priests  in  charge.  It  seems  to  have  been  an  organising 
tour.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  record  in  the  Book  of  Armagh 
is  that  of  a  tour  made  by  Tirechan  himself,  into  which  he  worked  the 
written  and  traditional  information  regarding  places  visited  by  St. 
Patrick  in  the  form  of  an  Itinerary  of  St.  Patrick. ^  This  he  has 
done  to  some  extent,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  he  also  developed 
some  kind  of  earlier  diary  or  abstract. 

Patrick  came  from  Clonmacnoise  to  the  border  of  Moy  Ai,  where  two 
Druids  who  fostered  the  daughters  of  King  Laegaire  met  him.  They 
are  said  to  have  used  their  magic  art  against  him,  which  was  ovei^come 
by  his  prayers.  The  result  was  that  he  turned  aside  and  went  in  the 
direction  of  Kilglass  to  Kilmore.  Considering  Patrick's  relations  with 
King  Laegaire,  I  should  expect  these  Druids  to  be  well  disposed 
towards  Patrick,  and  I  therefore  suggest  that  the  fact  may  have  been 
that  they  met  him  to  warn  him  not  to  enter  Moy  Ai,  as  King  Amalgaid 
would  not  countenance  his  preaching  there. 

From  Moy  Glass,  the  Kilmore  country,  he  went  to  work  in  the 
country  of  the  Hy  Ailello,  and  thence  returned  to  Elphin  and  to 
Shankill.  In  the  meantime,  as  I  suppose.  King  Amalgaid  had  been 
induced  to  permit  Patrick  to  work  in  Moy  Ai,  though  he  did  not 
receive  him  at  Croghan.  Patrick  worked  all  round,  but  is  not 
mentioned  as  having  been  at  Croghan  or  as  having  met  Amalgaid. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  evident  that  the  resident  lords  and  gentry 
were  willing  to  receive  him,  and  especially  the  sons  of  King  Brian. 
We  also  find  that  Amalgaid's  sons  brought  Patrick  to  their  country 
and  were  baptized  soon  after  their  father's  death,  not  ten  years 
later. 

So  Patrick  worked  south  to  Fuerty,  and  then  north  again  to  the 
country  of  the  Gregry,  east  of  Lough  Gara,  the  parish  of  Killaraght, 
where  he  founded  churches.  After  a  visit  to  Assylin  he  moved  to 
Ailech  Mor,  the  old  fort  near  Castle  More  Costello,  and  founded  the 
old  church  at  that  place,  which  was  then  part  of  Artech  and  occupied 
by  the  Ciarraige,  and  called  Ailech  Mor  Ciarraige.  We  may  be  sure 
that  Enda,  the  chief  of  Artech  at  that  time,  received  Patrick  in  his 
house,  and  thus  we  may  see  in  that  ruined  rampart  one  of  the  few 
places  which  can  with  any  certainty  be  said  to  have  been  inhabited 
by  Patrick.  After  working  about  Ballaghaderreen  he  moved  to 
Kilroddan,  to  the  west  of. Lough  Glynn,  and  thence  to  the  country  of 
Karney,  where  he  founded  the  church,  now  called  Kilcronan,  on  the 
east  shore  of  Mannin   Lake  in  the  parish  of  Aghamore.     Thence  he 

^  Professor  Bury,  English  Historical  Jicviciv,  April  1902. 


28       THE   EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

moved  to  Mucna's  Well,  now  Patrick's  Well,  near  Ballyhaunis,  and 
founded  the  old  church  of  Kilmullen  in  Grallagh  townland. 

Thence  he  came  through  the  Dunmore  country  to  the  country  about 
Kilmaine,  and  founded  three  churches.  Two  of  them  are  Kilmainebeg 
and  either  Kilquire  or  Shrule,  probably  the  latter.  The  Church  of 
Cross  might  be  the  thiid.  This  country  was  already  converted  to  a 
great  extent.  To  an  earlier  period  must  be  ascribed  the  foundation 
of  the  undoubtedly  Patrician  churches  of  Kilmainemore,  Kilbennan, 
Donaghpatrick,  and  perhaps  Templepatrick  on  Inchanguill. 

From  Kilmaine  he  moved  to  Cuil  Core  in  Mag  Caeri,  where  he 
founded  a  church.  These  places  have  not  been  identified,  but  are  prob- 
ably in  the  barony  of  Clanmorris,  as  his  next  halt  was  in  Mag  Foimsen, 
the  counti'v  about  Ballinamore  in  Killedaii  parish,  where  he  left  Conan 
a  priest,  at  Patrick's  Well,  as  I  suppose.  Thence  he  passed  to  Stringill's 
Well,  at  Bellabourke,  where  he  spent  two  Sundays,  and  went  on  to 
the  country  of  Raithin,  about  Ballyheane.  These  churches  seem  to 
have  been  already  established.  Thence  he  went  to  Aghagower  and 
founded  a  church.  He  fasted  on  the  top  of  Croaghpatrick.  Now,  or 
earlier,  he  founded  a  church  in  Cloonpatrick  graveyard  at  Oughaval. 
Thereafter  he  founded  a  church  at  Kilmeena,  and  moved  into  the 
country  of  the  Corcu  Temne,  where  he  fovinded  three  churches, 
pi'obably  Turlough  and  Manulla  and  another  in  Kildacommoge  parish, 
but  it  is  not  certain  when  Turlough  and  Manulla  were  founded, 
though  they  were  certainly  Patrician.  It  may  have  been  on  an 
earlier  visit.  On  this  occasion  he  seems  to  have  lived  near  Turlough, 
as  he  is  said  to  have  baptized  many  thousands  in  the  Well  of  Sin, 
probably  the  holy  well  at  Turlough. 

He  uncovered  a  dolmen  built  over  the  holy  well  at  Manulla  in  the 
presence  of  a  crowd  of  the  Druids  and  heathen  of  the  country  who 
had  worshipped  the  well.  It  was  called  Slan,  and  from  it  the  church 
and  parish  were  called  Slanpatrick  down  to  the  sixteenth  century. 
The  uncovering  seems  to  have  been  a  formal,  prearranged  act,  that  it 
might  be  seen  whether  the  god  of  the  well  would  punish  the  Christian 
who  interfered  with  his  altar,  or  a  formal  abolition  of  the  worship.  It 
seems  clear  that  the  Corcu  Temne  as  a  tribe,  and  their  subjects,  now 
generally  adopted  Christianity. 

Thus  ended  the  work  of  the  tour,  and  St.  Patrick  returned  to 
Meath. 

King  Amalgaid  died  in  449,  and  his  nephew  Ailill  Molt  became 
King  of  Connaught. 

Seven  of  Amalgaid's  sons  came  to  the  Fes  of  Tara  in  451  to  settle 
before  King  Laegaire  a  dispute  about  their  inheritance.  Laegaire 
decided,  with  Patrick's  concurrence,  that  the  land  should  be  divided, 
and  that  Enda,  the  eldest,   should  be  the   chieftain.      The   brothers 


THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF    CHRISTIANITY.  29 

accepted  Christianity  in  principle,  but  said  that  they  must  be  baptized 
after  the  new  religion  had  been  adopted  in  their  tribal  assembly. 
Patrick  contracted  with  them  for  escort  to  Tirawley.  But  the  ar- 
rangements were  not  pleasing  to  all.  Oengus  conspired  with  Fergus 
and  Fedelmid  to  kill  Patrick  and  Enda's  son  Conall  in  Corann. 
Fergus  and  Fedelmid  withdrew  from  the  plot,  and  Oengus  seems  to 
have  gone  ahead  to  organise  opposition.  Though  Tirechan  does  not 
mention  the  tribal  meeting,  yet  it  is  evident  that  it  was  held,  and 
that  the  brothers  and  their  people  accepted  the  new  faith.  For  we 
learn  that  Enda  and  his  brothers  and  12,000  men  were  baptized  in  a 
well  called  Oen  Adarc,  according  to  the  Tripartite  Life. 

The  local  tradition  has  told  that  Amalgaid  and  his  sons  and  900 
persons  were  baptized  in  Tobernacreeva  in  Foghill  townland.  Except 
that  Amalgaid  was  not  there,  the  tradition  may  well  be  correct. 

When  he  was  near  Mullafarry  a  mob  led  by  Druids  came  to  attack 
him  between  Killybrone  and  Crosspatrick,  but  were  driven  off  by  Enda 
and  Conall. 

He  founded  a  church  in  the  Forrach,  which  probably  is  Killogunra, 
and  another  called  Donaghmore  near  Killala,  and  one  at  Ros  mac 
Caitni,  which  is  probably  the  ruin  on  Dunbriste.  He  is  said  to  have 
founded  Killala  and  Kilmoremoy.  He  certainly  established  the  faith 
firmly  in  Tirawley,  but  the  Book  of  Armagh  and  the  Tripartite  Life 
relate  the  Tirawley  events  in  a  very  confused  way. 

He  was  in  danger  of  drowning  in  crossing  the  Moy  near  Bouley- 
fadrick,  south  of  Ballina,  between  Ardnarea  and  Breaghwy.  He 
crossed  its  mouth  also  from  Bartragh.  He  was  opposed  and  threa- 
tened by  the  Calry  of  Coolcarney  on  one  occasion.  I  suspect  that 
they  turned  him  back,  and  that  he  then  took  the  other  course.  He 
made  his  way  through  Tireragh  to  Ballysadare,  and  on  to  Ulster. 

In  Tirawley  he  baptized  Eochaidh  Breac,  son  of  Dathi,  whose 
descendants  settled  about  Killala.  Fiachra  Elgach  and  Ailill  Molt 
and  their  descendants  seem  to  have  been  pagans  until  the  sixth 
century. 

The  only  important  clans  who  now  adhered  to  paganism  were  the 
sons  of  Dathi  and  their  descendants  in  the  country  of  Caria,  the  Gai- 
lenga,  and  the  Calry. 

In  accordance  with  the  statement  that  seven  sons  of  Amalgaid 
came  to  Tara  and  were  baptized,  we  find  that  only  Enda  Crom, 
Oengus  Fionn,  Oengus,  Eochaidh,  Fergus,  Felim,  left  families  of 
importance  in  Tirawley.     These  constituted  the  Hy  Amalghadha. 

We  know  nothing  more  regai-ding  the  establishment  of  Christianity 
during  this  century,  but  may  take  it  to  have  been  spreading  quietly. 

After  Laegaire's  death  Ailill  Molt  became  King  of  Ireland  in  463. 
The  two  branches  of  the  Hy  JSTeill  combined  and   killed  him  in  the 


30      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

battle  of  Ucha,  near  Tara,  in  482.  His  son  Ere  must  have  been  of 
some  importance.  D.  MacFirbis  Avrites  :  "[Some]  books  state  that 
Earc,  the  son  of  OilioU  Molt,  assumed  the  monarchy  of  Ireland,  and 
exacted  the  Borumha  without  a  battle."  If  he  did  he  was  soon 
killed,  or  died,  and  the  fact  forgotten. 

The  kingdom  of  Connaught  seems  to  have  been  assumed  by  Eoghan 
Srebh  in  succession  to  Ailill.  In  any  case  Duach  Tengumha  was  king 
at  the  close  of  the  century.  In  499  he  was  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Segais,  the  river  Boyle,  by  Muirchertach  Mac  Erca  of  Ulster,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Eoghan  Bel,  son  of  Cellach,  son  of  Ailill  Molt,  or, 
according  to  another  account,  son  of  Ere,  son  of  Ailill  Molt. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FROM  ACCESSION  OF  EOGHAN  BEL  TO  A.D.  800. 

St.  Tigernan  of  Errew  worked  in  Tirawley  in  the  early  part  of  the 
sixth  century.  His  paten  still  exists.  No  more  is  known  of  him 
except  that  he  was  the  founder  of  the  Abbey  of  Errew.  The  Breastagh 
Ogham  stone  near  the  king's  house  of  Rathfran  commemorates  a 
"  son  of  Cairbre,  son  of  Amalgaid,"  who  may  be  father  or  uncle  of 
Tigernan,  or  a  great-grandson  of  Fiacln-a  Elgach. 

Apparently  at  a  later  date  St.  Cormac  appears.  He  is  called 
Cormac  O'Liathain,  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  Tirawley  man  has 
been  confused  with  O'Liathain.  First  he  applied  to  Eoghan  Bel,  the 
King  of  Connaught,  at  his  dun  on  Inishmaine.  Eoghan  did  not 
encourage  him,  and  he  went  to  Carra,  where  Ailill  Inbandha  received 
him  well  at  Fertlothair.  Owing  to  the  jealousy  of  a  Finan  of  Rathen 
who  was  already  settled  in  Carra,  he  had  to  move  on,  and  went 
to  Tirawley.  This  Finan  is  the  first  who  appears  in  Carra  after 
St.  Patrick.  His  shrine  was  kept  in  the  church  on  Church  Island  in 
Lough  Carra.  The  Hy  Amalgada  received  Cormac  and  let  him  settle 
at  Kilcormick,  near  Killala,  and  it  is  said  that  they  endowed  him  with 
the  churches  of  Killala.  The  Abbey  of  Killala,  which  furnished  the 
bishop  and  chapter,  may  have  been  his  foundation.  But  we  have  no 
information  about  it. 

He  tried  to  settle  and  work  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Luighne  and 
Gailenga,  and  was  received  well  by  the  king,  but  had  to  leave  in 
consequence  of  objections  raised  by  St.  Aodhan  of  Cloonoghil,  who 
was  established  there. 

A  party  rose  against  him  in  Tii'awley,  but  he  overcame  all  opposi- 
tion. He  was  especially  the  saint  of  North  Tirawley  as  Tigernan 
was  of  South  Tirawley. 

According  to  his  Life  in  Colgan's  "Acta  Sanctorum,"  the  opponents 
were  in  the  wrong,  were  properly  cursed  by  him,  and  suffered  theii  or 
in  reputation  afterwards.  We  may  infer  that  he  was  a  very  quarrel- 
some man,  who  could  not  work  in  peace  with  any  one  else. 

St.  Aodhan  died  in  562.  Contemporary  with  him,  or  about  the 
same  time,  his  relations,  Cuimin,  O'Suanaigh,  and  O'Triallaigh,  were 
working  in  Tirawley  and  Tiieragh.     The  two  last  seem  to  have  been 


32   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

brothers  of  Aodhan,  but  we  cannot  rely  implicitly  on  the  pedigrees  of 
early  saints.      Cuimin  was  a  first  cousin  of  Tigernan. 

St.  Brendan  of  Clonfert  worked  in  Erris  and  lived  on  Inisglora. 
The  Nuns  Derbiled,  of  the  race  of  Eochaidh  Breac,  and  Gegh,  carried 
on  the  work  there  in  a  later  generation. 

"We  may  allow  that  all  the  royal  families  of  this  country  had 
adopted  Christianity  and  encouraged  its  spread  in  their  dominions  by 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century. 

The  Ulster  kings  Fergus  and  Donnell  invaded  Tireragh.  Eoghan 
Bel  collected  his  forces  and  came  up  with  them  at  Belladrehid  as  they 
were  driving  away  the  cattle.  The  battle  began  at  Grinder,  now 
represented  by  Culleencrin.  The  Ulstermen  were  defeated  and  driven 
across  the  Sligo  river,  but  Eoghan  was  mortally  wounded,  and  died  in 
a  few  days.  He  was  buried,  by  his  own  orders  it  is  said,  in  the  side 
of  a  rath  overlooking  the  ford  below  the  town  of  Sligo,  standing  with 
his  spear  in  his  hand.  Thereafter  the  Ulstermen  were  defeated  when- 
ever they  attacked  the  Connaughtmen,  until  they  came  with  a  great 
host  to  Rath  na  Fiachrach,  lifted  Eoghan  and  buried  him  head  down- 
wards in  the  flat  land  by  Lough  Gill,  Aenach  Locha  Gile,  which  is 
supposed  to  be  in  Hazelwood  demesne.  It  is  evident  from  his  chosen 
mode  of  burial  that  he  was  a  pagan.  This  is  called  the  battle  of  Sligo, 
and  occurred  in  the  year  537  or  thereabouts. 

In  the  same  year  a  .son  of  Ere,  son  of  Ailill  Molt,  fell  in  the  battle 
of  Tortan  in  Meath.     (A.U.,  A.T.) 

From  a  curious  mixture  and  confusion  of  traditions  called  the 
"  Life  of  St.  Cellach,"  the  following  historical  facts  are  drawn. 
Cellach,  eldest  son  of  Eoghan  Bel,  and  three  of  his  cousins  studied 
under  Ciaran  of  Clonmacnoise.  Cellach  tried  to  take  up  the  chief- 
tainship, but  was  expelled  by  Guaire,  grandson  of  Eochaidh  Breac, 
and  became  a  priest  and  bishop  of  Kilmoremoy.  His  younger  brother, 
Muredach,  became  head  of  Eoghan  Bel's  branch.  Cellach  used  his 
local  influence  on  his  brother's  behalf  when  Muredach  quarrelled  with 
Guaire.  MacDeoraid,  son  of  Eoghan  Bel's  brother,  supported  by 
Guaire,  murdered  Cellach  and  drove  Muredach  out  of  his  country, 
assumed  the  chieftainship,  and  ruled  over  at  least  the  lands  of  the 
Calry  of  Murrisk,  but  was  resisted  by  his  subjects.  Muredach 
returned,  caught  MacDeoraid  and  hanged  him  and  three  allies,  called 
the  four  Maels,  on  Ardnarea.  He  is  said  to  have  captured  them  in  a 
fort  called  Dunfidhne,  having  four  doors,  near  Tandrego.  Being  unable 
to  make  head  against  Guaire,  he  submitted,  and  was  treacherously 
murdered. 

The  quarrel  seems  to  have  been  for  .supremacy  over  the  lands  of 
Calry  of  Coolcarney  along  the  river  Moy,  a  family  quarrel  between 
the  Hy  Eachach  and  Eoghan  Bel's  clan.     A  religious  element  entered 


FROM    ACCESSION    OF    EOGHAN    BEL    TO    A.D.    800.       33 

into  this  war,  as  we  are  told  that  Muredach  remorselessly  wasted  the 
churches  of  Guaire's  land,  though  he  was  considerate  towards  Guaire's 
people. 

The  events  cannot  be  dated  more  exactly  than  as  having  occvirred 
about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  Eoghan  Bel's  family  became 
extinct,  and  Guaire's  also  died  out.  The  saints  O'Suanaigh  and 
O'Triallaigh  seem  to  have  been  Guaire's  bi-others,  as  was  Aodhan 
of  Cloonoghil.  They  must  have  worked  after  the  death  of  Ailill 
Inbanna,  who  succeeded  Eoghan,  being  his  brother,  or  possibly 
his  son. 

In  544  (F.M.,  A.T.)  Fergus  and  Donnell  invaded  Connaught 
again,  and  killed  Ailill  and  his  brother  Aedh  Fortamail  in  the  battle 
of  Cuilconaire  in  Carra,  a  place  not  identified.  The  following  curious 
tradition  is  given  in  the  Tract  on  the  Boromean  Tribute  in  the 
Book  of  Leinster,  translated  by  Mr.  S.  H.  O'Grady  in  "  Silva  Gadelica," 
wherein  Columcille  says  : — 

"As  touching  Ailillbannda,  King  of  Connaught,  the  matter  whereby 
he  had  the  Lord's  peace  was  this :  the  battle  of  Cuilconaire  it  was, 
which  he  fought  against  Clann  Fiachrach  and  in  which  he  was 
defeated,  when  [as  they  retreated]  he  said  to  his  charioteer :  '  Cast 
now,  I  pray  thee,  a  look  to  the  rear,  and  discover  whether  the  killing 
be  great  and  the  slayers  near  to  us.'  The  driver  looked  behind  him, 
and  replied  :  '  The  slaughter  that  is  made  of  thy  people  is  intoler- 
able ! '  '  Not  their  own  guilt,  but  my  pride  and  unrighteousness  it 
is  that  comes  against  them,'  said  the  king  :  '  wherefore  turn  me  now 
the  chariot  to  face  the  pursuers  ;  for  if  I  be  slain,  it  will  be  a  i-edemp- 
tion  of  many.'  Then  Ailill  did  earnest  act  of  penance,  and  by  his 
foemen  fell.  'That  man  therefore,'  said  Columcille,  'attained  to  the 
Lord's  peace.'" 

The  mention  of  Clann  Fiachrach  as  his  adversary  suggests  that 
the  Ulstermen  found  local  allies  in  the  rival  families  of  the  Hy 
Fiachrach. 

His  successor  probably  was  Feradach  Mac  Rossa,  whom  I  insert 
here  on  the  authority  of  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise. 

Aedh,  son  of  Eochaidh  Tirmcharna,  became  King  of  Connaught 
in  556. 

To  this  period  I  assign  the  disintegration  of  the  great  kingdom  of 
Irrusdomnonn,  and  its  reduction  to  the  historical  kingdom  of  the 
Hy  Fiachrach.  The  race  of  Ailill  Molt  in  Carra  becomes  insignifi- 
cant, no  longer  mentioned  in  the  Annals.  The  line  of  Fiachra  Elgach 
comes  to  the  front,  and  replaces  in  Tireragh  the  lines  of  Eochaidh 
Breac  and  Eoghan  Bel.  His  son  Amalgaid  had  been  chief,  as  to  him 
is  attributed  the  building  of  Carnamalgada,  now  Mullaghorne,  at 
Killala,  as  a  burying  place  for  himself  and  a  meeting  place  for  his 

C 


34       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

tribe.     Tibraide  is  mentioned  as  having  given  St.  Columba  land  on 
which  the  church  of  Skreen  was  built. 

Owing  to  its  inability  to  aspire  to  the  sovereignty  of  Connaught, 
the  kingdom  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach  is  seldom  mentioned  in  the 
Annals.  But  there  is  more  information  regarding  the  affairs  of  the 
church. 

602  (A.U.).  The  battle  of  Echros  in  Muirisc,  between  the  Cinel- 
Coirpri  and  the  Ui-Fiachracli  of  Muirisc.  Maelcothaig,  king  of  the 
Ui-Fiachi-ach,  was  put  to  flight. 

Ulcha  Derg  O'Caellaighe,  of  the  Conmaicne  of  Cuil  Toladh,  captured 
the  house  of  Cennfaelaidh,  King  of  Connaught,  and  killed  him  in  680. 
Duncad  Muirsce  became  King  of  Connaught,  but  was  killed  in  the 
following  year  (A.T.,  A.U.,  F.M.).i 

In  704  Duncad  Muirsce's  son,  Indrechtach,  became  King  of  Con- 
naught, but  was  killed  in  706  by  the  Ulstermen  (A.U.). 

In  742  the  Gailenga  appear  fighting  the  battle  of  Lurg  against  the 
Hy  Ailello  (A.U.). 

In  757  Ailill  Meadraige,  who  had  become  King  of  Connaught  in 
755,  defeated  the  Hy  Briuin  Ai  in  the  battle  of  Druim  Robaigh  or 
Brecmagh,  killing  three  sons  of  Fergus,  son  of  Cellach  (A.U.).  As 
Fergus  was  Ailill's  immediate  predecessor,  this  seems  to  have  been  a 
fight  for  the  crown. 

Ailill  died  in  763,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  cousin,  Dubhinnrecht, 
who  defeated  the  Conmaicne  at  Shnile  in  the  Co.  Longford  in  765. 
He  died  in  767,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Donncothaigh, 
who  died  in  772  (A.U.).  The  Hy  Fiachrach  Muaidhe  never  again 
attained  to  the  sovereignty  of  Connaught. 

In  773  Flannabhra,  lord  of  Umall,  in  777  Dunghal,  son  of  Flaith- 
niadh,  lord  of  Umall,  in  783  Aedhgal,  King  of  Umall,  died  (F.M.). 
These  are  the  first  lords  of  Umall  mentioned  in  the  Annals. 

In  776  there  was  a  slaughter  of  the  Calry  by  the  Hy  Fiachrach, 
and  in  786  "a  slaughter  of  the  Ui-Briuin  of  Umall  by  the  Ui- 
Fiachrach-Muirsce,  where  all  the  noblest  were  slain  about  the  king, 
Flathgal,  son  of  Flannabhra"  (A.U.). 

The  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  was  mai'ked  by  the  establish- 
ment of  great  monasteries,  and  the  complete  organisation  of  the 
church  upon  the  native  system. 

St.  Mochua  came  to  Balla  about  the  year  616,  and  founded  a 
monastery  which  became  the  ecclesiastical  centre  of  the  Hy  Fiach- 
rach of  the  Moy,  claiming  supremacy  over  and  dues  from  the  terri- 
tories of  Carra  and  Tireragh  generally.  Though  the  succession  is 
unknown,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  race  of  Ailill  Molt  provided 

1  A  Dunchad  was  king  of  the  Ui  Amalgada  and  Ui  Fiachrach  Muirisc  about 
C97  (Kuno  Meyer,  "  Cain  Adamnain,"  p.  19). 


FROM    ACCESSION    OF    EOGHAN    BEL    TO    A.D.    800.       35 

kings  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach  for  some  time  after  its  foundation,  and 
that  the  descendants  of  Fiachra  Elgach  had  estates  in  Carra.  There 
is  evidence  of  the  latter  fact  in  the  tradition  handed  down  by 
MacFirbis  that  O'Caomain  had  a  large  estate  comprising  the  parishes 
of  Rosslee  and  Touaghty,  as  well  as  a  chiefry  in  Tireragh. 

Fechin  of  Fore  founded  Cong  in  623,  after  working  in  the  baronies 
of  Ballynahinch  and  Ross,  which  are  especially  connected  with  him. 
He  left  these  countries  about  630.  Cong  became  the  great  monastery 
of  the  Conmaicne  Cuile  Tolad  and  Conmaicne  Mara. 

Colman  of  Lindisfarne,  unable  to  follow  the  practices  of  the  Celtic 
church  in  ISTorthumbria,  brought  about  thirty  monks  to  settle  on 
Inishboffin.  Disputes  arose  between  the  Irish  and  English  monks, 
which  were  appeased  by  the  foundation  of  Mayo  for  the  English 
monks  in  668,  which  became  a  great  institution,  much  frequented 
by  young  Englishmen  of  rank,  and  probably  for  a  very  long  time 
manned  by  English  monks  to  some  extent.  It  acquired  the  greatest 
reputation  of  all  the  monasteries  of  this  county  down  to  the  twelfth 
century. 

The  Inishboffin  monastery  decayed,  being  suitable  only  for  ascetic 
life.  The  Columban  monks  were  settled  in  several  places  in  the 
county,  at  Oughaval,  on  Illauncolumbkille  and  Inishrobe  on  Lough 
Mask,  and  at  places  in  Erris.     Bat  Mayo  was  the  chief  of  all. 

The  Patrician  monastery  at  Aghagower  was  the  only  monastery  of 
note  in  Umall.  The  Round  Tower  and  the  great  endowment  in  land 
about  it  mark  its  position  as  the  head  church  of  that  kingdom. 

Turlough  seems  to  have  been  the  abbey  of  Clann  Cuain,  but  no 
details  are  known  about  it. 

Meelick,  owing  to  its  Round  Tower,  must  be  taken  to  have  been 
the  principal  abbey  of  the  Gailenga,  but  I  find  no  references  to  it. 
St.  Nathi's  abbey  at  Achoni'y  eventually  overshadowed  it,  and  pro- 
vided the  bishop  for  that  kingdom,  but  was  peculiarly  the  abbey  of 
the  O'Hara  family. 

Regarding  the  Ciarraige  I  find  no  chui-ch  of  importance  correspond- 
ing with  the  great  abbeys  already  mentioned. 

The  abbeys  of  Killala  and  Errew  were  the  religious  centres  of 
Tirawley. 

Thus  all  Mayo  is  Christian,  and  the  monastic  organisation  is  com- 
pleted which  lasted,  latterly  in  decay,  until  replaced  in  the  eleventh 
century  in  practice,  and  formally  in  the  twelfth  century,  by  territorial 
episcopacy. 

We  must  suppose  that  the  great  monasteries  were  laid  out  upon 
the  usual  plan — a  church,  buildings  for  common  use  of  the  monks, 
separate  small  cells  for  monks,  and  subsidiary  buildings  and  store- 
houses, all  surrounded  by  a  high  stone  wall   built  without  mortar, 


3G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

called  a  ca.shel,  rftund  or  oval  like  tlie  duns  and  ratlis  of  the  kings 
and  chiefs,  but  sometimes  of  irregular  shape  to  suit  the  ground  or 
the  grouping  of  buildings.  A  small  piece  of  the  cashel  of  Mayo 
shows  the  extent  of  the  enclosure.  If  the  number  of  students  in 
residence  at  one  time  was  not  very  large,  they  and  the  teaching 
staff  and  the  monks  of  the  church  may  have  found  accommodation 
Avithin  the  cashel.  On  the  other  hand,  we  know  that  the  students 
of  some  very  great  colleges  lived  outside,  and  Ave  might  expect  that 
the  ai-rangement  would  be  general  in  large  colleges. 

The  churches  of  Moyne  in  the  barony  of  Kilmaine  and  of  Ross  in 
that  of  lloss,  which  as  far  as  we  know  were  never  of  more  than  local 
importance,  had  cashels  enclosing  laige  areas.  That  of  the  former  is 
in  unusually  good  condition,  and  encloses  an  area  measuring  380  by 
330  feet,  and  that  of  the  latter  an  equal  area  at  least,  judging  from 
the  remaining  part.  At  Drum  and  Loonamore  in  the  barony  of 
Carra  large  cashels  of  rectangular  plan  are  well  marked,  but  they 
seem  to  have  been  intended  for  the  accommodation  of  pilgrims,  as 
the  Togherpatrick  passes  through  them. 

We  cannot  say  exactly  how  these  enclosures  were  utilised,  but  we 
ca,n  say  that  such  large  enclosures  were  commonly  built  round  im- 
portant churches.  Such  enclosures  as  those  of  Drum  and  Loonamore 
suggest  walled  villages,  and  that  they  may  have  been  vised  in  vai-ious 
ways.  In  some  cases  churches  were  built  within  forts  given  up  by 
the  owner  for  the  purpose.  The  churches  of  this  period  which  remain 
are  not  much  more  than  thirty  feet  long,  usually  less. 

Evidence  is  abundant  to  show  the  early  use  of  mortar  and  steady 
improvement  of  ecclesiastical  architecture,  but  is  wanting,  probably 
because  there  Avas  no  occasion  for  change,  and  Avas  no  change,  in 
regard  to  secular  architecture.  We  find  no  evidence  of  material 
change  in  military  building  until  it  is  noted  that  the  Connaught- 
men — i.e.  King  Torlogh  Mor — built  castles  at  Gahvay,  Ballinasloe, 
and  Gollooney  in  1124  (A.T.,  F.M.). 

The  cashels  and  cahers  of  dry  stone,  the  earthen  forts  having  the 
sides  of  their  ditches  faced  with  stone,  and  having  stone  walls  or 
wooden  palisades  upon  the  ramparts,  answered  the  purposes  of  de- 
fence, and  continued  in  use  long  after  the  tAvelfth  century.  We 
have  no  means  of  dating  them  unless  they  are  mentioned  in  history 
or  legend.  The  great  dry-stone  forts  of  the  counties  of  Clare  and 
Galway,  Avhich  are  attributed  to  the  Clann  Umoir,  may  have  been 
built  during  the  period  of  their  domination,  but  others,  and  some 
of  them,  Avere  no  doubt  built  earlier  and  later.  Dunamoe,  near 
Belmullet,  is  in  the  style  of  the  great  cahers  of  Aran,  Avith  outer 
defence  of  upright  stone.  Kilcashel,  near  Kilmovee,  is  a  Avell-pre- 
served   simple   cashel  without  outer  defence.      Bally nacarrach,  near 


FROM    ACCESSION    OF    EOGHAN    BEL    TO    A.D.    800.       37 

Kilmaine,  shows  a  similar  plain  cashel  strengthened  by  a  deep  ditch 
with  steep  sides.     It  is  the  Dun  na  nGall  mentioned  in  1159. 

Castlehag  in  Lough  Mask  is  a  mortared  caher  with  an  unusually 
high  wall.  It  is  first  mentioned  in  1195.  As  such  moi'tared  cahers 
are  very  rare,  we  may  infer  that  mortar  had  not  been  long  applied  in 
military  architecture  when  the  Anglo-Norman  invasion  introduced  a 
new  style  and  those  Irish  lords  who  were  in  a  position  to  build  a  fort 
built  a  castle.  It  is  not  likely  that  any  new  fort  of  importance  was 
built  in  Mayo  after  the  de  Burgo  conquest. 

The  domestic  buildings  inside  the  forts  must  have  been  generally 
of  wood,  as  traces  of  even  foundations  of  stone  are  rarely  seen.  The 
crannoges  remained  in  use  even  to  the  sixteenth  centurv. 


CHAPTER   V. 

FllOM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NORMAN    INVASION. 

The  Hy  Briuin  Ai,  having  become  the  predominant  tribe  of  Connaught, 
expanded  and  settled  their  clans,  called  collectively  the  Silmurray,  in 
the  territories  of  the  Ciarraige,  Delbna,  Hy  Ailello,  Hy  Maine,  Cor- 
camoe,  and  Conmaicne  of  Dunmore,  thus  maintaining  and  increasing 
their  power  until  new  conditions  were  introduced  by  the  Anglo- 
Norman  conquest.  During  the  eleventh  century  their  rivals  were 
the  O'Rourks,  who  mastered  them  for  a  time.  From  this  period  of 
confusion  Torlogh  Mor  O'Conor  arose.  The  Hy  Fiachrach  and  other 
tribes  of  Mayo  played  small  parts,  and  seldom  come  in  sight. 

In  addition  to  these  tribal  quarrels  which  went  on  as  usual,  a  more 
destructive  warfare  was  introduced  by  the  Northmen,  who  made  their 
first  descent  on  Ireland  in  795.  Their  first  visit  to  Connaught  was 
in  807,  when  they  burnt  Inismurray  and  advanced  to  Roscommon, 
according  to  the  Annals  of  Ulster  and  of  Clonmacnoise.  But  the 
Chronicuiii  Scotorum  gives  Roscam  instead  of  Roscommon,  probably 
correctly,  as  these  raids  seem  to  have  been  confined  to  the  sea  coast. 
They  made  no  settlements  in  Connaught. 

Because  they  bore  a  special  hatred  to  Christianity  since  Charle- 
magne tried  to  convert  the  north  of  Europe  by  the  sword,  their  raids 
checked  the  progress  of  culture  by  the  breaking  up  of  religious  com- 
munities and  destruction  of  their  libraries.  Had  they  been  Christians 
and  plundered  the  churches  only  of  such  movables  as  were  taken  by 
the  Irish  from  the  churches  of  other  tribes — probably  only  grain,  cattle, 
and  the  like — no  permanent  harm  would  have  come  from  an  addition 
to  the  normal  amount  of  plundering  in  the  slightly  organised  agricul- 
tural and  pastoral  country.  Losses  would  have  been  made  good  in  the 
peaceful  intervals. 

Of  what  passed  in  Mayo  there  are  but  a  few  bare  notes  of  events. 

In  811  the  Northmen  descended  on  U mall,  but  were  slaughtered 
by  the  men  of  Umall,  and  they  slaughtered  the  Conmaicne,  probably 
Conmaicne  Mara.  They  came  again  the  next  year  and  slaughtered 
the  men  of  Umall,  killing  Cosgrach,  son  of  Flannabhrat,  and  Dunadach, 
King  of  Umall  (A.U.). 

815  (A.U.).     A  battle  was  gained  over  the  Ui  Fiachrach  of  Muirisc 


FROM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NORMAN    INVASION.       39 

by  Diarmait,  son  of  Tom:\ltacli.  Death  of  Cathal,  son  of  Ailill,  king 
of  the  Ui  Fiachrach. 

The  Danes  left  Ireland  alone  until  about  822,  when  another  series 
of  raids  began.  In  831  Turgesius  appeared,  established  himself  in 
the  north,  and  put  a  fleet  on  Lough  Ree  for  the  devastation  and  sub- 
jugation of  Connaught.  The  Annals  record  in  835  (A.U.,  F.M.)  a  ci-uel 
oppression  and  desolation  of  all  Connaught.  Two  years  later  a  fleet 
from  the  north  plundered  Collooney,  where  Cearball^  son  of  Dunlaing, 
besieged  them  for  a  fortnight,  and  slaughtered  them  dreadfully  after- 
wards. Other  notes  are  made  of  battles  between  Danes  and  Connaught- 
men  about  this  time,  sliowing  that  they  moved  about  freely  and  had 
the  upper  hand  in  these  countries  in  spite  of  occasional  reverses. 
Dr.  Lynch  writes :  "  We  read  that  Turgesius  .  .  .  destroyed  by  fire 
the  temple  of  the  church  of  Mayo,  which  was  roofed  with  sheets  of 
lead."  1 

Turgeis,  or  Turgesius,  was  taken  prisoner  and  drowned  by  jMael- 
seachlainn,  King  of  Meath.  He  had  conquered  Ireland  to  a  great 
extent,  and  was  fierce  against  Chi-istians.  For  some  time  after  his 
death  Connaught  seems  to  have  suffered  little  from  the  Danes. 

In  848  (F.M.)  Loch  Laeigh  in  TJmall  ran  off  into  the  sea.  This 
seems  to  record  the  bursting  of  a  bog  lake.     The  place  is  not  known. 

In  887  the  Hy  Awley  slaughtered  the  foreigners  and  killed  one  of 
their  chiefs,  Elair,  son  of  Bairid  (F.M.). 

In  912  (A.U.)  "a  hosting  by  Niall,  son  of  Aedh,  to  Connaught; 
and  he  gained  a  battle  over  the  warriors  of  the  north  of  Connaught, 
viz.,  over  the  Ui-Amalgaidh  and  the  men  of  Umhall,  who  lost  great 
numbers  between  slain  and  prisoners,  including  Maelcluithe,  son  of 
Conor."  Niall,  called  Glunduff,  was  afterwards  King  of  Ireland.  I 
cannot  identify  Maelcluithe. 

In  927  (F.M.)  the  foreigners  of  Limerick  went  upon  Lough  Corrib 
and  plundered  the  crannoges  and  strong  places,  but  were  slaughtered 
by  the  Connaughtmen  next  year. 

In  936  they  plundered  all  Connaught  up  to  Moylurg  and  Slieve 
Baune. 

In  938  (F.M.)  Cairbre  O'Cinaeidh,  lord  of  the  Ui-Aitheachda,  died. 
This  tribe  gave  its  name  to  Touaghty  in  Carra,  Tuath  Aitheachda. 
It  is  the  only  mention  of  them  in  the  Annals. 

In  964  (F.M.)  Fearghal  O'Ruairc,  King  of  Connaught,  and  Taich- 
leach  O'Gadhra,  King  of  Luighne,  invaded  South  Connaught.  They 
were  defeated  by  the  Hy  Fiachrach  Aidhne,  and  O'Gadhra  and  700 
men  were  slain  in  Burren  of  Corcumroe. 

In  983  (F.M.)  Aedh  O'Dubhda,  King  of  North  Connaught,  died. 
The  pedigree  is  evidently  defective  between  Aedh  and  his  ancestor 
1  Camb.  Ev.,  ii.  191. 


40   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

])onncathy.  Two  or  three  more  are  needed  to  span  more  than 
two  hundred  years.  The  O'Conor  pedigree  has  six  generations  from 
Tomaltach,  son  of  Murgil,  to  Conor,  son  of  Tadhg  of  Three  Towers, 
contemporaries  of  ])onncathy  and  Aedh. 

According  to  MacFirbis,  Aedh  and  his  father  made  arrangements 
with  O'Caomhain,  head  of  the  senior  line  of  the  race  of  Fiachra 
Elgach  when  the  sovereignty  was  settled  in  the  line  of  Dubhda,  which 
are  set  out  here  as  they  illustrate  the  mode  of  growth  and  settlement 
of  clans,  showing  how  some  clans  got  greater  hereditary  estates  than 
others  of  the  same  race.  These  were  a  partition  of  teriitory  and 
honours.  O'Caomhain  received  as  his  lordship  the  land  from  the 
Leaffony  river  to  Toomour,  and  the  Tuath  Kuisen  in  Carra,  now 
mainly  represented  by  the  parishes  of  Rosslee  and  Touaghty.  He 
got  about  half  the  land  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach  of  the  Moy.  He  was 
allowed  also  the  following  privileges  and  distinctions  : — 

1.  Of  first  sitting  in  the  drinking-house. 

2.  Of  arranging  the  battle. 

3.  That  O'Dubhda  should  stand  up  before  him  when  he  meets  him 
or  wherever  he  may  be. 

4.  That  O'Caomhain  shall  take  the  first  drink  and  bath. 

5.  That  whoever  takes  his  first  arms  in  his  territory  shall  take 
them  fi'om  the  descendants  of  Diarmaid,  son  of  Cathal,  son  of 
Caomhan. 

6.  That  O'Caomhain  shall  get  the  Luach  leasa  (a  fine  on  marriage) 
of  every  king's  daughter  ;  and  the  steed  and  battle  dress  of  every  king 
among  them  for  ever,  after  his  being  inaugurated,  and  that  the  like 
should  be  given  by  them  to  the  Ollav — that  is,  to  MacFirbis. 

The  remaining  twenty  years  of  the  century  are  marked  by  the 
efforts  of  Maelseachlainn  of  Meath  and  Brian  Boro  to  gain  supremacy 
over  Connaught,  which  was  generally  on  Brian's  side,  as  it  was  in- 
vaded by  Maelseachlainn  in  983,  992,  and  997.  It  does  not  appear 
that  he  penetrated  to  Mayo,  or  what  parts  the  Mayo  lords  played. 
By  the  year  1000  Brian  made  good  his  supremacy  over  O'Conor  and 
O'Rourk,  and  is  said  to  have  received  hostages  from  all  Connaught 
in  one  week  in  1001.  According  to  the  copy  of  Keating's  History 
used  for  O'Connor's  translation,  he  levied  a  tribute  of  800  cows  and 
800  hogs,  paid  on  1st  November. 

In  988  Conor,  son  of  Donnell,  King  of  Luighne,  died,  and  in  993 
the  Gailenga  killed  Fogartach,  son  of  Diarmait,  son  of  Uathmaran, 
lord  of  the  Corcofirtri  (A.T.,  F.M.). 

In  1002  Conor,  son  of  Maelseachlainn,  lord  of  Corcamodhruadh  and 
Aicher  Ua  Traigthech,  and  many  others,  were  slain  by  the  men  of 
TJmall  in  West  Connaught  (F.M.,  A.T.).  This  seems  to  have  been 
a  raid  on  behalf  of  Brian. 


FROM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NOKMAN    INVASION.      41 

In  1005  Maelruanaidh,  son  of  Aedh  O'Dubhda,  King  of  Hy  Fiacli- 
racli  of  Murrisk,  and  his  son  Maelseachlainn  and  his  brother  Geben- 
nach  died  (A.U.). 

In  lOU  the  battle  of  Olontarf  ended  the  Danish  invasions,  but  did 
not  end  the  internal  wars  and  robbery,  which  were  worse  than  before, 
or  are  more  fully  recorded  than  before. 

The  Chronicum  Scotorum  gives  these  obits  of  the  Luighne  at  this 
period : — 

848.  Tuathchar,  son  of  Cobhthach,  king,  died. 
921.  Uathmaran,  son  of  Dobhailen,  king,  died. 
945.   Domnall,  son  of  Maelmuaidh,  king,  was  slain  by  the  son  of 

Uathmaran,  son  of  Dobhailen,  and  by  the  Corcofirtri. 
983.   Diarmaid,  son  of  Domnall,  king,  died. 

The  Round  Towers  are  held  to  have  been  a  result  of  the  incursions 
of  the  Northmen,  built  as  places  of  refuge  for  ecclesiastics  and  safety 
for  relics  and  treasures  of  churches.  They  date  from  about  the  year 
900,  to  which  period  the  Tower  of  Turlough  is  assigned  by  Miss 
Stokes,  who  attributes  those  of  Aghagower  and  Meelick  to  the  period 
from  973  to  1013,  and  those  of  Killala  and  Balla  to  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century.  They  mark  the  fact  that  an  important  monastery  or 
church  then  existed  at  their  site,  and  in  the  county  of  Mayo  seem  to 
mark  the  principal  church  of  an  important  tribe — Killala  for  the  Hy 
Awley,  Turlough  for  the  Clanncuain,  Balla  for  Carra  and  Hy  Fiachrach 
Muaidhe,  Meelick  for  the  Gailenga,  Aghagower  for  Clann  Maille. 
They  show  improvement  in  architecture,  as  do  the  contemporaneous 
churches.  About  the  same  time,  in  the  tenth  century,  the  Irish 
Romanesque  or  Decorated  style  came  in,  showing  a  very  great  advance 
upon  the  early  churches.  They  are  much  larger,  usually  from  forty 
to  sixty  feet  in  length,  the  doors  and  windows  being  progressively 
more  ornamental,  and  masonry  often  wholly  of  cut  stone,  until  this 
style,  having  attained  a  high  degree  of  artistic  beauty  and  archi- 
tectural power  in  the  development  of  the  stone  roof,  was  superseded 
by  the  Gothic  style  introduced  in  the  twelfth  century.  Those  that 
remain  in  this  county  are  much  ruined,  or  have  been  altered  in  part 
to  the  Gothic  style. 

•  In  1021  MacConcannon,  lord  of  Hy  Diarmada,  was  killed  by 
O'Gadhra.  In  1023  O'Conor,  King  of  Connaught,  made  an  expedition 
into  Brefne,  where  he  killed  Donnell  O'Hara,  King  of  Luighne.  In 
1024  occvu-red  "the  battle  of  Ath  na  Croisi  in  Corann,  between 
Ua  Maeldoraidh,  i.e.  King  of  Cenel  Conaill,  and  Ua  Ruairc,  when 
O'Ruairc  was  defeated,  and  a  terrible  slaughter  of  the  men  of  Brefne 
and  Connacht  was  committed  by  the  Cenel  Conaill"  (L.C.,  A.XJ., 
F.M.,  A.T.).     The  O'Haras  and  O'Garas  seem  to  have  been  opposed  to 


42     thp:  early  history  of  the  county  of  mayo. 

O'Conor  and  on  the  side  of  O'Ruaiic  in  the  years  1021  and  1023,  and  to 
have  been  on  his  side,  together  with  O'Ruairc,  in  1024,  combining  to 
resist  the  Ulstermen.  But  this  reading  depends  on  the  description  of 
those  who  were  killed  as  "  of  Brefne  and  Connacht."  So  it  may  have 
been  only  a  successful  raid  against  O'Kourk  and  his  allies,  who  could 
not  resist  Ulster  without  help  from  O'Conor.  All  accounts  call  it  a 
defeat  of  O'Rourk,  who  is  said  to  have  lost  2000  men. 

In  1030  Donncad,  lord  of  Cairbre,  was  killed  by  the  Hy  Fiachrach 
of  Murrisk  before  the  house  of  Adamnan's  shrine,  that  is,  at  Skreen 
(F.M.). 

In  1032  Conor,  son  of  Maelseachlainn  O'Dubhda,  was  killed  by  his 
cousin,  the  son  of  Niall  O'Dubhda  (A.T.). 

In  1051  Aedh  O'Conor,  King  of  Connaught,  defeated  and  killed 
many  of  the  Conmaicne  in  Sliabh  Formaeile.  He  blinded  Amalgaid 
O'Flaherty,  King  of  West  Connaught,  and  fixed  his  residence  at 
Tuam  (F.M.,  A.T.).     In  1055  he  preyed  Luighne. 

In  1059  Aedh  O'Dubhda,  King  of  Hy  Awley,  and  Duarcan  O'Hara, 
King  of  Luighne,  were  killed  by  their  own  people,  and  Ruaidhri 
O'Gadhra  was  slain  (A.T.,  A.U.). 

The  remainder  of  this  century  was  marked  by  the  fighting  of  Con- 
naught against  the  kings  of  Ulster  and  Munster,  who  sought  to 
establish  supremacy  over  Connaught,  and  by  the  quarrels  of  O'Conors 
and  O'Rourks  and  O'Flaherties,  who  were  faiily  evenly  matched. 
The  O'Conors  rather  lost  ground  until  Torlogh  Mor  became  King 
of  Connaught  and  made  himself  King  of  Ireland.  Mayo  territories 
are  seldom  mentioned  in  these  affairs. 

In  1063  MacLochlainn,  King  of  Ulster,  invaded  Connaught  as  far 
as  the  Moy  and  the  west  of  Luighne,  when  O'Conor  and  the  chiefs  of 
Connaught  submitted.  "The  cave  of  Alia,  in  Cera,  was  captured  by 
the  Connaughtmen,  against  the  people  of  Aedh  Ua  Conchobair,  in 
which  one  hundred  and  sixty  persons  were  suffocated  "  (L.C.  and 
A.U.).  But  the  F.M.  say  that  the  cave  of  Alia  Gere  in  Carra  was 
taken  by  the  Conmaicne  against  the  Connaughtmen,  that  the  cave 
was  demolished,  and  that  the  jewels  of  Connaught  were  carried  off 
thence.  It  seems  to  me  that  two  events  have  been  mixed,  the  descent 
or  raid  of  MacLochlainn  on  Connaught  and  a  fight  between  the 
Conmaicne  of  Moyrein  and  O'Conor.  The  cave  has  been  assumed  to 
be  Aille,  near  Westport,  which,  in  my  opinion,  never  was  in  Carra. 
That  is  a  cliff  where  a  river  runs  into  natural  caves,  which  could  not 
be  destroyed.     There  are  no  signs  of  ancient  fortifications  near  it. 

The  Four  Masters  seem  to  give  it  the  full  name  Alia  Gere.  It  is 
evident  that  a  fort  was  captured  with  an  artificial  cave  which  was 
destroyed.  It  cannot  be  identified  as  in  Carra,  and,  considering  the 
evident  inaccuracy  of  parts  of  the  lecord,  may  be  elsewhere.     There 


FROM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NORMAN    INVASION.      43 

•was  a  once  well-known  stone  cave  in  Grecraighi  in  which  Grec  Mac 
Arodh  found  Cormac  Mac  A  it  aftei'  his  birth  in  Luigni  Firtri's  house, 
according  to  the  Legend  of  the  Birth  of  Cormac.^ 

In  1067  Donnslevy  O'Gara,  prince  of  Luighne,  was  killed  by  Brian 
O'Gara. 

Torlogh  O'Brien  of  Thomond  brought  an  army  of  men  of  Munster, 
Leinster,  and  Ossory  and  encamped  at  Lough  Hacket,  whence  we 
must  suppose  that  at  least  the  south  of  Mayo  was  plundered. 
Kuaidhri  O'Conor  submitted  to  Torlogh  in  1076,  but  the  submission 
must  have  been  temporary,  as  Torlogh  came  again  in  1079  and  drove 
him  out  of  Connaught,  bringing  a  fleet  as  well  as  an  army,  for  he 
"  went  upon  Loch  Beannchair,  and  Innsi  Modh,  and  plundered  the 
Cruach  "  (F.M.).  Loch  Beannchair  is  Tullaghan  Bay,  Innsi  Modh 
are  the  islands  of  Clew  Bay,  and  the  Cruach  is  probably  that  from 
which  Ballycroy  takes  its  name  (F.M.). 

In  1088  Murtough  O'Brien  attacked  Euaidhri  and  sent  a  fleet 
round  to  the  west  coast,  but  Ruaidhri  slaughtered  its  crews. 

Caesar  Otway  records  in  his  "  Sketches  in  Erris  and  Tyrawley," 
p.  60,  that  the  Leacht  Air  lorruis.  Monument  of  Slaughter  of  Erris, 
"  a  rude  conical  pillar  of  stones,"  was  said  to  have  been  the  scene  of 
the  slaughter  of  an  invading  army  from  Munster.  A  semi-spherical 
mound  a  mile  and  a  half  from  it  was  called  after  the  King  of  Munster, 
in  which  many  years  before  had  been  found  a  skeleton  standing  up- 
right. The  Laght  is  near  Binghamstown  in  the  Mullet,  and  may 
very  well  commemorate  one  of  these  invasions  and  the  defeat  of  the 
invaders.  But  the  mound  burial  seems  to  be  much  too  early  for  this 
period,  and  we  must  suppose  that  the  tradition  of  the  invasion  from 
Munster  has  attached  itself  to  the  ancient  burial  mound.  They  must 
have  been  but  a  small  party  engaged  in  robbing  the  country,  as  no 
great  force  could  have  been  in  these  parts  to  resist  them. 

In  1090  Taichleach  O'Hara  was  taken  prisoner  (A.U.). 

In  1091  Laidgnen,  i.e.  the  Buidennach  O'Duinncathaigh,  lord  of 
Gailenga,  was  slain  by  the  Hy  Briuin  (F.M.). 

In  1092  Ruaidhri  O'Conor  was  treacherously  blinded  by  his  foster- 
son  O'Flaherty.  Until  Torlogh  Mor  rose  to  power  the  O'Conors  were 
depressed,  they  and  O'Rourks  and  O'Flaherties  were  incessantly 
fighting,  and  Connaught  suffered  many  invasions  because  there  was 
no  king  able  to  protect  it.  O'Brien  was  the  principal  assailant.  He 
tried  to  effect  a  partition  of  Connaught,  making  O'Rourk  chief  king 
of  Connaught,  and  having  O'Flaherty  as  an  ally.  On  one  of  these 
occasions,  1093,  O'Brien  is  said  to  have  encamped  in  the  plain  of  the 
Hy  Fiachrach  from  midsummer  to  St.  Michael's  Day.  Lough  Hacket 
seems  to  have  been  usually  made  O'Brien's  headquarters. 
^  "  Silva  Gadelica,"  ii.  p.  278. 


44       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

In  1094  Gillii  na  ulnghen  Ua  Cobhthaigh,  King  of  Umall,  Airchin- 
nech  of  Agliagower,  was  killed  by  the  men  of  Carra  (F.M.). 

In  1095  Taiclileach  O'Hara,  loitl  of  Luighne,  was  slain  with  many 
of  his  people  by  the  Conmaicne  of  Dunmore,  and  in  1096  Murtough 
O'Dubhda,  king  of  the  Hy  Fiachraeh,  was  slain  treacherously  by  his 
own  people  (A.T.,  F.M.). 

Connaught  seems  now  to  have  had  some  respite  from  O'Brien 
invasions,  in  which  at  least  South  Mayo  must  have  suffered  severely. 
O'Dowda  was  usually  on  O'Conor's  side. 

In  1106  Murtough  O'Brien  deposed  Donnell  O'Conor  and  made  his 
younger  brother  Torlogh  king  in  his  place,  being  then  nineteen  years 
old,  whose  power  increased  until  he  was  able  to  make  good  his  title  of 
King  of  Ireland  in  1136.  Why  he  was  able  so  soon  to  raise  the  power 
of  the  Silmuri-ay  does  not  appear.  It  may  be  supposed  that  he  showed 
great  abilities  for  war,  and  as  O'Rourks  and  O'Flaherties  were  some- 
what depressed  by  the  incessant  wars  and  invasions,  the  minor  tribes 
adhered  to  him  for  protection's  sake,  and  eventually  the  greater,  who 
would  find  it  more  to  their  advantage  to  join  Torlogh  in  successful 
invasions  of  other  countries  than  to  resist  him  and  suffer  invasion 
from  him.  Great  as  he  made  himself,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
he  was  such  a  king  as  Brian  Boro  before  him,  who  forced  himself  by 
fighting  into  the  highest  position.  There  was  no  government,  no 
administration  of  public  affairs,  only  supremacy  and  power  of  levying 
tribute  from  weaker  kings. 

In  consequence  of  his  power,  we  may  suppose  that  Mayo  men  were 
increasing  in  prosperity  owing  to  freedom  from  plundering  and  the 
profits  of  plunder  of  other  provinces,  whereof  those  who  joined  in 
expeditions  would  share.  But  few  references  to  Mayo  men  and 
countries  are  found. 

In  111.3  "a  thunderbolt  fell  on  Cruachan  Aigie  in  the  night  of 
the  festival  of  St.  Patrick,  which  destroyed  thu-ty  of  the  fasting 
people"  (L.C.).  This  seems  to  be  the  event  recorded  under  1106 
in  C.S. :  "  Ua  Longain  Airchinnech  of  Ard-Patrick  was  burned  by 
lightning  in  Cruach-Padraig."  Cruachan  Aigle  is  near  Oughaval,  near 
Westport. 

In  1123  Tadhg  O'Malley  was  drowned  with  liis  ship  at  Arann 
(A.T.). 

In  1126  Toidogh  invaded  Munster  and  encamped  in  Ormond. 
Donnell  Finn  O'Dowda,  lord  of  the  Hy  Awley,  was  drowned  as  he 
was  bringing  back  the  prey  from  the  baronies  of  Connello  in  Co. 
Limerick.  Torlogh  was  helped  by  a  Connaught  fleet  on  this  occasion, 
and  again  in  the  following  year  when  it  defeated  the  Munster  fleet. 

In  1128  Mayo  men  were  out  with  him  invading  Meath  and  Leinster, 
Avhen  he  went  as  far  south  as  Wexford.     O'Gara,  lord  of  Luighne,  was 


FROM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NORMAN    INVASION.       45 

killed.  Meanwhile  Tigernan  O'Rourk  led  tlie  forces  of  Brefne,  the 
Hy  Fiachrach,  and  others  against  Ulster.  The  cavalry  of  Conor,  son 
of  MacLochlin,  defeated  the  cavalry  of  O'Rourk  and  killed  Taich- 
leach,  son  of  Aedh  O'Dowda.  This  defeat  seems  to  have  led  Torlogh 
to  make  a  truce  with  O'Brien  until  1130,  when  he  took  a  fleet 
to  Desmond  and  another  as  far  as  Tory  Island,  which  plundered 
liosguill.  In  1131  O'Malley  was  slain  by  Donnell  O'Dowda's  son  in 
the  stone  church  of  Oughaval,  but  within  three  months  his  own  spear 
killed  him  "  through  the  miracle  of  Columcille." 

Torlogh  fared  ill  now,  and  O'Rourk  had  to  submit  to  Conor 
O'Lochlin.     He  was  much  hampered  by  family  quarrels  at  this  time. 

In  1133  Cormac  MacCarthy  and  Conor  O'Brien  invaded  Connaught 
and  plundered  a  great  part  of  the  country,  and  destroyed  Dunmore 
and  Dun  Mughdhord,  now  represented  by  Doon  Castle,  near  West- 
port.  O'Rourk  plundered  the  Hy  Fiachrach.  Torlogh  and  O'Brien 
made  peace  for  a  year. 

In  1135  Awliff,  son  of  Donnell  Finn  O'Dowda,  lord  of  Hy  Awley, 
was  slain  by  his  own  people. 

About  this  period  the  kingdom  of  Luighne  seems  to  have  been 
practically  broken  into  two  separate  kingdoms  under  O'Gai'a  and 
O'Hara,  the  former  holding  as  his  kingdom  so  much  as  is  in  the  county 
of  Mayo,  with  the  country  of  the  Gregry  under  him.  The  O' Haras 
may  be  held  to  be  no  longer  Mayo  men,  having  no  supremacy  over 
Gailenga.  The  next  few  years  are  marked  by  great  internal  disorder  in 
Connaught  and  by  Torlogh's  quarrels  with  his  sons  and  other  troubles. 
His  weakness  led  to  quarrels  among  the  chieftains,  and  actions  of 
unusual  violence  on  his  pai't,  but  by  1142  he  overcame  his  troubles 
and  made  his  power  felt  by  the  other  provinces. 

In  1137  Tuam,  Cong,  Termon  Caillainne,  Mayo,  and  Kilboyounagh 
were  burnt,  apparently  by  invaders,  though  they  are  not  named,  or 
by  Connaught  tribes,  as  Torlogh  was  fighting  with  O'Rourk  and 
O'Melaghlin,  and  punished  his  own  subject  O'Concannon.  "  All  the 
province  of  Connaught  was  laid  waste  from  the  Drowes  to  the 
Shannon  and  to  Echtghe,  and  the  people  themselves  were  driven  into 
West  Connaught."  But  by  1142  Brefne,  Teffa,  and  Meath  had  to 
submit  to  Torlogh. 

In  1143  Aedh,  son  of  Murtough  O'Dowda,  lord  of  Hy  Fiachrach, 
died  (A.T.).       . 

In  1147  Duarcan  O'Hara  was  killed  by  O'Gara  (A.T.). 

In  1153  the  Hy  Fiachrach  were  in  an  army  led  into  Meath  by 
Torlogh's  son  Ruaidhri,  who  encamped  at  Fordruim  on  the  way  back, 
without  sending  out  scouts.  The  Ulstermen  surprised  them  as  they 
Avere  pitching  camp  and  killed  many,  including  Brian  O'Dowda,  lord 
of  Hv  Fiachrach. 


4G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

In  115-i  "a  fieet  was  brou^^ht  l)y  Torlogh  O'Conor  round  Ireland 
northwards — i.e.  the  fleets  of  Dun  Gaillimhe,  of  Conmaicne  Mara, 
of  the  men  of  Umall,  of  Hy  Awley,  of  Hy  Fiachrach,  and  the 
Cosnamhaigh  O'Dowda  in  command  over  them — and  they  plundered 
Tirconnell  and  Inishowen.  The  Cinel  Owen  and  Muircheartach, 
son  of  Niall,  sent  persons  over  sea,  who  hired  the  fleets  of  the 
Gall  Gael,  of  Ara,  of  Cantire,  of  Man,  and  the  borders  of  Alba  in 
general,  over  which  MacScelling  was  in  command  ;  and  when  they 
arrived  near  Inishowen  they  fell  in  with  the  other  fleet  and  a  naval 
battle  was  fiercely  and  spiritedly  fought  between  them  ;  and  they 
continued  the  conflict  from  the  beginning  of  the  day  until  evening, 
and  a  great  numljer  of  the  Connaughtmen  together  with  Cosnam- 
haigh O'Dowda  were  slain  by  the  foreigners.  The  foreign  host  was 
defeated  and  slaughtered  ;  they  left  their  ships  behind,  and  the  teeth 
of  MacScelling  were  knocked  out  "  (F.M.).  But  Murtough  O'Lochlin 
plundered  Moy  Ai  and  Moylurg. 

Torlogh  seems  to  have  made  more  use  of  ships  than  is  recorded 
of  any  other  king.  The  Mayo  and  Galway  people  seem  to  have 
been  more  seafaring  than  the  other  seaside  people,  or  else  Torlogh 
w\as  the  first  to  use  ships  on  a  large  scale. 

It  is  not  clear  who  this  Cosnamhaigh  was.  Cosnamhaigh  whose 
death  is  recorded  in  1162,  and  Cosnamhaigh  whose  death  is  recorded 
in  1181,  are  called  respectively  lord  and  crown  prince  of  Hy  Awley, 
and  of  the  former  ^lacFirbis  writes  :  "  Cosnamhaigh  Mor,  the  only 
fighter  of  a  hundred  that  came  in  later  times,  and  who  was  treacher- 
ously slain  by  O'Gloinin  in  his  own  house  at  Inis  Cua,  on  account  of 
(a  dispute  about)  a  greyhound  whelp"  (H.F.  113).  I  am  inclined, 
therefore,  to  think  that  there  were  three  of  the  name  about  the  same 
period,  and  that  they  were  of  the  Clann  Domnaill  of  Loch  Con.  In 
their  description  there  is  some  small  indication  that  this  clan  had 
been  placed  over,  or  among,  the  Hy  Awley  by  a  partition  of  the 
lordship,  so  that  the  Hy  Awley  no  longer  were  directly  under 
O'Dowda.  Their  ancestor  had  been  killed  by  the  O'Gaughans  at 
Bearna  Domnaill  in  Moyheleog. 

In  1155  Fiachra,  son  of  Cethearnach  O'Ceirin,  lord  of  Kerylough- 
narney,  died. 

Torlogh  Mor  died  at  Dunmore  on  the  20th  ^lay  1056,  and  his  son 
Ruaidhri  became  King  of  Connaught. 

The  Cross  of  Cong  was  made  to  hold  a  piece  of  the  Cross  which  was 
sent  to  Toi'logh  in  1123.  Torlogh  built  a  great  cathedral  at  Tuam, 
of  which  the  chancel  arch  remains,  used  as  a  doorway.  He  built 
castles  at  Galway  and  Dunlo  and  Collooney. 

Ruaidhri  O'Conor's  attempt  to  succeed  to  the  title  of  King  of 
Ireland  was  resisted  by  Murtough  O'Lochlin,  who  was  too  powerful 


FROM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NORMAN    INVASION.      47 

for  him.  He  was  beaten  near  Avdu  in  1159  with  great  loss.  The 
son  of  Finnan  Ua  Sibhlen,  King  of  the  Hy  Eachach  of  the  ]Moy,  was 
slain.  O'Lochlin  carried  the  war  into  Connaught,  and  bui-nt  Dun- 
more  and  Duiiciarraighe  and  Dun  na  nGall.  Dunciarraighe  is  not 
known.  Dun  na  nGall  is  the  great  fort  in  Bally nacarrach  to  the 
west  of  Kilmaine.  But  Tigernach's  continuation  notes  only  that 
after  burning  Dunmore  he  marched  as  far  as  Dun  na  nGall. 

In  this  year  Dermot,  son  of  Teige  O'Mulrony,  King  of  Moylurg 
and  of  the  Aicidecht,  died.  In  1187  the  death  of  his  son  Maurice 
is  recorded  "  in  his  own  mansion  on  Claenloch  in  Clann  Chuain." 
This  house  was  probably  Boyd's  Island  Crannoge  in  Lough  Lannagh 
near  Castlebar.  "  Aicideacht,"  "  Chiefry  "  is  a  name  of  Clann  Cuain 
territory.  The  tradition  was  that  Ruaidhri  Mear,  son  of  Taichleach, 
son  of  Niall  O'Dowda,  being  king,  came  to  cosher  on  Donnell  O'Quin, 
chief  of  Clann  Cuain,  and  took  his  daughter  by  force.  O'Quin  killed 
Ruaidhri  next  morning,  and  then  placed  himself  under  the  protec- 
tion of  O'Mulrony,  afterwards  called  MacDermot.  MacFirbis  places 
Ruaidhri  in  the  list  of  kings  next  after  Aedh,  who  died  in  1143, 
but  does  not  date  his  death.  It  is  likely  that  the  story  and  date 
are  accux-ate,  but  the  gi'andfather  of  Ruaidhri  must  be  an  earlier 
Xiall  than  was  supposed  by  MacFirbis. 

O'Lochlin  was  too  strong  for  Ruaidhri  O'Conor,  who  now  en- 
deavoured to  subdue  Meath,  Leinster,  and  Munster.  The  death  of 
O'Lochlin  in  1166  left  him  by  far  the  most  powerful  king,  and  he 
became  King  of  Ireland.  Thus  Connaught  had  an  unusual  degree 
of  freedom  from  foreign  devastation  for  some  years. 

In  1169  the  Normans  invaded  Ireland. 

A  tract  written  by  Torna  O'Mulconaire,  who  was  chief  poet  of 
Connaught  in  1310,  shows  the  change  in  the  relation  of  the  O'Conor 
kings  of  Connaught  to  the  kings  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach,  of  Luighne, 
and  of  Umhall  since  the  time  of  the  Book  of  Rights.  It  must  be 
taken  to  show  the  claims  which  O'Conor  enforced,  when  he  could, 
vmtil  the  de  Burgo  conquest.  The  following  is  O'Donovan's  trans- 
lation of  a  part :  "  These  are  the  stipends  of  the  royal  chieftains 
of  Connacht  from  O'Conchobhair,  i.e.  twelve  score  beeves  and  twelve 
score  sheep  on  May-day  to  MacOireachtaigh  ;  twelve  score  beeves 
and  twelve  score  hogs  to  himself  every  All-hallow-tide,  and  these 
are  levied  from  Ubhall.  Twelve  score  milch  cows  and  twelve  score 
sheep  on  May-day  to  O'Fionnachtaigh ;  twelve  score  hogs  and  twelve 
score  beeves  every  All-hallow-tide  to  himself,  and  these  are  levied 
for  him  from  Luighne  Chonnacht.  Twelve  score  milch  cows  and 
twelve  score  sheep  to  O'Maoilbhrenuinn  every  May-day ;  twelve 
score  beeves  and  twelve  score  hogs  every  All-hallow-tide  to  himself, 
and  these  are  levied   for  him  from  Tir  Fhiachrach,  and  from  Cuil 


48       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAY'O. 

Cnamha,  and  from  Cuil  Ceainiamlia.  Twelve  score  milch  cows  and 
twelve  score  sheep  on  May-day  to  O'Flannagain  ;  and  twelve  score 
beeves  and  twelve  score  hogs  every  All-hallow-tide  to  himself,  and 
these  are  levied  in  Tir-Amhalghaidh  and  in  Irrus." 

The  Danish  invasions  did  much  to  shatter  the  frame  of  the  Irish 
Church  which  had  grown  up  while  the  Western  Roman  Empire  was 
in  disorder.  When  Ireland  settled  down  to  better  conditions  the 
western  pai-ts  of  Europe  had  been  reorganised.  As  before  the  year 
800  we  find  the  Church  of  Ireland  by  degrees,  and  after  contest, 
abandoning  certain  points  of  ritual  and  piactice  in  favour  of  the 
Roman  views,  so  from  the  tenth  century  we  see  signs  of  another 
change,  from  the  jurisdiction  of  abbots  over  the  monks  and  monasteries 
of  their  order  to  that  of  a  bishop  over  a  defined  area. 

By  the  close  of  the  tenth  century  the  Annals  mention  a  Bishop  of 
Connaught ;  by  the  close  of  the  eleventh  he  is  called  Archbishop  of 
Connaught.  We  do  not  see  what  went  on  locally  during  these 
centuries,  but  we  find  that  the  principle  of  territorial  episcopacy  was 
accepted  by  the  close  of  the  eleventh.  The  work  of  the  twelfth- 
century  reformers  was  to  establish  discipline  and  organisation  on  the 
continental  model  by  afiixing  to  certain  sees  an  exclusive  territorial 
jurisdiction,  and  by  submitting  the  whole  Church  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  pope.  The  first  point  was  formally  accepted  and  carried  into 
operation  at  the  Synod  of  Fiadh  Mic  Aenghusa  in  1111  and  at  that 
of  Rath  Breasail  in  1118,  and  the  second  point  at  that  of  Kells  in 
1152,  when  the  Chui'ch  of  Ireland  ceased  to  exist  as  an  independent 
Church,  and  became  a  branch  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  four  arch- 
bishops being  appointed  and  receiving  palls  from  the  pope. 

The  Synod  of  Rath  Breasail  proposed  five  sees  for  Connaught, 
with  liberty  to  the  people  of  Connaught  to  rearrange  them,  provided 
they  did  not  exceed  five  in  number.  Under  this  arrangement  Mayo 
would  have  been  divided  between  the  sees  of  Killala  and  Cong. 
Killala  was  to  comprise  the  present  diocese  with  the  barony  of 
Carbury  in  Sligo  and  the  diocese  of  Achonry.  Cong  was  to  comprise 
all  the  rest  of  Mayo,  and  the  lands  of  the  Conmaicne  in  the  baronies 
of  Ross  and  Ballynahinch,  and  those  of  the  Ciarraige  in  the  county 
of  Roscommon  as  far  east  as  Castlereagh. 

But  it  was  found  impossible  to  absorb  the  sees  of  important  tribes, 
the  O'Flaherties,  O'Heynes,  O'Garas,  and  O'Haras.  Either  at  once 
or  before  the  Synod  of  Kells  the  Mayo  arrangements  were  modified, 
and  dioceses  formed  as  they  appear  at  the  Synod  of  Kells.  The 
diocese  of  Killala  was  the  immediate  kingdom  of  O'Dowda.  That  of 
Achonry  was  the  kingdom  of  the  Luighne  and  Gailenga.  That  of 
ContT  was  altered  by  transfer  of  the  four  southern  parishes  of  the 
barony  of  Costello  to  Tuam,  and  of  the  Roscommon  lands  to  Ardcarne 


FROM    A.D.    800    TO    THE    ANGLO-NORMAN    INVASION.       49 

or  Elphiii.  It  is  given  a  new  name  and  called  the  diocese  of  Mayo 
at  the  Synod  of  Kells,  having  Mayo  Abbey  Church  as  its  cathedral. 
It  does  not  appear  that  there  ever  was  a  bishopric  of  Cong,  as  a 
diocese  including  Mayo  ;  the  see  may  have  been  fixed  at  Mayo  from 
the  beginning.  The  diocese  of  Mayo  was  amalgamated  with  that  of 
Tuam  in  1209. 

The  Bishop  of  Tuam  became  Archbishop  because  the  O'Oonor 
kings  of  Connaught  had  made  Tuam  their  chief  residence  during  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  and  because  Toidogh  JNIor  was  so 
powerful  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century. 

This  transfer  of  power  affected  the  position  of  the  abbots  and 
changed  the  organisation  of  the  Church.  The  ancient  orders  decayed 
and  most  of  the  monasteries  disappeared  as  active  monastic  bodies. 
It  seems  clear  that  the  old  rules,  those  of  Patrick,  Ciaran,  Columcille, 
Brendan,  Coman,  and  Fechin  prevailing  generally  in  Mayo,  were 
abandoned  during  the  twelfth  century.  The  endowments  remained 
vested  in  the  successors  of  Patrick,  etc.  In  1210  these  endowments 
were  formally  transferred  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  in  which  they 
lay.  The  note  in  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  recording  this  event 
mentions  Comarb  and  Termon  lands  as  transferred.  The  distinction 
is  not  clear,  but  I  apprehend  Comarb  lands  to  comprise  any  lands, 
and  Termon  lands  to  be  those  lands  immediately  round  a  church 
which  got  the  name  of  Termon  from  early  rights  of  sanctuary.  I  see 
some  indications  that  distinction  was  made  between  endowments  given 
to  the  ancient  Comarb  or  church,  and  those  given  to  the  abbot  and 
convent  of  New  Augustinian  Canons,  which  were  left  to  them. 
Hence  it  is  that  the  bishop  so  generally  owned  the  lands  about  the 
ancient  parish  churches. 

The  monastex'ies  which  survived  converted  themselves  into  Augus- 
tinian Canons,  or  were  transformed  into  cathedral  chapters,  as  in  the 
case  of  vicars  choral  in  Tuam  and  Annaghdown.  In  some  cases 
dean  and  provost  or  precentor  seem  to  represent  abbot  and  Ferlegind 
of  the  ancient  abbey  ;  prebendaries  and  canons  seem  to  represent 
them  in  some  cases.  But  the  subject  is  obscure.  The  abbot  being 
often  himself  a  bishop,  the  change  was  easy  in  such  a  case. 

The  Abbey  of  Mayo  became  cathedral.  Cong,  Inishmaine,  and 
Errew  reconstituted  themselves.  All  others  disappeared.  Errew 
seems  to  have  been  built  in  the  twelfth  century  under  the  influence 
of  the  new  style  introduced  by  the  Cistercians,  but  before  Irish 
architects  were  familiar  with  it.  Cong  was  reconstructed  at  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  Inishmaine  at  about  the 
same  time. 

Until  the  de  Burgo  conquest  no  other  orders  were  established  in 
Mayo. 

D 


50       THE    EAllLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF   MAYO. 

The  reduction  of  the  number  of  dioceses  was  followed  by  a  reduction 
of  the  number  of  parishes.  This  seems  to  have  been  carried  out  at 
the  end  of  the  century  in  these  dioceses,  as  we  find,  in  the  epistle  of 
Pope  Innocent  III.  of  1st  April  1198  defining  the  extent  of  the 
diocese  of  Killala,  a  list  of  forty-seven  parish  chui-ches  in  Tirawley 
and  Erris,  reduced  in  1306,  in  the  Ecclesiastical  Taxation,  to  twenty 
parishes,  while  in  Tireragh  there  are  the  same  number  as  in  1306, 
those  recognised  in  the  present  day.  Yet  there  are  other  old  churches 
in  Tireragh,  and  I  suppose  the  amalgamation  to  have  been  carried  out 
there  first  because  Tireragh  had  in  very  early  times  been  under  the 
Abbey  of  Balla  generally. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

RELATIONS  OF  THE  KING  OP  CONNAUGHT  WITH  THE  KING 
OF  ENGLAND  IN  THE  TWELFTH  AND  THIRTEENTH 
CENTURIES. 

By  the  treaty  of  Windsor  in  1175,  Ruaidhri  O'Oonor  became  the 
vassal  of  the  King  of  Ensjland.  He  could  not  execute  the  conditions 
he  had  undertaken,  not  having  the  control  over  the  kings  and  lords 
of  Ireland  thereby  made  his  vassals,  or  the  organised  administration 
needed  to  secure  collection  and  payment  of  dues  and  tributes. 

The  invasion  of  Connaught  in  1177  was  not  made  on  behalf  of 
King  Henry.  Murrough  O'Oonor  engaged  Milo  de  Oogan  and  his 
soldiers  to  support  him  in  assuming  the  sovereignty  of  Oonnaught. 
The  rebellion  failed,  and  was  but  an  ordinary  event  of  Irish  clan 
quarrels,  in  which,  by  custom  of  the  country,  each  side  got  what  out- 
side support  it  could. 

It  is  a  commonplace  of  Irish  history  that  Henry  II.  gave  his 
justiciary,  William  FitzAudelin,  a  grant  of  Connaught  in  1179,  but  I 
cannot  find  authority  for  it,  or  even  a  reference  to  any  authority. 
It  is  perhaps  due  to  the  confusion  of  William  FitzAudelin  with 
William  de  Burgo,  and  to  a  misreading  of  a  date  of  some  grant.  If 
a  grant  was  made  it  was  inoperative.  The  Annals  do  not  record 
events  to  account  for  it.  All  other  grants  follow  upon  events  recorded 
in  the  Annals  or  in  the  English  Records.  Several  grants  of  this 
period  were  inoperative,  made  in  view  of  contingencies  which  did 
not  arise. 

Conor  Moenmoy,  having  forced  his  father  into  retirement,  joined 
O'Melaghlin  in  destroying  an  English  castle  at  Killare  in  1184. 
This  was  an  aggression,  as  Meath  was  reserved  to  the  King  of  Eng- 
land. Ruaidlui  returned  in  1185  to  recover  his  kingdom  with  the 
help  of  the  O'Briens  and  English  from  Munster,  but  failed.  The 
entries  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce  go  to  show  that  John  de  Courcy's 
invasion  in  1188  was  due  to  Henry's  endeavour  to  restore  Ruaidhri. 

In  1195  Cathal  Crobhderg  invaded  Munster,  but  made  peace  at 
Athlone,  whereby  Cathal's  position  as  King  of  Connaught  was 
recognised,  de   facto  if  not  de  jure.     Up   to  this   time  the    King  of 

51 


52   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

England  made  no  attack  on  the  King  of  Connaught,  but  the  actual 
kings  of  Connaught,  Conor  and  Cathal,  made  two  unprovoked  attacks 
upon  the  land  of  their  lord. 

The  Gormanston  Register  has  a  charter  of  about  1195,  wherein  W. 
de  Bui'go  grants  to  Hugh  de  Lacy  ten  cantreds  of  Connaught,  the 
Three  Tuaths,  Moylurg-Tiierrill,  Corran,  Carbury  Drumcliff,  Tire- 
raghmoy,  the  two  cantreds  of  Tirawley,  Erris,  Leyny,  Slievelua,  for 
100  marks  yearly  and  the  service  of  ten  knights.  W.  de  Burgo 
must  have  had  a  grant  from  the  king,  given  to  him  to'  enable  him  to 
raise  forces  against  Cathal.  We  may  take  it  to  have  been  the  con- 
sequence of  Cathal's  invasion  of  Munster,  and  to  have  been  made 
inoperative  by  the  peace  of  Athlone. 

After  Ruaidhri's  death  in  1198,  and  an  arrangement  between  the 
Cathals  whereby  Cathal  Carrach  got  a  large  tract  in  the  south  of 
Connaught  as  a  lordship,  Cathal  Crobhderg  in  1199  and  1200 
attacked  the  English  at  Athlone  and  invaded  Munster,  where  he 
took  William  de  Burgo's  Castle  Wilkin  and  Castle  Connell.  This 
was  aggression  by  Cathal.  The  Justiciary  and  William  de  Burgo 
entered  into  treaty  with  Cathal  Carrach  to  set  him  up  as  king. 

In  1200  and  1201  King  John  began  to  make  grants  of  land  in 
Connaught.  He  gave  Tirmany,  which  was  something  more  than  the 
bai'ony  of  Athlone,  and  Tirieghrathbothe,  which  was  a  tract  of  land 
next  the  Castle  of  Athlone,  to  Geoffrey  de  Costentin,  and  Dungalue — 
Galway,  or  perhaps  Galey  on  Lough  Ree — to  Richard  Tirel.  The 
grantees  never  had  possession. 

While  John  was  Earl  of  Mortaigne  he  made  an  inoperative  grant 
to  Hugh  de  Lacy  of  six  cantreds  of  North  Connaught,  which  may  be 
attributed  to  1195,  or  more  probably  to  1199,  when  Cathal  Ci'obhderg 
was  in  possession  of  North  Connaught. 

In  1201  Cathal  Crobhderg  made  terms  and  was  brought  back  to 
Connausfht.  The  death  of  Cathal  Carrach  left  him  without  a  lival  in 
his  family.  But  the  murder  of  600  to  700  of  William  de  Burgo's 
soldiers  caused  a  war  between  Cathal  and  William,  which  seems  to 
have  been  considered  a  private  affair.  In  1203  William  took  up  the 
cause  of  Conor  Moenmoy's  sons  and  advanced  as  far  north  as  Mayo. 
King  John  took  up  Cathal's  cause.  William  made  no  resistance. 
He  surrendered  his  castles  peaceably  to  the  king,  who  certainly  ful- 
filled his  obligations  to  Cathal.  William  appeared  before  the  king  in 
October  1203,  and  justified  his  conduct,  as  he  was  allowed  to  return 
in  1204  and  was  given  possession  of  all  his  castles. 

At  some  time  he  had  a  gi'ant  of  some  parts  of  Connaught,  as  he 
made  grants.     But  it  was  cei-tainly  inoperative. 

In  March  1204  the  king  appointed  Meyler  FitzHenr}-  and  the 
Archdeacon  of  Stafford  to  settle  all  matters  between  him  and  Cathal 


KING   OP    CONN  AUGHT  AND    THE    KING    OF    ENGLAND.       53 

by  the  advice  of  Walter  de  Lacy.  By  August  an  agreement  was 
made  that  Cathal  should  give  up  two  thirds  of  Connaught  and  keep 
one  third  by  right  of  inheritance  at  a  yearly  rent  of  100  marks. 
In  1205  the  king  accepted  another  proposal  by  Cathal,  that  Cathal 
should  hold  of  the  king  in  fee  as  a  barony  one  third  of  Connaught 
at  100  marks  a  year,  and  should  pay  for  the  other  two  thirds  a  tribute 
of  300  marks,  and  out  of  them  grant  two  cantreds  to  the  king.  This 
arrangement  lasted  for  some  time. 

The  cause  of  surrender  of  two  thiids  I  take  to  have  been  Cathal's 
inability  to  pay  the  costs  of  the  armies  which  were  raised  on  his 
behalf.  It  was  very  difficult  at  all  times  for  an  Irish  king  to  raise 
money  or  cattle  from  his  people,  for  one  in  Cathal's  circumstances 
impossible.  The  arrangement  obviated  difficulties.  Considering  the 
King  of  Connaught's  attack  upon  his  lord's  lands,  and  the  great  ex- 
pense of  the  wars  consequent  upon  it,  the  settlement  does  not  seem 
oppressive. 

In  1207  the  king  pardoned  Gilbert  and  Philip  de  Angulo,  who  had 
been  outlawed  in  1195,  and  confirmed  Cathal's  grant  of  the  cantred 
of  Moenmagh  to  Gilbert,  who  had  taken  service  under  Cathal  in  1195. 
At  the  same  time  the  king  granted  to  Gilbert  a  cantred  of  land  in 
Eastyre,  Wintelmolman,  Ul'unan,  and  Nyaki  to  hold  by  service  of 
four  knights.  Eastyre  and  Nyaki  I  cannot  guess  at,  but  Wintelmolman 
and  UPunan  may  be  taken  to  be  Muintir-Mailfhinnain  and  O'Loman. 
There  was  an  O'Loman  at  Finnure  in  Abbeygormican  parish. 
Muintii'-Mailfhinnain  appears  in  1333  as  the  title  of  a  great  cantred 
which  extended  to  that  neighbourhood.  So  the  king's  grant  may  be 
taken  to  have  been  one  of  his  two  cantreds  lying  between  Moenmagh 
and  the  cantred  next  Athlone. 

King  John  came  to  Ireland  in  1210.  Cathal  met  him  and  arranged 
that  John  should  give  his  son  Aedh  a  charter  for  the  third  part  of 
Connaught,  and  that  he  should  give  Aedh  to  John  as  a  hostage.  The 
annalist  blames  Cathal's  wife  for  advising  Cathal  to  break  his  en- 
gagement. John  de  Gray,  the  new  justiciary,  invaded  Connaught. 
Cathal  submitted,  and  gave  his  son  Torlogh  as  a  hostage.  But  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  proposed  arrangement  was  carried  out. 

Something  seems  to  have  occurred  in  1215  which  caused  the 
king  to  provide  for  new  arrangements  in  regard  to  Connaught  by 
grants  ^  of  the  same  date,  one  to  Richard  de  Burgo  of  "  all  the  land 
of  Connac'  which  William  his  father  held  of  the  king  in  fee  farm 
rendering  yearly  300  marks,  .  .  .  saving  to  the  king  the  castle  of 
Athlone,  with  the  cantred  in  which  it  is  situated  ;  and  saving  to 
Godfrey  de  Constentin  the  cantred  -  given  to  him  by  the  king  in 
exchange  for  the  former  cantred  ;  Godfrey  to  render  homage  and  due 
1  D.I.,  i.,  Nos.  653,  «54,  (556.  2  Xj.j  Xu^tlia,  D.I.,  i.,  No.  590. 


54       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

service  to  Richard  de  Biugh  ;  saving  to  the  king  ilo7vifiones  crociarum, 
in  tliat  land  "  ;  and  one  to  the  King  of  Connaught  of  all  the  land  of 
Connaught  saving  to  the  king  the  castle  of  Athlone,  in  fee  during 
good  service,  not  to  be  dispossessed  save  by  order  of  the  King's  Court, 
at  300  marks  yearly.  Another  paper  shows  that  Cathal  had  agreed 
to  pay  .0000  marks  for  this  grant.  The  gnint  to  R.  de  Burgh  was 
to  provide  for  failure  of  Cathal  to  accept  his  grant  in  accordance 
with  agreement.     This  settlement  lasted  for  some  years. 

In  1221  Walter  de  Lacy  bviilt  a  castle  at  Lanesborough  in  Annaly, 
a  country  not  included  in  the  kingdom  of  Connaught.  Cathal  in- 
vaded West  Meath  and  took  the  castle.  This  aggression  was  arranged 
somehow. 

In  1224  Cathal's  son  Aedh  helped  the  king  in  the  war  against  the 
de  Lacys,  and  was  given  for  his  expenses  temporary  possession  of  the 
land  of  Tirbriuin,  Conmaicne,  and  Caladh — that  is,  of  all  O'Rourk's 
kingdom  except  the  northern  part  of  Leitrim. 

The  justiciary  supported  Aedh  in  succession  to  Cathal,  who  died  in 
1224. 

On  the  25th  June  1226  Geoffrey  de  Mai-isco  was  made  justiciary 
in  succession  to  William  the  Earl  Marshall.  On  the  30th  June  orders 
were  made  for  his  guidance.  He  was  to  summon  "  Oethus,  son  of 
Kathal,  late  King  of  Connaught,  to  be  before  the  justiciai'y  at  the 
King's  Court,  to  surrender  the  land  of  Connaught,  which  he  ought  no 
longer  to  hold  on  account  of  his  father's  and  his  own  f oifeiture ;  by 
the  charter  of  King  John  granted  to  Kathal,  he  only  held  the  land 
so  long  as  he  should  faithfully  serve  the  king.  If  Oethus  do  not 
surrender  the  land,  the  justiciary  shall  by  the  Court  ascertain  the 
truth  of  the  forfeiture ;  and  if  he  foifeited  the  land,  the  justiciary 
shall  take  it  into  the  K.'s  hand."  ^  It  was  further  ordered  at  the  same 
time  that,  on  taking  into  the  king's  hand  the  land  of  Connaught  on 
account  of  the  forfeiture  of  Oethus,  he  grant  seisin  thereof  to  Richard 
de  Burgo  at  a  rent  of  300  marks  for  the  first  five  years  and  500 
mai-ks  subsequently  ;  five  of  the  best  cantreds  nearest  Athlone  to  be 
retained  for  the  king.- 

A  report  by  Geoffrey  to  the  king  shows  that  I'esistance  Avas  feared  ; 
it  is  undated,  but  was  made  about  August,  soon  after  he  landed. 
William  made  no  resistance.  Geoffrey  reported  that  all  the  king's 
castles  were  held  and  fortified  against  him,  except  that  of  Limerick 
held  by  Richard  de  Burgo.  But  he  believed  that  it  was  not  William 
Marshall's  wish  that  his  bailiffs  should  hold  them  against  the  king. 
"  All  the  Irish  are  so  banded  together,  and  so  wheedled  by  William 
Crassus,  that  they  cannot  be  recalled  from  their  conspiracy."  .  .  . 
"  As  to  the  King  of  Connaught,  who  at  the  instigation  of  William 
1  D.I.,  i.,  No.  1-102.  '  D.I.,  i.,  No.  1403. 


KING    OF   CONN  AUGHT  AND    THE    KING    OF   ENGLAND.       55 

Orassus  has  become  heedless  of  the  king's  mandates,  the  justiciary 
summoned  him  to  come  to  Dublin  under  safe  conduct  of  Walter  de 
Lacy  ;  as  the  king  did  not  come,  the  justiciary  appointed  a  day  for 
him  at  the  K.'s  castle  of  Athlone,  which  is  on  the  confines  of  the 
king's  territory,  and  is  fortified  with  men  and  provisions  against 
the  K." 

It  is  evident  that  Aedh  was  to  be  brought  to  trial  in  the  usual  way 
if  he  denied  the  forfeiture,  and  that  the  result  was  not  prejudged. 
Provision  was  made  for  the  case  of  forfeiture.  This  grant  to  Richard 
did  not  come  into  operation.  Aedh  was  given  an  opportunity  again 
of  coming  to  terms.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  he  held  the  land 
from  the  king  as  a  baron.  But  the  idea  of  trial  or  submission  to  a 
court  would  not  commend  itself  to  an  Irish  prince  who  acknowledged 
no  right  but  force. 

From  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce  we  learn  that  when  Aedh  appeared  at 
Athlone  he  seized  the  messengers  sent  to  treat  with  him,  burnt  the 
town  of  Athlone,  killed  the  constable  of  the  castle,  and  released  the 
hostages  of  Connaught.  The  Annals  say  that  William  Marshall 
forcibly  took  him  out  of  the  King's  Court  when  he  was  betrayed 
there.  This  is  certainly  wrong.  The  course  of  events  was  that 
W^illiam  Marshall  was  suspected  of  an  intention  to  rebel,  and  perhaps 
did  make  preparations,  that  a  plot  was  made  among  the  Irish  lords 
on  his  behalf,  in  which  Aedh  joined,  and  that  Aedh  did  not  submit 
quietly  as  William  Marshall  did  when  the  new  justiciary  came.  This 
Athlone  affair  committed  Aedh  to  open  war. 

On  the  21st  May  1228  Richard  de  Burgo  got  a  grant  in  fee  of  all 
Connaught  which  had  come  to  the  king  by  Aedh's  forfeiture,  at  a 
rent  of  300  marks  for  the  first  five  years  and  500  marks  a  year  after- 
wards, and  for  the  service  of  ten  knights ;  the  king  retained  five 
cantreds  and  reserved  episcopal  investitures.  This  gi-ant  is  the  origin 
of  the  de  Burgo  lordship  of  Connaught. 

The  five  cantreds,  afterwards  known  as  "the  King's  Cantreds," 
were — Omany,  Tirmany,  Moy  Ai,  the  Three  Tuaths,  Moylurg,  and 
Th-errill. 

Tirmany  comprised  the  baronies  of  Athlone,  part  of  Ballymoe  in 
Roscommon  and  Galway,  some  land  north  of  Roscommon,  and  some 
more  land  west  of  the  Suck  in  Killian.  Omany  comprised  the 
baronies  of  Kilconnell,  Clonmacnowen,  Moycarn,  and  some  more. 
The  boundaries  of  these  cantreds  are  uncertain  in  places. 

A  ten  years'  war  ensued  before  the  O'Conors  and  their  allies  were 
subdued,  and  Richard  de  Burgo  and  his  barons  were  established  and 
fortified  in  their  demesnes  in  1237.  The  king  made  various  grants 
in  his  cantreds  which  came  to  nothing.  He  held  only  the  castles 
of  Athlone  and  Randown  and  some  adjoining  lands.       The  Annals 


5G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY   OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

lecord  how  various  O'Conors  were  set  up  as  kings  of  Connaught 
during  this  period.  The  king  seems  to  have  been  willing  to  let  the 
King  of  Connaught  hold  Sihnurray  and  Moylurg,  and  even  the  whole 
of  his  five  cantreds,  if  he  could  maintain  his  position  among  his 
own  people.  That  was  impossible  for  a  long  time.  Felim  O'Conor 
appeared  eventually  to  be  the  strongest,  and  submitted  and  accepted 
the  five  cantreds  in  1287,  at  a  rent  of  £400  a  year  (35  D.K.,  p.  37). 
He  endeavoured  to  keep  the  peace,  and  was  for  many  years  a  faith- 
ful vassal,  even  going  to  help  in  the  Welsh  wars. 

In  1249  Felim's  son  Aedh  attacked  the  Berminghams  in  Tireragh. 
Felim  supported  his  action.  The  justiciary  therefore  drove  Felim 
out  of  the  country,  and  made  Torlogh,  son  of  Aedh,  king  in  his  place. 
But  peace  was  made  with  Felim,  and  he  was  restored  in  1251.  In 
1253  it  appears  that  Felim  had  held  four  cantreds  at  the  king's  plea- 
sure. At  this  time  he  must  have  been  deprived  of  another  cantred, 
for  the  king  began  to  give  permanent  tenures  in  Tirmany  and 
Omany  in  1252.  Henceforth  the  kings  of  Connaught  seem  to 
have  been  only  tenants  at  will.  The  Pipe  Roll  of  ix.  Edw.  I.  shows 
that  Felim  had  held  3  cantreds  under  rent.  The  outbreak  of  1245 
thus  appears  to  have  cost  Felim  2  cantreds.  Henceforth  his  son 
Aedh  was  evidently  beyond  his  control. 

The  O'Conors  joined  in  O'lSTeill's  rebellion,  and  continued  the  war 
in  Connaught  after  O'Xeill's  defeat.  The  justiciary  had  to  come  into 
Connaught.  Peace  was  made  in  1262,  and  a  site  was  chosen  for  the 
castle  of  Roscommon.  The  kings  of  Connaught  were  constantly  at 
war  with  the  English  until  Richard,  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  came  of  age 
and  got  control  of  his  estates,  when  his  great  power  soon  forced  the 
O'Conors  to  confine  their  fighting  to  their  own  family  and  subjects. 

This  arrangement  lasted  until  after  the  battle  of  Athenry  in  1317. 
In  1318  Roger  Mortimer  let  to  King  Torlogh  the  king's  lands  of 
Silmurray,  Fethys  (Tuathas?),  and  the  lands  of  the  King  of  Tirmany 
(O'Kelly),  saving  the  lands  of  Englishmen  and  those  granted  in 
burgage. 

In  1324  Torlogh  was  given  the  three  cantreds  which  Felim  had 
held.  This  was  a  period  when  Connaught  kings  went  up  and  down 
quickly. 

In  1331  the  escheator  reported  that  no  income  came  from  Richard 
de  Exeter's  Connaught  lands,  because  Torlogh  and  his  brother  Cathal 
forcibly  held  them.  It  was  a  very  troubled  period  for  the  O'Conors. 
The  Earl  had  crushed  them  and  held  his  own  dominions  with  a  strong 
hand,  intervening  as  he  pleased  in  their  feuds.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  King  of  England's  power  in  Connaught  had  lapsed.  No  real 
settlements  had  been  made  by  the  English  in  Omany  or  Tirmany, 
except  by   David   de  Burgo,    ancestor    of   MacDavid,  who  acquired 


KING    OF   CONN  AUGHT    AND    THE    KING    OF    ENGLAND.       b7 

Clanconway,  probably  from  the  heirs  of  William  de  Oddingeseles, 
who  was  owner  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century. 

In  a  few  years  the  English  power  and  English  law  were  nearly 
extinguished  by  the  murder  of  Sir  Edmond  de  Burgo.  The  sons  of 
Sir  William  de  Burgo  and  their  cousins,  and  other  tenants  of  the 
infant  Countess  of  Ulster,  finding  that  the  King  was  unable  to 
punish  the  murder  or  enforce  the  rights  of  the  Countess,  by  degrees 
disregarded  those  rights  and  the  king's  authority  more  and  more, 
until  they  discarded  English  law  and  adopted  Irish  customs.  So 
came  to  an  end,  in  practice,  the  relation  of  lord  and  vassal  or  tenant 
between  the  kings  of  England  and  Connaught.  But  the  legal  rights 
were  never  forgotten  by  the  kings  of  England. 

After  the  treaty  of  Windsor  established  the  relation  of  lord  and 
vassal  between  the  King  of  England  and  the  King  of  Connaught, 
the  former  had  a  right  to  insist  upon  observance  of  the  treaty.  The 
trouble  arose  because  the  King  of  Connaught  undertook  what  he 
could  not  perform.  The  parties  were  not  upon  an  equality  in  respect 
of  observance.  The  King  of  England  was  at  the  head  of  a  power- 
ful nation,  highly  organised  upon  a  civil  basis,  able  to  enforce  law 
against  his  subjects,  and  to  carry  out  his  engagements. 

The  King  of  Connaught  was  acknowledged  head  of  several  kings 
of  a  nation  but  slightly  organised  upon  a  tribal  basis,  unable  to 
enforce  law  against  any  but  his  immediate  subjects,  his  relation  to 
the  other  kings  being  practically  limited  to  levying  tribute  when  he 
was  strong  enough.  Moreovei-,  his  own  position  was  insecure  and  the 
succession  uncei'tain.  The  Irish  chieftains  could  not  at  a  moment's 
notice  give  up  their  habits  of  making  raids  on  their  neighbours,  or 
assisting  their  neighbours  in  their  conflicts  with  enemies,  and  could 
not  understand  that  any  treaty  between  the  King  of  Connaught  and 
the  King  of  England  affected  their  ancient  rights  and  customs,  and 
drew  an  imaginary  line  between  certain  districts  which  they  must 
not  pass.  In  truth  such  a  treaty  was  beyond  the  powers  of  any 
king,  and  no  one  need  regard  it,  any  more  than  any  other  submis- 
sion, unless  he  was  compelled  by  force.  On  the  other  hand,  by  Irish 
custom  every  king  was  entitled  to  subdue  any  other  king  or  tribe  if 
he  could,  and  if  a  king  of  Connaught,  or  of  England,  was  strong 
enough  to  do  so,  he  was  within  his  rights  according  to  immemorial 
custom. 

I  have  here  dealt  only  with  the  relations  between  the  two  kings, 
and  have  passed  over  the  many  quarrels  and  wars  in  which  the  kings 
were  not  considered  to  be  involved,  which  were  settled  by  the  Eng- 
lish barons  without  the  King  of  England's  intervention.  A  distinc- 
tion seems  to  have  been  made  between  raids  made  by  subjects  on 
their  own  account  and  international  raids,  as  we  should  call  them, 


58       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

taken  up  by  the  kings  on  botli  sides.  The  general  question  of  right 
and  wrong  between  the  two  kings  ended  with  the  treaty  of  Windsor. 
The  subsequent  wars  were  results  of  that  treaty,  and,  as  far  as  we  can 
see,  originated  in  breaches  by  the  King  of  Connaught,  or  in  rebellions 
and  other  intestine  disorders  in  which  the  King  of  England  interfered 
to  support  his  vassal,  who,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  time  and 
of  the  present  courts  of  justice,  had  to  pay  the  costs  of  being  put 
in  possession. 

On  the  whole  the  King  of  England  does  not  seem  to  have  oppressed 
his  vassal,  at  first  probably  because  that  vassal  was  very  powerful, 
and  latterly,  when  his  power  fell  low,  because  he  became  useful  as 
some  counterpoise  to  the  immense  power  of  the  de  Burgo  Earls  of 
Ulster. 


CHAPTER  YII. 

STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY  PROM  1170  TO  1237. 

The  Anglo-Norman  invasion  occurred  when  the  internal  conditions 
favoured  an  attack  on  Leinster,  Meath,  and  Munster.  For  fifty 
years  the  O'Briens  had  resisted  the  O'Conor  supremacy  with  results 
disastrous  to  Munster,  especially  during  the  later  years.  Meath  and 
Leinster  had  been  so  crushed  by  Torlogh  Mor  in  1143  that  he  set  up 
his  son  Conor  as  king,  who  was  killed  by  the  Meathmen  in  the  next 
year.  Ruaidhri  not  only  compelled  submission  to  himself  as  chief 
king,  but  interfered  in  family  feuds,  dividing  kingdoms  and  setting 
up  his  own  partisans.  Owing  to  these  events  the  kingdom  of  Meath 
was  held  to  comprise  O'Rourk's  kingdom,  which  therefore  passed  by 
Henry  II. 's  grant  of  Meath  to  Hugh  de  Lacy,  though  it  had  been 
throughout  the  historic  period  within  the  kingdom  of  Oonnaught. 

These  proceedings  of  Torlogh  and  Ruaidhri,  and  the  decay  of  the 
power  of  the  royal  families  of  Meath  and  Leinster,  suggest  that  the 
foreign  invasion  prevented  the  establishment  of  an  O'Conor  as  chief 
king  of  Meath,  and  a  general  repetition  of  very  early  events  whereby 
the  kings  of  Connaught  established  branches  of  their  family  in 
Leinster  and  in  Meath. 

Connaught  had  enjoyed  unusual  freedom  from  invasion  under  the 
power  of  those  kings,  and  so  was  the  stronger  in  relation  to  the  other 
provinces,  but  was  left  a  prey  to  disorder  by  the  great  number  of 
their  sons  and  grandsons  who  naturally  quarrelled  for  supremacy. 
In  ordinary  course  the  sons  of  those  who  did  not  become  kings  would 
have  been  allotted  hereditary  estates,  and  would  have  formed  a 
great  Siltorly  alongside  of  the  Silmurray.  The  process  had  begun. 
Ruaidhri's  sons  were  settled  in  Carra,  Murtough  Mweenagh's  and 
Maghnus's  and  Cathal  Migaran's  in  Clann  Cuain  and  Umall,  Donnell 
Midheach's  in  Carbury,  where  they  wei-e  replaced,  after  fighting,  by 
the  Clann  Andrias.  Conor  Moenmoy's  son  Cathal  Carrach  got  a 
large  assignment  in  Hy  Many  by  partition  with  Cathal  Crobhderg. 
The  conquest  of  Connaught  upset  these  arrangements,  and  di*ove 
the  whole  family  into  a  small  tract  of  Roscommon,  except  the  clan 
of  Murtough  Mweenagh,  who  were  let  remain  in  Umall  and  Erris 
until  their  turbulence  brought  on  expulsion  in  1273,  and  the  clan  of 

59 


GO   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

Andrias,  son  of  Bii.iii  Luighnech,  who  remained  in  Carbury,  and 
profited  so  much  by  submission  to  Fit/Geraki,  and  afterwards  to 
de  Burgo,  that  their  head  eventually  became  O'Conor  Sligo. 

There  are  indications  that  the  new  lords  of  Connaught  were  ready 
to  accept  the  Irish  chiefs  as  their  tenants  so  long  as  those  chiefs 
behaved  fairly  well.  Many  remained  in  their  original  territories 
during  the  Norman  supremacy.  For  150  years  the  King  of 
Connaught's  power  decKned  steadily,  and  the  minor  kings  and  chiefs 
accepted  to  a  certain  extent  their  new  position.  The  power  of  the 
de  Burgo  lord  of  Connaught  and  Eail  of  Ulster  was  irresistible  when 
brought  to  bear,  and  gave  those  who  held  loyally  under  him  a  peace 
and  security  not  known  before,  a  material  compensation  for  loss  of 
savage  independence  subject  to  heavy  and  uncertain  exactions  of 
more  powerful  kings  and  to  constant  war  and  plundering. 

Disorder  arose  not  from  rebellion  of  their  own  vassals  against  the 
Norman  resident  lords,  but  from  O'Conors,  O'Rourks,  O'Donnells, 
O'Neills,  whose  territories  had  not  been  occupied,  who  were  compelled 
only  to  submission,  and  were  not  under  control  unless  an  army  Avas 
brought  against  them.  The  lord  contented  himself  then  with  setting 
up  a  new  chief  under  engagements.  The  Annals  show  a  tangle  of 
fighting,  plundering,  and  murdering,  very  seldom  causes  and  con- 
sequences. It  has  been  taken  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  King  of 
Connaught  was  victim  of  a  series  of  unprovoked  attacks  and  injuries 
by  the  King  of  England  and  the  Norman  barons.  The  Annals  and 
the  Calendar  of  Documents  relating  to  Ireland,  which  supplement 
and  help  each  other,  show  that  the  wrongs  are  not  all  on  one  side. 

The  wars  and  fighting  fall  under  three  heads — quarrels  between 
the  kings  of  Connaught  and  England  ;  those  between  the  kings  of 
Connaught  and  the  adjoining  barons,  which  were  not  treated  as  wais 
against  the  King  of  England ;  the  raids  and  rebellions  against 
Norman  lords.  Those  under  the  second  head  seem  to  have  been 
aggressions  by  the  Irish,  but  where  the  Normans  appear  as  in- 
vaders they  were  resisting  and  punishing  raids  or  taking  sides  in  a 
disputed  succession.  The  relations  between  the  kings  of  England 
and  Connaught  explain  most  of  the  fighting  down  to  1338. 

From  1228  to  1235  fighting  was  incessant,  chiefly  directed  against 
O'Conors,  those  who  opposed  the  man  recognised  by  King  Henry  as 
King  of  Connaught,  and  those  who  were  settled  in  the  de  Burgo  part 
of  Connaught.  Richard  de  Burgo  tried  to  bring  them  to  terms,  and 
failing  to  do  so,  drove  most  of  them  out  and  divided  Connaught  com- 
pletely among  his  allies  only  after  1235.  We  find  no  evidence  of 
settlement  except  the  building  of  castles  of  Galway  and  Meelick.  He 
tried  then  to  keep  the  O'Conors  and  others  as  feudal  lords  under  him, 
holding  the  country  by  means  of  these  castles  and  garrisons.     This 


STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY  FROM  1170  TO  1237.   61 

became  impossible,  and  we  know  that  the  barons  spread  over  Connaught 
and  began  to  build  castles  in  1237. 

Felim  O'Conor  accepted  the  new  position  aftei-  this.  Those 
O'Conors  who  did  not  were  driven  out  of  the  de  Burgo  lands.  Some 
accepted  it,  as  Clan  Murtough  Mweenagh,  and  remained  in  possession 
of  large  estates.  O'Flaherty  was  allowed  to  remain  on  an  estate  in 
the  barony  of  Clare  until  his  rebellion  in  1273,  when  he  was  driven 
out  and  sent  to  the  west  of  Lough  Corrib.  O'Heyne  and  O'Flaherty 
were  on  R.  de  Burgo's  side  during  these  early  wars,  having  submitted 
to  him  among  the  first. 

O'Heyne,  O'Flaherty,  O'Kelly,  O'Malley,  O'Dowda,  O'Hara,  O'Gara 
seem  to  have  been  treated  by  Richard  and  his  great  barons  much  as 
King  Henry  and  his  successors  treated  O'Conor.  But  as  regards 
them  evidence  is  slight.  Where  English  lords  and  colonists  settled 
down  the  local  Irish  chiefs  disappeared.  But  the  great  chiefs  named 
above  were  left  in  possession  of  large  estates.  Where  no  settlements 
were  made  these  chiefs  recovered  their  position  after  1338. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

EVENTS    FllOM     1170    TO    1224. 

RuAiDiiRi  regarded  his  first  submission  to  Henry  II.  as  he  regarded 
submission  to  an  Irish  king,  and  soon  attacked  him  again.  But  in 
1175  he  came  to  terms  in  the  treaty  of  Windsor. 

In  1177  William  FitzAudelin  was  Governor  of  Ireland.  Murrough 
O'Conor  came  to  Dublin  and  engaged  Milo  de  Cogan  and  a  force  of 
40  men-at-arms,  200  horse  soldiers,  and  300  archers,  in  order  to 
dethrone  his  father.  The  Annals  of  Innisfallen  give  the  fullest 
account  of  this  raid,  and  are  generally  in  agreement  with  Gu-aldus 
Cambrensis.  They  went  direct  to  Roscommon,  where  Murrough 
joined  them.  They  burnt  churches  in  Moy  Ai  and  Clanconway,  and 
marched  by  the  Togher  of  Moin  Coinneadha,  which  gives  Temple- 
togher  its  name,  to  Dunmore  and  to  Tuam,  where  they  remained  for 
three  nights. 

King  Ruaidhri  was  touring  in  the  west  of  Connaught  when  he 
heard  of  the  invasion.  No  resistance  was  offered  to  the  invaders, 
and  no  one  joined  them.  Rviaidhri,  or  his  friends,  abandoned  Tuam 
and  burnt  Kilmaine  and  Kilbennan  and  Lackagh  and  Kilcahill  and 
Roskeen  and  the  castle  of  Galway.  The  country  was  laid  waste 
before  the  invaders.  This  action,  and  the  failure  of  Murrough  to 
secure  support,  showed  the  English  that  the  enterprise  was  hopeless, 
and  they  retreated.  Meanwhile  Ruaidhri  had  collected  forces  and 
had  got  behind  them,  and  had  a  skirmish  with  them  as  they  passed 
over  the  Tochar,  and  attacked  them  again  wlien  they  were  crossing 
the  Shannon  at  Athleague,  opposite  Lanesborough.  Giraldus  says 
that  the  engagement  was  unintentional  on  both  sides,  and  that  the 
English  lost  only  three  men.  This  must  mean  that  it  was  only  a 
skirmish  with  the  rear,  for  his  own  account  shows  that  the  Connaught- 
men  waited  for  the  English  between  Tuam  and  the  river.  All 
accounts  agree  that  the  Connaughtmen  laid  their  own  country  waste 
and  defeated  the  Englishmen.  The  expedient  was  effective  against 
a  heavily  armed  body  without  many  Irish  allies.  It  is  also  evident 
that  such  a  body  could  not  be  attacked  successfully  by  the  lightly 
armed  Irish  forces  except  at  a  disadvantage  in  crossing  a  bog  or  ford. 
It  is  therefore  probable  that  only  three  men  of  importance  fell,  as  the 


EVENTS    FROM    1170    TO    1224.  63 

Irish  accounts  substantially  agree  that  there  was  no  severe  fighting. 
This  was  the  first  appearance  of  an  English  force  in  Connaught.  It 
was  not  an  attack  by  the  English  upon  the  kingdom,  but  a  rebellion 
by  Murrough  with  the  help  of  mercenaries. 

Ruaidhri  got  hold  of  his  sons.  He  blinded  Murrough,  and  con- 
fined Conor  in  the  island  of  Lough  Hacket.  In  a  year  the  O'Flaherty 
faction  rescued  him,  and  brought  about  a  reconciliation  with  his 
father. 

In  1180  Aedh  O'Caithniadh,  lord  of  Erris,  was  treacherously  slain 
by  O'Callaghan  at  Kilcommon.  Auliff  O'Toghda,  chief  of  Bredagh, 
was  killed  by  O'Gaughan,  chief  of  Moyheleog.  Murrough  O'Lachtna 
was  di'owned  in  Lough  Con.  Thus  we  get  an  occasional  glimpse  of 
what  went  on  when  the  chiefs  were  not  engaged  in  war  on  a 
larger  scale. 

In  1182  Murrough,  son  of  Taichleach  O'Dowda,  was  slain  by 
Melaghlin  O'Mulrony  of  Moylurg. 

In  1183  Bee  O'Hara,  lord  of  Leyny,  was  treacherously  slain  by 
Conor  O'Diarmada,  son  of  Ruaidhri  O'Conor,  in  his  own  house  on 
Lough  MacFarry,  now  called  Lough  Talt. 

Conor  Moenmoy  drove  his  father  out  of  Connaught  in  1184,  and 
made  himself  king.  Ruaidhri  retired  into  the  Abbey  of  Cong  in 
1186,  where  he  remained  until  his  death,  except  for  a  futile  attempt 
to  recover  the  sovereignty  in  1189.  He  died  there  on  the  29th 
November  1198,  in  his  82nd  year.  His  body  T^as  removed  to  Clon- 
macnoise  in  1207,  probably  in  connection  with  the  rebuilding  of  the 
great  church  of  Cong. 

In  1187  MacDermot  (Maurice,  son  of  Teige),  lord  of.  Moylurg, 
died  in  his  own  mansion  on  Claenloch,  in  Clann  Chuain.  This  house 
was  probably  Boyd's  Island,  near  Castlebar — formerly  a  crannoge, 
since  drainage  a  peninsula — if  Lough  Lannagh  be  the  Claenloch. 

When  Conor  Moenmoy  was  murdered  in  1189,  Cathal  Crobhderg 
became  king  after  contest  with  Conor's  son,  Cathal  Carrach.  The 
quarrels  of  these  Cathals  were  the  cause  of  great  suffering  to  the 
people  of  Connaught  during  several  years  until  the  death  of  the 
latter. 

In  1192  Taichleach  O'Dowda,  lord  of  the  Hy  Awley  and  Hy 
Fiachrach,  was  slain  by  his  two  grandsons. 

Gilbert  and  Philip  de  Angulo  fled  from  Meath  and  wei'e  outlawed 
in  1195.  Gilbert  joined  Cathal  Crobhderg  in  his  invasion  of  Munster 
in  1195,  and  seems  to  have  remained  permanently  in  his  service, 
having  a  large  assignment  of  land  in  South  Connaught. 

Cathal  invaded  Munster  without  provocation,  perhaps  in  pursuit 
of  Cathal  MacDermot  of  Moylurg,  whom  he  had  driven  out  of 
Connaught.     He  went  as  far  as  Emly  and  Cashel,  destroying  castles 


G4       THH    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAY'O. 

ami  towns.  He  returnetl  with  a  large  force  to  Athlone,  where  he 
made  peace  with  John  de  Courcy  and  de  Lacy.  Cathal  JNlacDermot 
"  came  again  in  the  same  year,  through  the  strength  of  his  hands, 
into  Connacht,  until  he  reached  Caislen  na  Caillighe  ;  and  he  killed 
many  persons  on  his  way  from  the  south  as  far  as  that"  (L.C.).  "  On 
arriving  at  Lough  Mask  and  Inishrobe,  he  seized  upon  all  the  vessels 
of  Cathal  Crovderg  O'Conor,  and  brought  them  away  to  Caislen  na 
Caillighe,  where  he  proceeded  to  commit  great  ravages  in  all  dii-ec- 
tions,  until  Cathal  Crovderg,  accompanied  by  a  party  of  the  English 
and  of  the  Sil  Maelruana,  arrived  and  made  peace  with  him,  although 
he  had  hitherto  committed  great  ravages  "  (F.M.).  Castle  Hag  must 
have  been  surrendered  to  him  by  the  gu;ird,  or  possibly  he  surprised 
them.  Such  an  impregnable  stronghold  most  likely  secured  him  easy 
terms  of  peace.  This  is  the  first  reference  to  Castle  Hag  in  the 
Annals.  It  is  not  mentioned  again  until  Sir  II.  Bingham  ruined  it. 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  Annals  should  ignore  the  building  of  such  a 
fortress,  a  great  cahir  with  mortared  walls  of  great  height. 

In  11 9G  Cathal  Crovderg  di-ove  Iluaidhri  O'Flaherty  out  of  his 
kingdom.  O'Flaherty  took  to  the  sea,  and  plundered  Conmaicne  and 
Umhall,  but  afterwards  went  to  Ulster  and  made  peace  with  O'Conor 
by  the  mediation  of  the  Comarb  of  Patrick,  the  Archbishop  of  Armagh. 
Yet  O'Conor  seized  O'Flaherty  next  year.  Such  relations  between 
the  powerful  O'Flaherty  clan  and  O'Conor  facilitated  an  agreement 
between  de  Burgos  and  O'Flaherties  in  later  wars. 

In  1199  Cathal  Crovderg  made  an  unprovoked  attack  on  the 
English,  at  Athlone  probably,  killed  many  persons,  and  carried  off 
cattle.  Thus  he  came  into  collision  with  the  English  forces,  whereby 
his  position  as  King  of  Connaught  was  eventually  much  reduced. 
The  history  of  these  wars,  ending  in  what  the  Irish  justly  called  the 
Conquest  of  Connaught,  shows  the  ruinous  and  inconclusive  character 
of  native  Irish  warfare.  The  main  object  was  to  plunder  and  destroy 
the  country,  not  to  follow  up  and  annihilate  the  enemy's  forces  or  to 
overawe  him  by  occupation  of  his  country. 

The  Annals  differ  somewhat  as  to  the  years  in  which  events  fell, 
but  agree  generally  as  to  events.  The  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  seem 
to  give  the  best  arrangement  on  the  whole,  and  are  here  followed  as 
to  date  and  sequence. 

In  1200  Cathal  Crovderg  invaded  Munster  and  burnt  William  de 
Burgo's  castles.  After  a  raid  into  West  Meath,  where  he  suffered 
loss,  he  collected  his  forces  and  went  into  Aidhne,  as  if  to  meet  the 
English  from  Munster,  but  began  to  plunder  Cathal  Carrach's  terri- 
tory. C.  Carrach  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  a  detachment  sent 
against  him.  C.  Crovderg  seems  to  have  retired  without  fighting 
before  the  English    forces  under   William  Burk  and   Murtough   and 


EVENTS  FROM  1170  TO  1224.  65 

Conor  O'Brien,  who  made  C.  Carrach  king.  To  him  hostages  were  given 
by  the  chiefs  of  the  Silmurray  and  the  Tuaths  and  by  MacDermot, 
O'Gara,  O'Hara,  and  O'Dowda.     C.  Crobhderg  went  into  Ulster. 

"  However,  Cathal  Carrach  and  William  Burk,  and  the  two 
O'Briains,  with  their  Foreigners  and  Gaeidhel,  left  neither  church 
nor  territory  from  Echtghe  to  Dun-Rossarach,  and  from  the  Sinuinn 
westwards  to  the  sea,  that  they  did  not  pillage  and  destroy,  so  that 
neither  church,  nor  altar,  nor  priest,  nor  monk,  nor  canon,  nor  abbot, 
nor  bishop  afforded  protection  against  this  demoniacal  host ;  and  they 
used  to  strip  the  priests  in  the  churches,  and  carry  oflE  the  women,  and 
every  kind  of  property  and  stock  found  in  the  churches,  without  regard 
to  saint  or  sanctuary,  or  to  any  power  on  earth  ;  so  that  never  before 
was  there  inflicted  on  the  Connachtmen  any  punishment  of  famine, 
nakedness,  and  plundering  like  this  punishment."     (L.C.) 

This  plundering  must  have  been  before  the  general  submission. 
We  must  understand  that  Cathal  Crovderg  adopted  the  course  usually 
taken  by  an  Irish  king  in  face  of  superior  force.  He  retired  before 
them  with  his  adherents,  and  looked  on  while  his  and  their  country 
was  being  pillaged.  His  chief  adherents  got  tired  of  this  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  conquerors,  and  he  fled  to  come  again  if  he  could.  We 
need  not  supjiose  that  this  war  was  any  worse  than  the  other  wars 
which  the  country  was  well  used  to.  But  it  may  have  been  more 
thorough.  The  invaders  were  largely  well-armed,  organised  soldiers, 
able  to  beat  down  opposition,  irresistible  by  a  purely  Irish  army,  but 
slow.  Their  O'Conor  and  O'Brien  allies  were  used  to  the  work  of 
plundering  and  destruction,  and  could  do  it  well  under  cover  of  the 
main  body. 

The  pillage  and  destruction  of  churches  I  believe  to  mean  no  more 
than  that  the  surrounding  houses  or  villages  were  destroyed  and  pillaged, 
not  that  the  fabric  of  the  church  was  purposely  destroyed.  Destruction 
of  churches  was  not  a  Norman  or  English  custom.  There  was  reason 
for  pkindering  and  burning  churches  if  by  the  term  we  understand 
the  subsidiary  buildings  belonging  to  the  clergy  and  the  villagers 
which  grew  up  about  the  churches.  Under  1236  (L.C.)  we  find  that 
corn  was  stored  in  the  religs  or  churchyards,  and  kept  in  baskets  in  the 
churches,  and  the  practice  is  mentioned  in  the  above  extract.  Thus 
burning  Kilmaine  and  Kilbennan  may  mean  burning  the  church  itself, 
which  is  the  exact  meaning  of  the  expression.  But  we  know  that 
burning  a  line  of  churches  would  make  no  difference  to  an  invader. 
Burning  the  houses  of  the  villages  of  that  name  and  all  the  supplies 
with  them  would  be  an  effective  act  of  defensive  warfare.  It  needs 
only  the  sight  of  the  cashel  of  Moyne  church,  near  Headford,  to  make 
clear  the  importance  of  the  churches  in  the  warfare  of  those  days. 
It  was  a  custom  in  Ireland  to  put  corn  and  heavy  property  in  chax'ge 

E 


66       THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

of  the  clergy  when  the  owners  betook  themselves  to  fastnesses  with 
their  cattle,  in  the  hope  that  the  invaders  would  respect  the  clergy, 
as  they  evidently  often  did  in  ordinary  Irish  cattle  raids.  The  Nor- 
mans made  war  in  a  more  serious  and  thorough  fashion,  and  had  no 
idea  of  leaving  the  enemy's  supplies  for  his  use  as  soon  as  they  left 
the  place.  At  an  early  period  an  arrangement  was  made  with  the 
clergy  that,  if  property  left  with  them  for  safe  keeping  was  taken 
from  the  churches,  the  fees  due  for  keeping  it  should  be  paid  by  him 
who  took  it. 

In  1201  Cathal  Crovderg  came  twice  from  Ulster,  and  twice 
suffered  defeat.  In  this  fighting  Taichleach  O'Dowda  was  killed. 
After  the  second  defeat  Cathal  Crovderg  procured  the  support  of 
William  de  Buvgo  and  his  Munster  allies.  These  transactions  are 
obscure.  Meiler  FitzHenry,  the  justiciary,  and  William  de  Burgo 
supported  Cathal  Carrach  against  O'Neill  and  O'Hegny.  Cathal 
Carrach  defeated  Cathal  Crovderg  when  he  came  a  second  time  with 
de  Courcy  and  de  Lacy.  The  king  arrested  de  Courcy  and  called 
him  to  account  for  his  action,  but  the  result  does  not  appear.  It  is 
certain  that  William  de  Burgo  now  suddenly  took  up  Cathal  Crov- 
derg's  cause  against  Cathal  Carrach,  and  he  seems  to  have  done  so 
with  the  king's  consent,  as  he  was  called  to  account  by  the  king 
only  when  he  attacked  C.  Crovdei-g  in  1203.  It  is  most  probable 
that  this  change  was  the  result  of  an  attack  on  the  English  by  C. 
Carrach,  as  the  only  means  of  securing  the  favour  and  toleration  of 
the  Connaught  chieftains.  It  is  evident  that  he  had  hitherto  relied 
on  English  arms  for  his  position,  that  Cathal  Crovderg  had  a  very 
strong  party  in  Connaught ;  having  been  king  for  ten  years,  and  being 
a  son  of  Torlogh  Mor,  were  points  in  his  favour.  Other  Connaught 
kings  set  up  by  the  English  took  the  same  course,  notably  Felim 
O'Conor  in  1316. 

However  this  may  be,  Cathal  Crovderg  came  again  early  in  1 202  with 
W.  Burk,  Murtough  and  Conor  O'Brien,  and  Finghin  MacCarthy. 
They  went  at  once  to  Boyle  and  occupied  the  monastery,  which  they 
began  to  fortify  with  a  stone  wall. 

On  the  third  day  Cathal  Carrach  was  killed  in  a  skirmish  with  a 
party  sent  out  to  plunder  MacDermot's  lands,  who  therefore  must  have 
been  his  supporter.  Tomaltach,  son  of  Taichleach  O'Dowda,  was  killed, 
and  several  other  men  of  rank  at  the  same  time.  This  ended  the  war. 
The  O'Briens  and  Finghin  MacCai-thy  went  home.  Cathal  and 
William  de  Burgo  made  a  tour  to  the  south  by  Dunlo  and  Moenmoy 
and  then  by  West  Connaught,  i.e.  along  the  country  of  O'Flaherty 
east  of  the  Lough  as  far  as  Cong,  where  they  stayed  to  spend 
Easter. 

"  The  resolution  that  Cathal  Crobhdei^g  and  William  Burk  adopted, 


EVENTS  FROM  1170  TO  1224.  &7 

moreover,  was  to  despatch  their  mercenaries  throughout  Connacht, 
to  levy  their  wages ;  and  William  Burk,  together  with  all  who  were 
with  him,  and  Cathal  Crobhderg,  went  to  Cunga-Feichin.  After  this  a 
miraculous  event  happened,  and  it  is  not  known  whether  it  occurred 
through  a  man  or  through  the  spirit  of  God  in  the  shape  of  a  man — 
viz.  it  was  reported  that  William  Burk  had  been  killed  ;  and  there 
was  not  a  road  in  Connacht  by  which  this  report  did  not  come.  The 
resolution  adopted  by  the  tribes  on  hearing  this  news  was  as  if  they 
had  taken  counsel  together — viz.  each  man  to  kill  his  guest.  And 
thus  it  was  done — viz.  each  tribe  killed  all  that  came  to  them ;  and 
the  loss,  according  to  the  report  of  their  own  people,  was  nine 
hundred,  vel  amplius.  When  William  Burk  heard  that  his  people 
had  been  slain,  he  plotted  against  O'Conchobhair ;  but  timely  notice 
reached  O'Conchobhair,  and  he  left  the  place  where  William  was  ; 
and  William  went  to  Mumha,  after  losing  the  majority  of  his  people." 
(L.C.,  1202.) 

Torlogh,  son  of  King  Ruaidhri,  was  seized  by  his  own  brother 
Diarmaid,  and  by  Diarmaid,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  son  of  his  vmcle 
Maghnus,  and  by  O'Dowda  and  O'Hara,  on  behalf  of  Cathal  Crov- 
derg.  This  arrest  must  be  a  consequence  of  the  breach  between 
Cathal  and  William  Burk.  Torlogh  was  a  man  who  might  be  set 
up  as  a  rival  king. 

The  slaughter  of  his  men  must  have  been  the  cause  of  William's 
turning  against  Cathal.  The  proceedings  of  these  years  justly 
earned  for  William  his  Irish  title  of  William  Conquer. 

William  Bui-k  began  the  campaign  of  1203  by  plundering  Clonfert 
about  the  1st  February  in  company  with  Conor  Moenmoy's  sons. 
Thence  they  moved  to  Meelick  and  made  a  fortification  round  the 
church,  in  which  a  garrison  was  left.  He  then  marched  northwards 
by  Knockmoy,  plundering  all  places  until  he  reached  Mayo,  where 
he  killed  the  two  sons  of  Aedh  Dall  O'Conor,  and  settled  for  a  time 
at  Cong.  Of  this  time  it  is  said:  "  Tuaim-dha-ghualann  was 
emptied,  and  Cunga  Feichin  was  rased,  so  that  it  icas  without  a 
house  or  church,  and  the  churches  of  nearly  all  Connaught  were 
emptied  "  (L.C.). 

King  Cathal  was  evidently  powerless  to  resist.  But  Meiler  Fitz- 
Henry,  the  justiciary,  and  Walter  de  Lacy  brought  an  army  into 
Munster  against  William,  who  returned  to  the  south  and  submitted 
himself  to  the  king's  orders,  giving  up  all  his  castles  to  the 
justiciary.  In  July  1203  the  king  ordered  William  to  answer  all 
complaints  brought  against  him  by  the  justiciary.  In  October 
William  had  appeared  before  the  king.  In  March  1204  commis- 
sioners were  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  complaints  made  by  the 
justiciary  and  others  against  William,  and  by  William  against  the 


68       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

justiciary.  He  took  William  into  Normaiuly  with  liim,  and  ordered 
restoration  to  William  of  all  his  castles  and  lands,  save  those  in 
Connaught.  In  September  an  order  is  made  retaining  the  land  of 
Connaught  in  the  king's  hand  on  account  of  these  disputes,  which 
are  not  further  mentioned  in  the  record.  He  seems  to  have  justified 
his  actions  before  the  king,  as  he  returned  to  Ireland  in  1'204,  and 
died  in  1205.  But  this  was  pi-obably  in  January,  February,  or  March 
of  1205  according  to  the  ofiicial  year,  1206  according  to  the  usual 
computation  of  the  year  from  the  1st  January.  He  closed  a  chapter 
in  the  history  of  Connaught  and  of  Ireland,  by  putting  an  end  to  the 
independence  of  the  kings  of  Connaught. 

It  is  not  known  when  this  great  man  came  to  Ireland,  but  it  must 
have  been  not  later  than  1190.  He  married  a  daughter  of  Donnell 
Mor  O'Brien,  King  of  Thomond,  and  of  Munster  until  the  Invasion, 
by  whom  he  left  three  sons.  He  had  large  gi-ants  in  the  counties 
of  Limerick  and  Tipperary,  and  seems  to  have  settled  down  on  his 
lands  and  kept  out  of  the  wars  until  Cathal  Crovderg's  attack  forced 
him  to  take  up  arms  for  his  own  defence.  Though  his  lands  were 
within  the  kingdom  of  Thomond,  they  had  not  been  directly  occupied 
by  the  O'Briens,  and  it  was  therefore  easy  for  him  to  cultivate 
friendly  relations  with  that  family,  which  were  maintained  by  his 
descendants.  This  alliance  was  an  important  factor  in  the  conquest 
of  Connaught  by  giving  him  and  his  son  Richard  the  help  of  the 
O'Briens.  Another  daughter  of  O'Brien  named  Mor  was  married 
to  Cathal  Crovderg,  and  another  to  Donnell  Mor  O'Kelly. 

He  certainly  had  a  grant  of  some  parts  of  Connaught,  but  I 
cannot  ascertain  what  it  was,  except  that  the  grant  related  to  parts 
of  the  counties  of  Mayo  and  Galway,  in  which  he  gave  grants  to  two 
Petits  and  others.     But  none  of  these  grants  were  effective. 

The  writer  of  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  was  very  abusive  of 
him,  but  the  translator  suppressed  most  of  the  abuse.  As  far  as  the 
Irish  Annals  deal  with  his  actions,  they  show  only  what  would  have 
made  him  "  the  Glory  of  the  Gael "  if  he  had  been  an  Irish  provincial 
king. 

He  was  buried  in  the  Abbey  of  Athassel,  now  better  known  as 
Golden  Abbey,  near  Cashel,  which  he  had  founded.  A  tombstone 
effigy,  supposed  to  be  from  his  tomb,  is  set  up  in  a  chapel  of  the  old 
church  of  Ballynakill,  near  Glinsk,  but  it  is  probably  that  of  a  later 
William  Burke. ^ 

During  the  remainder  of  the  reign  of  Cathal  Crovderg  the  country 

enjoyed  an   unusual  amount   of   peace,  and  therefore  the   annalists 

tell  but  little.     At  this  time  the  power  of  the  O'Conors  was  very 

much   based   on    the    country   from    Tirawley   southwards   to   Tuara, 

^  Journal  of  Gahvay  Arch,  and  Hi&t.  Society,  ii.  p.  107. 


EVENTS    FROM    1170    TO    1224.  69 

in  which  Murtough  Mweenagh  and  his  family,  the  son  of  Maghnus, 
the  sons  of  Ruaidhi-i,  and  some  other  descendants  of  Torlogh  Mor, 
were  settled.  But  the  mainstay  of  the  family  was  still  the  great 
Silmurray  tribe.  They  themselves  were  always  quarrelling  over 
the  sovereignty.  In  these  new  settlements  they  were  by  their 
presence  putting  the  old  local  chiefs  a  step  lower  in  rank,  and  so 
making  it  easier  for  the  new  Anglo-Norman  lords  to  take  the  place 
of  the  O'Conors  later  on.  For  the  first  effect  of  Anglo-Norman 
settlement  was  to  relieve  the  people  from  incessant  pkmdering  by 
strangers,  and  to  enable  those  minor  lords  who  accepted  the  new 
conditions  to  enjoy  their  own  in  peace,  free  from  irregular  exactions. 

In  1207  Aedh  O'Goirmghiallaigh,  lord  of  Partry,  was  slain  by  the 
men  of  Carra. 

In  1208  Donnsleibhe  O'Gara,  King  of  Sliabh  Lugha,  Murtough 
Mweenagh,  who  was  now  Tanist  of  Connavight,  and  others  helped 
King  Cathal  to  remove  Cathal  O'Mulrony  from  the  chieftainship 
of  IMoylurg,  and  to  set  up  the  son  of  Tomaltach  MacDermot. 

Auliffe  O'Rothlain,  chief  of  the  Calry  of  Coolcarney,  was  slain 
by  O'Moran,  who  lived  at  Ardnarea,  whose  land  extended  thence 
to  Toomore. 

In  1210  King  Cathal  broke  with  King  John.  The  consequence  was 
that  the  justiciary  built  a  bridge  and  a  castle  at  Athlone,  and  an 
invasion  of  Connaught  by  Geoffrey  de  Marisco  and  an  army  from 
Munster,  accompanied  by  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri  O'Conor,  and 
O'Flaherty's  son,  and  Donough  Cairbreach  O'Brien.  They  came 
by  Tuam  to  Lough  Narney,  where  they  halted  for  fourteen  to 
twenty  days.  Cathal  Ci'ovderg  did  not  fight,  but  came  to  terms 
and  went  with  them  to  Athlone,  where  he  made  peace  with  the 
justiciary  by  giving  as  hostages  his  son  Torlogh  and  the  son  of 
another  noble.  The  four  hostages  which  were  in  the  king's  hands 
were  then  released,  one  being  Conor  O'Hara. 

1213.  "  Donnchadh  O'Dubhda  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  fifty-six  ships 
from  the  Insi  Gall,  and  landed  on  Inis  Raithin,  one  of  the  Insi 
Modh,  in  Umhall,  and  wrested  his  own  land  free  of  tribute  from 
Cathal  Croibhdhearg  O'Conor"  (H.F.,  p.  303).  This  must  mean 
that,  owing  to  the  reduced  power  of  the  O'Conors,  O'Dowda  freed 
himself  from  the  heavy  tribute  due  according  to  the  O'Mulconry 
tract. 

1217.  Cathal  Finn  O'Lachtna,  chief  of  the  Two  Bacs,  was  treacher- 
ously slain  in  his  house  by  O'Flynn  of  Moyheleog. 

1220.  "Dubhdara,  son  of  Muiredhach  O'Maille,  was  killed  in  a 
dispute  by  Cathal  Crobhderg,  in  his  own  camp,  in  violation  of  all 
Connacht ;  and  this  was  a  grievous  act,  although  it  was  his  own 
misdeeds  that  recoiled  on  him"  (L.C.). 


70      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

The  next  event  shows  that  a  conspiracy  was  formed  against  King 
Cathal,  brought  on  possibly  by  his  having  associated  his  son  Aedh 
with  him  in  the  sovereignty,  and  by  the  king's  having  recognised 
Aedh's  right  of  succession,  which  is  apparent  from  the  State  Papers 
and  the  Annals.  Though  the  fact  appears  later,  we  may  suppose 
that  Cathal's  intentions  became  apparent  earlier.  This  succession 
was  in  derogation  of  the  right  of  the  O'Conors  to  choose  a  qualified 
heir  among  themselves  ;  and  it  was  necessary  to  act  as  Cathal  was 
old.     I  cannot  ascertain  who  the  Mulrony  O'Dowda  is. 

1221.  "  Diarmaid,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  son  of  Toirdhelbhach  Mor 
O'Conchobhair,  was  slain  by  Thomas  MacUchtraigh  as  he  was 
coming  from  Insi-Gall,  whilst  collecting  a  fleet  for  the  purpose 
of  acqviiring  the  sovereignty  of  Connacht ;  .  .  .  Maelruanaidh 
O'Dubhda,  King  of  Ui-Amhalghaidh,  was  drowned  while  assembling 
the  same  fleet. 

"  Diarmaid  O'Culechain,  a  professor  of  history  and  writing,  died 
in  this  year,  i.e.  a  man  who  had  more  writings  and  knowledge  than 
any  one  that  came  in  his  own  time ;  and  it  was  he  that  wrote  the 
Massbook  of  Cnoc,  and  another  Massbook  the  equal  of  it  for 
Diarmaid  MacOirechtaigh,  his  tutor,  and  for  Gillapatraic,  his  foster- 
brother — the  comarbs  of  Achadh-Fabhair  in  succession."  (L.C.) 

1224.  "  Maelisu,  son  of  the  bishop  O'Maelfhaghmhair,  parson  of 
Ui  Fiachrach  and  Ui-Amhalghaidh,  and  materies  of  a  bishop,  was 
killed  by  the  son  of  Donnchadh  O'Dubhda,  after  enjoying  his  food 
and  his  fire  in  his  own  [O'Diibhda's]  house"  (L.C).  "A  deed 
strange  in  him,  for  none  of  the  O'Dowdas  had  ever  before  killed  an 
ecclesiastic."  (F.M.) 

"  Cathal  Crobhderg  O'Conchobhair,  King  of  Connacht,  and  king 
of  the  Gaeidhel  of  Erinn  according  to  merit,  died  in  the  monastery 
of  Cnoc-Muaidhe  on  the  5th  of  the  kalends  of  June ;  the  best 
Gaeidhel  for  nobility  and  honour  that  came  from  the  time  of  Brian 
Borumha  down  ;  the  battle-prosperous,  puissant  upholder  of  the 
people ;  the  rich,  excellent  maintainer  of  peace  ;  (for  it  was  in  his 
time  that  tithes  were  first  received  in  the  land  of  Erinn) ;  the  meek, 
devout  pillar  of  faith  and  Christianity  ;  corrector  of  the  culprits  and 
transgressors ;  the  destroyer  of  robbers  and  evil-doers  ;  the  general 
battle-victorious  defender  of  the  royal  law,  to  whom  God  gave  good 
honour  on  earth,  and  the  heavenly  kingdom  beyond,  after  dying  in 
the  habit  of  a  monk,  after  triumphing  over  the  world  and  the  devil. 
Aedh  O'Conchobhair,  his  own  son,  assumed  the  government  of 
Connacht,  with  his  luck  and  happiness,  after  him ;  for  he  was  a 
king  in  dignity  near  his  father  previously,  and  the  hostages  of 
Connacht  were  at  his  command  ;  and  it  was  God  who  granted  the 
sovereignty  to  him  thus,  for  no  crime  was  committed  in  Connacht 


EVENTS    FROM    1170    TO    1224.  71 

through  the  speedy  assumption  of  sovereignty  by  him,  but  one  act 
of  phmder  on  the  road  to  Cruach,  and  his  hands  and  feet  were 
cut  off  the  person  who  committed  it ;  and  one  woman  was 
violated  by  the  son  of  O'Mannachain,  who  was  blinded  for  his 
offence."     (L.O.) 

This  panegyric  may  advantageously  be  compared  with  the  known 
facts  of  his  career.  It  is  evident  that  the  record  omits  very  much 
which  would  prove  the  truth  of  the  panegyric. 

He  founded  the  Abbey  of  Ballintubber,  begvin  about  1216.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  it  was  built  in  reparation  for  an  attack  upon  the 
Archbishop  of  Tuam,  recorded  in  the  following  discreet  words  which 
neither  affirm  nor  deny  his  complicity  :  "  The  Ai"chbishop  O'Ruanadha 
was  cruelly  and  violently  taken  prisoner  by  the  Connachtmen  and 
Maelisa  O'Conchobhair,  and  put  in  chains  ;  a  thing  we  never  heard  of 
before,  viz.,  an  archbishop  being  manacled  "  (L.C.).  I  find  no  Maelisa 
among  the  O'Conors,  except  the  Prior  of  Inishmaine  who  died  in 
1223,  nor  any  incident  to  account  for  the  affair. 


CHAPTEH   IX. 

FROM    ACCESSION    OF    AEDH    TO    THE    SUBMISSION    OF   FELIM 

IN    1237. 

Aedh's  accession  soon  led  to  war.  The  part  wliicb  Aedh  had  taken 
in  1224  against  Aedh  O'Neill  and  the  de  Lacys  would  dispose  O'Neill 
to  join  Aedh's  opponents,  though  O'Neill  was  careful  to  avoid  collision 
with  the  English.     The  events  are  recorded  thus : — 

1225.  "  A  commotion  of  war  was  raised  in  this  year  by  Toirdhel- 
bhach,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  king  [of  Connacht],  and  by  Aedh  O'Neill,  to 
contest  the  province  of  Connacht  with  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg, 
through  the  solicitation  of  Donn  Og  Mac  Oirechtaigh,  king-chieftain 
of  Sil-Muiredhaigh,  in  retaliation  for  having  been  deprived  of  land 
and  patrimony;  and  when  he  rebelled  the  Connachtmen  rebelled, 
viz.  the  Sil-Muiredhaigh,  and  the  men  of  the  West  of  Connacht,  with 
Aedh  O'Flaithbhertaigh,  king  of  the  West  of  Connacht.  However, 
Aedh  O'Neill  came  with  them  to  the  middle  of  Sil-Muiredhaigh  ;  and 
they  made  Toirdhelbhach,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  king  ;  and  Aedh  O'Neill 
went  home,  because  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri  preferred  their  own  assem- 
blies, which  had  been  summoned  by  them  respectively,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Cormac,  son  of  Tomaltach  MacDiarmada  of  the  Rock,  and 
David  O'Floinn,  and  other  men  of  trust."  (L.C.)  An  entry  regarding 
this  event  erroneously  put  in  the  preceding  year  says  that  Aedh 
O'Neill  went  home  after  inaugurating  Torlogh,  because  an  army  of 
Foreigners  was  coming  to  support  Aedh's  cause. 

"  As  regards  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  moreover  ;  he  re- 
paired to  the  Foreigners,  and  it  happened  fortunately  for  him,  as  the 
Foreigners  of  Erinn  were  then  at  Ath-Luain,  holding  a  court,  and 
every  one  of  them  was  a  friend  of  his,  for  his  father's  sake  and  his 
own ;  for  he  and  his  father  before  him  were  very  liberal  of  wages  to 
them.  He  brought  with  him  the  Justiciary,  and  as  many  of  the 
Foreigners  of  Erinn  as  he  thought  sufficient ;  and  Donchadh  Cair- 
brech  O'Briain,  with  his  army,  and  O'Maelechlainn,  with  his  army, 
went  also  with  him.  The  people  of  Magh-hAei  and  the  Tuatha  fled 
then  into  Luighne  and  Tir-Amhalghaidh,  with  their  cows;  and  the 
sons  of  Ruaidhri  were  left  without  an  army,  without  a  tribe  assem- 


FROM  ACCESSION   OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       73 

blage,  there  being  in   theii^  company    only   a  few  royal  heirs,   and 
chieftains,   and    horseboys,   and   attendants.      The  sons  of  Ruaidhri 
proceeded  to  Cill-Cellaigh,^  accompanied  only  by  a  small  band  and 
a  few  royal  heirs,  to  protect   their  cows  and  people.     Aedh,  son  of 
Cathal  Crobhderg,  with  his  Foreigners,  advanced  towards  Toirdhel- 
bhach,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  where  he  was  with  his  chieftains,  and  there 
were  hardly  any  others  than  horseboys  and  a  rabble  along  with  him, 
for  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  and  the  son  of  Muirchertach,  and  Domh- 
nall  O'Flaithbhertaigh,  and  Tighernan,  son  of  Cathal,  and  the  sons 
of  Toirdhelbhach,  son  of   Ruaidhri,  went  to    protect   the  cows  and 
people  of  Ferghal  O'Taidhg,  who   had  pledged  a   mutual   oath  with 
them.     And  it  so  happened  that  he  was  the  first  Connachtman  who 
violated  his  mutual  oath  with  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri ;  and  he  brought 
the  son  of  Cathal,  with  his  Foreigners,  to  protect  his  cows  and  people, 
in  opposition  to  them.     It  was  then  that  the  Foreigners  encountered 
Toirdhelbhach,  son  of  Ruaidhri.     He  and  his  chieftains  arose,  and 
they  placed  their  rabble  before  them,  and  retreated  excellently  with- 
out any  of  their  men  being  slain  ;  for  Donn  Og  Mac  Airechtaigh,  and 
Flaithbhertach  O'Flannagain,  and  a  small  number  of  the  Eoghanach  2 
band,    followed    them.     In   that    day  a  scouting    party   encountered 
Echmarcach  Mac  Branain,  who  was  with  a  small  force  in  the  middle 
of  an  oak  wood,  amongst  his   pigs  and  his   cows  ;  and  he   performed 
great  valour  when  they  were  killing  him,  but  a  superior  number  of 
brave   men  overtook  him.      Then  Aedh,   son  of   Cathal   Crobhderg, 
with  his  Foreigners,  followed  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri  that  night  to  Milic  ; 
and  he  remained  there  three  nights,  plundering  Luighne  on  every 
side.     This  thing  was  unfortunate  for   O'hEghra,  who  had  to  make 
peace,  after  being  plundered,  for  the  sake  of- the  little  that  had  been 
left  in  Luighne.     The  sons  of  Ruaidhri  were  at  this  time  in  front  of 
Loch-mic-Oiredhaigh^  in  Glenn-na-Mochart.*     The  resolution  adopted 
by  the  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg  was  to  go  along  with  the  Foreigners 
after  the  cows  of  the  Taatha,  and  of  Sil-Muiredhaigh,  and  of  Clann- 
Tomaltaigh,  by  a  route  that  no  Foreigner  ever  took  before,  viz.  into 
Fidh-Gadhlaigh,  until  they  reached  Ath-tighe-in-Mesaigh ;  ^  and  they 
received  neither  arrow  nor  dart  in  that  route.     They  plundered  Cul- 
Cernadha,  and  inflicted  vengeance  on  cows  and  people  there.     Of  all 
those  that  went  into  the  Bac,  all  who  were  not  drowned  were  plun- 
dered and  killed.     Pity  alas !  every  one  who  went  towards   Dubh- 
Cunga  ^  was  drowned  ;  and  so  the  fishing  weirs  were  found  with  their 
baskets  full  of  children,  after  being  drowned  in   them.     Of  all   the 
droves  of  Clann-Tomaltaigh    that  had  escaped  from  thfe  Foreigners, 

1  Kilkelly.  ^  Probably  some  of  O'Neill's  men. 

*  LoughTalt.  *  Glanna  Voagh. 

*  Attymas.  *  Probably  the  weir  below  Ballycong  Lake. 


74      THE    EARLY    HISTORY   OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

aud  that  had  not  been  drowned,  a  number  went  into  Tir-Amhalghaidh  ; 
and  O'Dubhda  attacked  them,  and  left  not  a  single  cow  with  them. 

"  As  regards  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri,  moreover  ;  the  resolution  they 
adopted  at  Loch-mic-Airedhaigh  ^  was,  to  disperse  until  his  Foreigners 
should  separate  from  the  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  viz.  the  two  sons 
of  Ruaidhri — Toirdhelbhach  and  Aedh — and  the  son  of  Maghnus,  and 
Donn  Og,  were  to  go  to  meet  O'Flaithbhertaigh,  their  mutual  ally ; 
and  the  sons  of  Muirchertach  O'Conchobhair,  and  Tighernan,  son  of 
Cathal,-  to  go  to  protect  their  cows  and  people,  and  to  make  peace  for 
their  sake,  until  his  Foreigners  should  depart  from  the  son  of  Cathal 
Crobhderg. 

"  As  regards  the  southern  half  of  Connacht,  also,  it  was  not  more 
quiet,  for  the  Foreigners  of  Laighen,  and  Donnchadh  (or  Muirchertach) 
O'Briain,  came  against  them.     The  Foreigners  of  Des-Mumha  and  the 
sheriff  of  Corcach  came  also  against  them.     They  plundered  and  killed 
every  one  whom  they  caught.     Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  dis- 
liked their  coming  into  the  district,  for  it  was  not  he  who  invited 
them  ;  but  when  they  heard  of  all  the  spoils  the  Justiciary  with  his 
Foreigners  had  obtained,  envy  and  jealousy  seized  them.     Grievous, 
indeed,  was  the  misfortvine  God  permitted  to  fall  on  the  best  province 
in  Erinn,  east  or  west,  south  or  north  ;  for  the  young  man  would  not 
spare  his  companion,  in  preying  or  in  plundering,  provided  that  he 
was  the  stronger.     Women  and  children,  and  young  lords,  and  the 
mighty  and  the  weak,  were  exposed  to  cold  and  famine  through  this 
war.     As  to  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  however  ;  he  advanced  to 
Magh-nEo,  and  the  sons  of  Muirchertach  went  into  his  house,  under  con- 
ditions and  guarantees,  for  the  sake  of  their  cows  and  people.     He  went 
on  the  morrow  to  Cill-Medhoin,  and  the  three  armies  of  Foreigners  met 
there  ;  and  the  entire  cantred  was  nearly  filled  with  these  three  armies 
of  Foreigners  and  Gaeidhel.     It  was  then  that  Aedh  O'Flaithbhertaigh 
came,  on  the  covenants  and  guarantees  of  the  nobles  of  the  Foreigners, 
and  of  Donnchadh  Cairbrech  O'Briain,  his  gossip,  into  the  house  of 
the  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg  and  the  Justiciary,  made  peace  with  him 
for  the  sake  of  his  cows  and  people,  and  engaged  to  banish  the  sons 
of  Ruaidhri  from  him.     The  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg  went  with  his 
Foreigners  to   Tuaim-da-ghualann,  and  permitted  the  Foreigners  of 
Laighen  and  Des-Mumha  to  depart  from  him ;  and  it  was  his  own 
duty  to  escort  the  Justiciary  across  Ath-Luain.     He  adopted  another 
resolution  then,  viz.  to  turn  back  towards  O'Flaithbhertaigh  ;  for  he 
liked  not  the  way  in  Avhich  he  left  him,  as  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri  were 
at  the  west  side  of  the  lake  with  him,  and  his  own  son-in-law,  i.e. 
Donn  Og,  along  with   them.      Then  the   sons  of  Maghnus  separated 

1  Lough  Talt.  -  Cathal  Migaran,  son  of  Torlogh  Mor  O'Conor. 


FROM  ACCESSION   OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       75 

from  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri,  and  went  into  Tix'-Amhalghaidh  in  quest 
of  their  cows  and  people,  and  found  them  there,  happily,  without 
being  plundered  or  molested  ;  and  they  carried  them  with  them  under 
the  protection  of  O'Ruairc  ;  ^  and  they  committed  a  great  depredation 
on  Philip  Mac  Goisdelbh.  Donnchadh  Cairbrech,  moreover,  sent  the 
nobles  of  his  people,  and  his  men  of  trust,  on  before  him  with  great 
spoils.  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  and  Eoghan  O'hEidhin  intercepted 
them  with  a  small  band  ;  and  the  ]\Iomonians  awaited  not  the  attack 
of  the  son  of  the  chief  king ;  but  he  went  after  them  and  captured 
the  men  of  trvist  of  Donnchadh  Cairbrech  ;  and  heavy  were  the  spoils 
left  with  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri.  Then  Donnchadh  Cairbrech  went 
home,  and  made  peace  and  '  drowning  of  candles  '  with  Aedh,  son  of 
Ruaidhri ;  and  he  promised  that  he  would  not  again  go  against  the  son 
of  Ruaidhri,  in  return  for  the  release  of  his  men  of  trust ;  but  he  kept 
not  this,  for  he  came  immediately  on  the  next  hosting  against  the  son 
of  Ruaidhri.  It  was  then,  moreover,  that  the  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg 
and  the  Justiciary  came  to  the  port  of  Inisci-emha,- after  the  Foreigners 
of  Laighen  and  Mumha  had  departed ;  and  O'Flaithbhei^taigh  was 
obliged  to  give  Iniscremha,  and  Oilen-na-circe,^  and  also  the  boats 
of  the  lake,  for  the  sake  of  his  cows  and  people.  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal 
Crobhderg,  went  again  to  Tuaim-da-ghualann,  and  proceeded  on  to 
escort  the  Justiciary ;  and  a  few  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Foreigner's,  and 
many  mercenaries,  were  left  with  him,  for  he  liked  not  the  Connaught- 
men,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  them.  He  then  delivered  the 
nobles  of  the  community  into  the  hands  of  the  Foreigners,  as  a  pledge 
for  wages,  viz.  Flaithbhertach  O'Flannagain,  and  Ferghal  O'Taidhg 
and  many  more  of  the  Connachtmen,  who  were  obliged  to  release 
themselves.  It  was  then  that  O'Flaithbhertaigh  and  the  sons  of 
Muirchertach,  and  the  other  royal  heirs,  went  again  to  the  son  of 
Ruaidhri,  after  the  Foreigners  had  departed  from  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal 
Crobhderg ;  and  Aedh  despatched  messengers  and  writings  to  the 
Foreigners,  announcing  the  revolt,  and  requesting  additional  forces. 
He  was  cheerfully  responded  to  ;  for  these  expeditions  were  profitable 
to  the  Foreigners,  who  used  to  obtain  spoils,  and  used  not  to  encounter 
danger  or  conflict.  The  Foreigners  of  Laighen  and  Des-Mumha  were 
furnished  to  him  on  this  occasion  in  great  force,  under  William  Cras 
and  the  sons  of  Gritiin  ;  and  when  they  came  towards  the  son  of 
Cathal  Crobhderg,  he  came  from  the  east  across  Tochar,^  and  pro- 
ceeded on  southwards  to  where  he  heard  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri  were 
(viz.  in  Ui  Diarmada),  without  an  army,  without  allies  having  arrived 

'  The   Clann   Maghnus   thus   left   Mayo   and   settled   in    Kilronan,  alias    Tir 
Tuathail. 

2  Illauncarbry,  near  Cargin  Castle.  ^  Now  called  Castlekirke. 

*  Near  Templetogher  in  barony  of  Ballymoe. 


76      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

to  them.  Then  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  sent  his  brother 
Felim  and  the  chiefs  of  his  people,  with  Foreign  mercenaries,  to  plunder 
Eoghan  O'hEidhin  in  Ui-Fiachrach-Aidhne ;  and  they  were  in  a 
house-camp  at  Ard-rathain,  with  a  view  to  committing  the  depredation 
early  on  the  morrow.  O'Flaithbhertaigh  and  the  sons  of  Muircher- 
tach,  as  they  were  marching  to  tlie  sons  of  Ruaidhri,  heard  of  the 
Foreigners  having  gone  on  a  plundering  expedition  to  Eoghan 
O'hEidhin,  and  of  their  being  at  Ard-rathain.  The  resolution  they 
adopted  was  to  march  towards  Ard-rathain,  and  to  attack  the 
Foreigners  early  next  morning,  and  to  burn  the  town  against  them. 
They  marched  until  morning,  and  were  early  on  the  green  of  the 
town,  when  they  determined  to  send  first  to  the  town  Tuathal,  son  of 
Muirchertach,  and  their  Foreigners,  and  whomsoever  of  the  Gaeidhel 
would  desire  to  go  with  him — O'Flaithbhertaigh  and  the  other  sons  of 
Muirchertach  remaining  outside  the  town.  Bravely,  indeed,  was  the 
town  then  entered.  The  Gaeidhel  who  offered  to  go  with  Tuathal  was 
Taichlech,  son  of  Aedh  O'Dubhda.  And  when  they  went  boldly  into 
the  town  the  Foreigners  fled  eastwards  and  westwards  out  of  the  town  ; 
and  the  Foreigners  were  driven  in  rout  eastwards.  The  Foreigners 
who  fled  westwards  out  of  the  town  inflicted  a  defeat  on  those  of  the 
Gaeidhel  who  were  in  the  rear  of  the  town.  There  were  no  Gaeidhel 
more  vigorous  than  the  company  on  which  this  defeat  westwards  was 
inflicted,  but  God  did  not  grant  that  good  fortune  should  attend  them. 
Tuathal  and  Taichlech  O'Dubhda  pursued  the  party  that  went  east- 
wards ;  and  Tuathal  first  wounded  the  constable  of  the  Foreigners,  who 
fell  by  Taichlech.  It  was  very  fortunate  for  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri 
that  they  were  not  in  this  defeat.  It  was  in  this  defeat  westwards 
that  Mathgamhain,  son  of  Aedh,  son  of  Conchobhar  Maenmhaighe, 
and  the  son  of  Gillachrist  Mac  Diarmada,  and  the  grandson  of 
Amhlaibh  Mac  Airechtaigh,  and  Niall,  son  of  Ferghal  O'Taidhg, 
were  slain ;  and  the  person  who  slew  him  was  killed,  viz.  the 
brother  of  Culen  O'Dimusaigh. 

"  As  regards  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri :  they  met  on  the  mori^ow  with 
O'Flaithbhertaigh,  and  with  the  sons  of  Muirchertach,  and  with 
Tighernan,  son  of  Conchobhar,  and  with  Donn  Og  ;  and  they  pro- 
ceeded from  the  south  to  Druim-Cenannain,  It  was  then  Aedh,  son 
of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  with  his  Foreigners,  went  in  pursuit  of  them. 
The  resolution  they  adopted  was — each  of  them  to  go  towards  his 
cows  and  his  people,  and  to  abandon  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri.  The 
sons  of  Ruaidhri  went  out  of  the  district,  as  they  had  no  forces  or 
Foreigners  in  readiness,  and  Donn  went  again  under  the  protection 
of  Aedh  O'Neill ;  and  there  resulted  nothing  to  them  from  this  host- 
ing but  that  the  best  territory  in  Erinn  was  injured  and  destroyed 
through  them.   Regarding  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  however  ;  he 


FROM  ACCESSION  OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION   OF  FELIM.       11 

went  to  O'Flaithbhertaigh,  and  brought  pledges  and  hostages  from 
him  on  this  occasion.  He  proceeded  downwards  to  Cill-Medhoin,  and 
to  Magh-Eo,  in  pursuit  of  the  sons  of  Muirchertach,  and  of  Tighernan  ; 
and  they  made  peace  for  the  sake  of  their  cows  and  people,  and  went 
into  the  house  of  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  under  the  guarantee 
of  Donnchadh  Cairbrech  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Foreigners.  This  was 
a  necessary  tranquillity,  for  there  was  not  a  church  or  territory  in 
Connacht  on  that  day  without  being  destroyed. 

"  After  plunderings,  and  after  killing  the  cows  and  people  of  the 
country  and  exposing  every  one  to  cold  and  famine,  a  great  plague 
prevailed  in  the  whole  district,  viz.  a  species  of  fever,  by  which  the 
towns  used  to  be  emptied,  withovit  a  living  man  being  left  in  them." 
(L.C.) 

The  following  entries  are  under  the  year  1226,  and  seem  to  relate 
to  the  period  when  Aedh  was  left  to  maintain  his  own  authority  : — 

"  Tighernan,  son  of  Conchobhar,  son  of  Cathal  Migaran  O'Concho- 
bhair,  the  loyal  heir  of  greatest  honour  and  bravery  that  came  of  the 
sons  of  Conchobhar,  and  who  performed  the  most  renowned,  successful 
exploits,  was  killed  by  Donnchadh  O'Dubhda  and  his  sons. 

"  Ferghal  O'Taidhg,  dux  of  the  household  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  and 
of  that  of  his  son  after  him — a  man  of  great  prosperity,  and  by  whom 
his  enemies  fell  in  greatest  numbers — was  slain  by  Donnsleibhe 
O'Gadhra."     (L.C.) 

Under  the  year  1225  Tighernan,  son  of  Cathal  O'Conchobhair,  is 
noted  as  killed  by  Donnchadh  O'Dubhda.  The  family  of  Cathal 
Migaran  seems  to  have  been  settled  in  Mayo.  It  is,  I  think,  possible 
that  these  entries  relate  to  the  same  man,  the  son  of  Cathal  Migaran. 

Aedh  and  Torlogh  had  such  equal  support  in  Connaught  that  out- 
side help  on  either  side  turned  the  scale.  Aedh's  foreign  allies  were 
the  English,  against  whom  Torlogh's  supporters  would  not  fight. 
Hence  the  futility  of  these  rebellions  by  men  who  would  neither  fight 
nor  submit  honestly.  Clan  Murtough  had  a  small  body  of  foreigners 
in  their  service. 

Aedh  was  now  established,  but  events  took  an  unfortunate  turn  for 
him.  It  is  most  probable  that  the  Connaughtmen  were  much  pleased 
by  a  prospect  of  attacking  the  king's  forces  on  behalf  of  William 
Marshall,  and  would  not  let  Aedh  submit  as  William  did.  The 
English  record  tells  us  that  a  meeting  with  Aedh  was  arranged  at 
Athlone,  which  must  have  been  in  September  1226,  or  in  August. 
The  Annals  record  what  occurred. 

The  meeting-place  was  by  the  side  of  a  marsh,  a  Lahagh  a  little  to 
the  west  of  Athlone.  Aedh  crossed  the  marsh  with  Cormac  JNIac- 
Dermot,  Dermot,  son  of  Manus  O'Conor,  Manus,  son  of  Murtough 
O'Conor,  Tadhg  O'Ceirin,  and  Ruaidhri  O'Maelbhrenainn.     William 


/8       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

de  Marisco,  a  sson  of  the  justiciary,  came  with  eight  horsemen.  Before 
they  dismounted  Aedh  advanced  and  seized  William  de  Marisco. 
Aedh  took  William,  Master  Sleimhne,  and  Hugo  Arden  prisoners, 
and  killed  the  constable  of  Athlone.  Aedh  and  his  forces  then 
plundered  the  market  and  burnt  the  town.  "  And  this  was  a 
felicitous  act  for  all  the  Connachtmen,  for  they  obtained  their  sons 
and  daughters,  and  the  hostages  of  Connacht,  and  peace  for  the 
Connachtmen  afterwards"  (L.C.).  His  prisoners  must  have  been 
exchanged  for  the  hostages,  as  he  did  not  take  the  castle.  The  peace 
they  got  by  this  act  was  not  worth  much,  and  the  expression  may 
mean  only  that  they  went  away  without  pui-suit  or  immediate 
invasion. 

"  Donnsleibhe  O'Gadhra,  King  of  Sliabh-Lugha,  was  killed  by  the 
Gillaruadh,  his  own  brother's  son  and  he  was  killed  therefor  through 
the  device  of  the  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg  "  (L.C.). 

The  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  date  the  Athlone  affair  correctly  in 
1226,  but  those  of  Loch  Ce  place  it  under  the  year  1227.  The 
justiciary  did  not  deal  with  Connaught  until  the  following  year,  1227, 
when  Connaught  was  invaded  in  force.  King  Aedh  fled  to  Tirconnell. 
Geoffrey  de  Marisco,  accompanied  by  Torlogh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  came 
by  Athlone  into  Magh  Ai,  where  he  took  the  hostages  of  the  Sil- 
murray,  and,  accompanied  by  Brian,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  advanced  to 
Sligo,  and  sent  a  detachment  of  Meath  forces,  accompanied  by  Tor- 
logh, against  O'Flaherty,  which  afterwards  went  into  Carra  and  took 
hostages  from  Clan  Murtough,  and  a  number  of  cows  from  each  cantred. 
The  southern  army  under  Richard  de  Burgo,  accompanied  by  Aedh, 
son  of  Ruaidhri,  marched  to  Inishmaine,  plundering  and  taking 
hostages.  Thus  all  Connaught  was  brought  to  submission  without 
fighting.  Geoffrey  de  Marisco  left  the  country  in  some  way  in  charge 
of  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri.  This  to  be  inferred.  Nothing  is  stated 
precisely. 

After  his  departure  King  Aedh  came  back.  As  he  came  to  the 
river  Boyle  he  was  surprised  by  Ruaidhri's  sons,  who  took  his  wife 
pi'isoner,  whom  they  handed  over  to  the  English  at  Athlone.  Aedh 
and  his  two  sons  and  his  brother  Felim  esc;iped.  No  more  fighting  or 
dissension  is  recorded  at  this  time.  The  sons  of  Ruaidhri  and  Clann 
Murtough  and  the  other  O'Conors  of  the  Co.  Mayo  seem  to  have 
had  a  superiority  in  Connaught  when  left  alone.  The  English  armies 
had  secured  that  point.  Their  object  seems  to  have  been  to  reduce 
Aedh  to  obedience,  and  this  object  was  now  effected.  In  some  way 
or  other  Aedh  came  to  terms.  He  is  next  heard  of  as  visiting  the 
justiciary  in  the  castle  of  Athlone,  where  an  Englishman  murdered 
him  in  a  fit  of  jealousy  in  the  year  1228. 

Aedh,   son  of   Cathal,  may  have  come   to  terms  by  accepting  the 


FROM  ACCESSION  OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       79 

King's  Five  Cantreds  with  the  title  of  King  of  Connaught.  The  sons 
of  Ruaidhri  and  the  other  O'Conor  allies  who  were  settled  in  Mayo, 
and  all  the  other  lords  of  Connaught,  would  be  freed  from  his 
supremacy,  holding  from  the  King  of  England.  Aedh  was  not  in  a 
position  to  hold  out  for  better  terms  when  he  retui-ned  in  1227,  and 
such  an  arrangement  would  make  for  peace  in  Connaught,  which 
seems  to  have  ensued  for  a  time. 

However  this  may  be,  Aedh  was  recognised  as  King  of  Connaught, 
and  was  killed  in  1228.  At  this  period  occurred  the  real  and  effective 
partition  of  Connaught  by  the  grant  of  two  thirds  to  Richard  de 
Burgo.  At  the  same  time  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  was  made  king 
over  the  Five  Cantreds.  This  appears  also  from  the  entry  of  1230 
(L.C.)  that  Aedh  and  the  other  Connaughtmen  turned  against  Richai'd 
de  Burgo  and  the  foreigners. 

In  this  year,  therefore,  must  be  dated  with  certainty  the  separation 
of  the  territories  of  the  county  of  Mayo  from  the  ancient  kingdom  of 
Connaught.     The  grant  is  dated  the  21st  May  1228. 

Aedh  was  set  up  in  preference  to  his  elder  brother  Torlogh.  The 
preference  may  have  been  due  to  a  desire  to  break  the  continuity  of 
the  old  kingdom  of  Connaught,  to  show  that  Aedh  had  no  title  or 
right  but  what  was  derived  from  the  grant  of  the  King  of  England, 
Torlogh  had  been  inaugurated  in  1225,  and  might  have  represented 
himself,  and  have  been  regarded  by  the  Irish,  as  king  by  virtue  of 
that  inauguration.  Hence  internal  war  first,  necessity  for  fresh 
English  intervention,  and  his  own  rebellion  afterwards. 

"  A  great  war  broke  out  in  Connaught  between  the  two  sons  of 
Roderic  O'Conor,  Hugh  and  Turlough,  .  .  .  for  the  younger  son  did 
not  yield  obedience  to  the  elder ;  and  they  destroyed  Connaught 
between  them,  and  desolated  the  region  extending  from  Easdara  south- 
wards to  the  river  of  Hy  Fiachrach,^  excepting  only  a  small  portion  of 
Sliabh  Lugha,  and  the  territory  of  the  people  of  Airtech."     (F.M.) 

In  1229  Felim,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  defeated  King  Aedh  and 
plundered  Randown.  Richard  de  Bui-go,  who  had  been  made  jus- 
ticiary in  1228,  brought  an  army  to  Castlereagh  and  restored  Aedh, 
who  in  the  following  year  turned  against  his  supporters. 

Kings  of  Connaught  were  now  put  up  and  down  in  quick  succession 
until  1237.  The  events  are  thus  summarised.  In  1230  Aedh  turned 
on  the  English,  who  came  in  force  and  setup  Felim.  In  1231  Richard 
de  Burgo  arrested  Felim  at  Meelick.  In  September  1232  the  king 
ordered  release  of  Felim  on  bail  to  answer  the  charges  against  him, 
and  appointed  Maurice  FitzGerald  to  supersede  Richard  de  Burgo  as 
justiciary.     Felim,  being  released,  attacked  and  killed  Aedh.     Richard 

1  The  Robe. 


80   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

de  Burgo  recovered  the  king's  favour  by  tlie  assistance  he  gave  in 
Eichard  Marshall's  rebellion.  In  1235  llichard  and  the  justiciary 
drove  Felim  out,  and  again  in  1236,  setting  up  Brian,  son  of  Torlogh. 
In  1237  Felim  accepted  the  position,  was  given  the  King's  Five 
Cantreds,  and  remained  at  peace.  These  events  gave  rise  to  much 
warfare  in  Mayo,  because  so  many  of  the  O'Conors  had  estates  there. 
Richard  de  Burgo  did  not  at  first  try  to  make  settlements  on  a  large 
scale.  If  the  Irish  lords  had  been  content  to  accept  his  lordship  and 
to  pay  such  rents  and  tributes  as  they  may  have  agreed  to  pay,  he 
would  have  been  content  to  leave  them  as  they  were.  We  may  infer 
this  from  the  Annals  and  State  Papers  taken  together.  One  of  the 
first  settlers  in  Connaught  outside  of  Meelick  was  Richard's  younger 
brother  William,  who  at  this  time  occupied  Corcamoe  or  some  territory 
near  Donamon,  which  was  given  to  Adam  Staunton  in  1229  by 
the  king. 

The  Annals  are  our  authority  for  local  events  at  this  time. 

In  1230  King  Aedh,  at  the  instigation  of  Donn  Og  Mageraghty 
and  Cormac  MacDermot,  turned  against  Richard  Burk  and  the 
foreigners.  Aedh  himself  and  the  O'Flahertys  plundered  William 
Burk  and  Adam  Duff,  while  Donn  Og  and  Maghnus  O'Conor's  sons 
and  the  Silmurray  plundered  Tir  Maine  and  Mac  Goisdelbh's  lands. 
The  party  under  Aedh  shovild  be  the  Mayo  men  and  their  O'Flaherty 
allies. 

1230.  "The  son  of  William,  however,  assembled  the  greater  part 
of  the  Foreigners  of  Erinn,  and  many  Gaeidhel,  and  came  into 
Connacht,  accompanied  by  Felim,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  to  give 
him  the  sovereignty  of  Connacht,  and  to  expel  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri, 
and  every  Connachtman  who  had  turned  against  him.  They  pro- 
ceeded at  first  to  the  castle  of  Bun-Gaillmhe,  to  Aedh  O'Flaithbher- 
taigh.  Then  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  went  to  assist  O'Flaithbhertaigh  ; 
the  Connachtmen  accompanying  him,  vinder  the  sons  of  Muirchertach 
O'Conchobhair ;  and  the  Connachtmen  were  on  the  west  side  of 
Gaillimh,  and  the  Foreigners  on  the  east  side ;  and  great  conflicts 
occurred  between  them  every  day.  The  Foreigners  were  in  this  wise, 
and  they  obtained  neither  peace,  nor  pledge,  nor  hostage  from  the 
Connachtmen.  The  resolution  the  Foreigners  adopted  was  to  go  after 
the  cows  and  the  people  that  had  fled  to  the  hills  and  fastnesses  of 
the  country,  and  into  the  islands  of  the  sea ;  and  they  went  that 
night  from  the  castle  of  Bun-Gaillmhe  to  Droiched-inghine-Goillin,^ 
where  it  was  morning  with  them.  Then  the  son  of  William  asked, 
*  Is  there  a  passage  between  us  and  the  lake,  by  which  some  of  the 
Connachtmen    could    come    down  ? '       The    guides    answered    him : 

^  Probably  a  bridge  near  Headford,  perhaps  at  Moyne,  as  now. 


FROM  ACCESSION    OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       81 

'  There  is,'  said  they.  He  disposed  a  party  of  horse  to  the  west 
towards  Cunga,  and  towards  Cill-  (or  Inis-)'Medhoin.  It  happened 
then  that  a  countless  number  of  Connachtmen  were  coming  from 
Cunga  early  on  the  morrow,  having  been  unwisely,  and  unwarily, 
transported  across  the  lake^  the  night  before,  in  parties  of  two  and 
three ;  and  a  few  good  men  were  slain  together  with  the  men  of 
trust  of  Muirchertach,  son  of  Maghnus  O'Conchobhair ;  viz.  Diarmaid 
O'hEidhnechan,  and  Lochlann  Maclesain,  and  Tadhg,  son  of  Gilla- 
christ  O'Maelbhrenainn.  As  regards  the  Foreigners  :  they  went  after 
this  success  to  Magh-Eo  of  the  Saxons.  They  proceeded  on  the 
morrow  to  Tobur-Patraic,  where  the  canons  and  devout  people  of  the 
place  came  to  the  son  of  William,  and  requested  the  son  of  William, 
for  charity,  not  to  remain  with  them  that  night.  This  request  was 
granted  to  them ;  and  the  Foreigners  proceeded  down  to  Muine- 
Maicin.  The  Foreigners  were  loth,  indeed,  to  go  from  Magh-Eo 
thither ;  but  they  had  not  obtained  either  hostages  or  pledges 
from  Maghnus,  son  of  Muirchertach  Mviimhnech.  As  they  had  not 
obtained  hostages,  they  went  on  the  morrow  to  Achadh-Fabhair, 
and  encamped  in  the  town,  to  the  west  of  the  church,  viz.  at 
Mai'genana,  on  the  brink  of  Loch  Crlchan.  Maghnus,  son  of  Muir- 
chertach, went  into  their  house  and  gave  them  pledges.  As  to  the 
Foreigners,  moreover ;  they  came  again  on  the  morrow  to  Muine- 
Maicin,  and  remained  a  night  there.  They  proceeded  the  next  day 
to  Magh-Sine,-  and  from  thence,  by  marches,  through  Luighne,  to 
Ceis-Corann.  They  went  from  thence  into  the  Corrsliabh,  and  the 
guides  abandoned  the  usual  path ;  and  they  crossed  the  entire 
mountain  without  being  met.  With  reference  to  Aedh,  son  of 
Ruaidhri,  and  to  Tomaltach  of  the  Rock,  son  of  Conchobhar  Mac 
Diarmada,  and  Donn  Og  Mac  Airechtaigh,  and  the  Sil-Muiredhaigh, 
who  were  in  the  wood — the  resolution  they  adopted  was  not  to 
bestow  attention  or  I'egard  on  the  Foreigners,  since  their  cows,  and 
their  people  with  them,  had  reached  the  fastnesses  of  Muinter-Eolais 
and  of  Sliabh-an-iarainn.  Donn  Og  said  that  he  would  not  observe  this 
resolution.  The  course  he  decided  on  was  to  go  to  the  west  side  of  the 
Foreigners  until  he  reached  Finn-charn,  accompanied  b}'  his  own 
brother,  and  the  young  men  of  Sil-Muiredhaigh,  and  by  his  own 
Foreigners,  and  by  the  son  of  Domnall  Bregach  O'Maelsechlainn  with 
his  Foreigners,  and  by  Brian,  son  of  Toirdhelbhach ;  and  Donn  sent  a 
fighting  party  to  them,  and  a  good  conflict  was  being  waged  against 
the  Foreigners,  and  he  himself  was  stationed  on  the  summit  of  the 
earn,  and    his    hope   in    the    conflict.      Then    the  Foreigners  sent  a 

^  The  crossing  point  must  have  been  the  narrow  ferry  at  Knock.     It  is  evident 
that  K.  B.  knew  that  bodies  of  men  were  between  him  and  the  lake. 
2  About  Turlough. 

F 


82      THE    EARLY    HISTORY  'OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

countless  host  of  mercenaries  and  cavalry  around  the  earn,  and  they 
{Donns  party)  observed  them  not  until  they  passed  from  the  west 
around  the  earn  ;  and  Donn  was  left  alone  there,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  of  his  kinsmen,  and  of  Brian,  son  of  Toirdhelbhach ;  and 
only  for  a  short  time  were  they  allowed  to  remain  thus  in  one  spot. 
Donn  Og,  being  then  alone,  was  proclaimed  and  recognised ;  and 
many  soldiers  took  aim,  and  five  arrows  were  lodged  in  him;  and 
one  horseman  came  up  with  him  afterwards ;  and  though  he  {Donn) 
had  no  weapon  but  an  axe,  he  did  not  allow  the  horseman  to  close 
with  him ;  and  the  horseman  would  drive  his  lance  into  him  occasion- 
ally. The  other  soldiers  surrounded  him  from  the  east  and  west, 
and  he  fell  by  the  superior  power  that  overtook  him  there. 

"  Regarding  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  moreover  ;  he  was  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Foreigners,  awaiting  them  ;  and  he  did  not  give  them 
battle,  and  it  was  not  with  his  consent  that  Donn  had  done  so.  And 
the  rout  extended  eastwards  towards  him  ;  and  he  knew  not  then 
that  Donn  had  been  slain  ;  but  Aedh  escaped  uninjured  throvigh  the 
strength  of  his  hand ;  and  he  turned  upon  one  man  of  them  who  was 
taking  aim  at  him,  and  cast  the  lance  which  was  in  his  hand  at  him, 
so  that  the  shaft  went  through  him  ;  and  he  was  afterwards  allowed 
to  depart.  However,  as  success  attended  the  Foreigners,  and  as  Donn 
Og  was  slain,  the  Foreigners  sent  out  great  predatory  bands  as  far  as 
Sliabh-an-iarainn,  and  subjected  multitudes  to  cold  and  hunger  on  this 
occasion.  And  women  and  children  were  killed  ;  and  all  that  were  not 
killed  were  stripped  ;  and  they  carried  off  great,  fruitful  preys  to  the 
camp  of  the  Foreigners.  The  Foreigners  departed  after  this  on  the 
morrow,  and  left  the  sovereignty  with  Felim,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg  ; 
and  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhi'i,  was  banished  to  Aedh  O'Neill."     (L.C.) 

This  account  recognises  only  one  army  of  the  English.  Comparing 
it  with  the  Annals  of  Boyle,  Clonmacnoise,  and  Ulster,  we  gather 
that  the  invasion  was  made  by  two  armies.  The  justiciary,  R.  de 
Burgh,  and  Donogh  Cairbrech  O'Brien  came  from  the  south  and 
secured  the  submission  of  O'Flaherty  and  the  Mayo  O'Conors,  who 
formed  the  western  group  of  rebels.  The  ai-my  of  Meath,  under 
Hugh  de  Lacy,  accompanied  by  William  de  Burgo  and  Felim  O'Conor, 
dealt  with  the  Roscommon  group,  consisting  of  the  Silmurray  and 
MacDermot's  forces.  The  two  armies  met  at  the  Callow  of  the  Rock 
of  Lough  Key — that  is,  near  Rockingham  House — where  they  stayed 
a  week  and  two  nights.  It  is  not  clear  where  or  when  occurred  the 
skirmish  in  which  D.  Magei-aghty  fell.  If  the  Finncharn  could  be 
identified  the  site  would  be  known.  One  account  mentions  that  he 
was  killed  in  the  Curlews. 

The  movements  of  the  western  army  are  given  with  unusual 
clearness.     The  account  of  the  actual  figjhting  in  the  skirmish  is  a 


FROM  ACCESSION  OF    AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       83 

rare  instance  of  such  detail.  It  shows  that  a  man  with  an  axe  and  a 
horseman  with  a  lance  were  fairly  evenly  matched.  Unfortunately, 
we  are  not  told  whether  Donn  Og  was  on  horseback  or  on  foot.  We 
should  expect  a  man  of  his  rank  to  be  mounted,  but  in  this  case  he 
was  surprised  while  watching  the  fight  from  a  earn. 

From  mention  of  the  foreigners  of  Donn  Og  and  of  Donnell 
O'Mehighlin,  we  may  infer  that  it  was  not  unusual  for  Irish  chieftains 
to  have  a  few  in  their  service.  But  they  were  not  enough  to  affect 
the  character  of  the  Irish  forces  or  enable  them  to  withstand  an 
army,  and  were  probably  small  bodyguards. 

In  1231  King  Felim  met  R.  de  Burgo  at  Meelick,  where  R.  de 
Burgo  made  him  prisoner — by  the  treachery  of  his  own  men,  according 
to  the  Annals  of  Boyle.  Aedh,  son  of  Ruaidhri,  was  now  set  up  in 
his  place.  In  the  following  year  King  Henry  ordered  R.  de  Burgo 
to  release  Felim  on  bail  to  answer  the  charges  against  him.  As 
Richard  failed  to  release  him,  the  king  made  Maurice  FitzGerald 
justiciary  in  his  place,  and  ordered  him  to  take  up  the  whole  of 
Connaught  and  hold  it  if  Richard  still  refused  to  surrender  the  castle 
of  Meelick  and  the  prisoners  of  Connaught.  Felim  was  released,  but 
the  castle  was  not  surrendered.  The  king  even  asked  for  Felim's 
help  in  taking  the  castle  before  Felim  should  come  to  England  to 
see  him,  as  Felim  wished  to  do.  This  occurred  in  May  1233.  The 
castle  was  never  surrendered.  The  war  of  Richard  Marshall 
occurred  next  year.  Richard  de  Burgo  stood  by  the  king,  and  was 
restored  to  favour.  Meanwhile,  in  1232,  Richard  was  strengthening 
himself.  The  Annals  inform  us  that  he  built  the  castle  of  Galway, 
and  that  Adam  Staunton  began  that  of  Donamon. 

Donogh,  son  of  Tomaltach  MacDermot,  is  noted  by  the  Four  Masters 
to  have  died  in  Aicideacht,  which  is  a  name  of  the  territory  of  Clann 
Cuain.  He  must  have  submitted  and  held  the  land  under  Richard, 
or  one  of  the  O'Conors,  or  have  been  only  a  visitor  there. 

Felim,  being  released,  secured  the  adhesion  of  MacDermot  and  of 
the  Three  Tuaths,  and  destroyed  the  power  of  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri 
by  killing  Aedh,  two  of  his  brothers,  two  of  his  nephews,  and  some 
Englishmen  near  Tibohine.  He  then  turned  on  R.  de  Burgo. 
"The  castles  that  had  been  erected  through  the  power  of  the  sons 
of  Ruaidhri  O'Conchobhair  and  the  son  of  William  Burk  were 
demolished  by  Fedhlim,  viz.  the  castle  of  Bun-Gaillmh^,  and 
Caislen-na-circe  and  Caislen-na-Caillighe,  and  the  castle  of  Dun- 
Imdhain  "  (L.C.).  This  Caislen-na-circe  and  this  Caislen-na-Caillighe 
are  the  castles  standing  in  L.  Carra  on  Castle  Island  and  Hag 
Island.  The  sons  of  Ruaidhri  had  their  settlements  in  Carra.  The 
ruins  of  the  castle  on  Castle  Island  are  of  later  date  than  this  period. 
The  same  may  probably  be  said  of  the  little  that  remains  on  Hag 


84      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Island.  The  first  castles  were  no  doubt  very  rough.  Felim  had 
things  all  his  own  way  in  Connaiight  in  the  years  1233  and  1234, 
owing  to  Kichard  Burk's  quarrel  with  the  king  and  Richard  Mar- 
shall's war. 

Irish  family  life  of  the  period  is  illustrated  by  the  following  entry 
for  the  year  1234.  "  Aedh  O'hEghra,  King  of  Luighne,  was  killed  by 
Donnchadh,  son  of  Duarcan  O'hEghra — (a  house  was  burned  over  him, 
and  he  was  killed  in  the  door  of  the  house,  after  coming  out  of  it) — 
in  revenge  for  his  having  first  killed  his  brother  (i.e.  Donnchadh's 
brother)  and  the  five  sons  of  his  father's  brother,  and  having  blinded 
his  other  brother"  (L.O.).  The  Annals  of  Boyle  say  that  Donogh 
was  A.edh's  brother  and  succeeded  him. 

In  1235  the  English  were  free  to  deal  with  Felim  O'Conor,  who 
had  set  himself  up  as  king  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Connaught. 
His  position  must  have  seemed  very  secure  to  Donogh  Cairbrech 
O'Brien,  King  of  Thomond,  who  had  accepted  the  position  of  a  vassal 
of  King  Henry,  and  had  hitherto  acted  loyally  towards  him,  but  now 
entered  into  alliance  with  Felim. 

The  justiciary  had  two  objects  in  view  in  the  campaign  of  1235 — to 
reduce  Felim  to  subjection  or  to  oust  him,  and  to  put  R.  de  Burgo  in 
possession  of  his  Connaught  lordship,  which  the  king  had  taken  up  in 
1233.  The  Irish  lords  in  immediate  possession  of  territories  were 
generally  ready  to  submit.     The  trouble  was  with  the  O'Conors. 

Maurice  FitzGerald,  the  justiciary,  came  in  person,  accompanied 
by  R.  de  Burgo,  Hugh  de  Lacy,  Walter  de  Ridelesford,  and  John 
Cogan.  They  advanced  by  Athlone,  and  reached  Boyle  Abbey  on 
Trinity  Sunday.  They  sent  detachments  thence  as  far  as  Glenfarne 
in  the  Co.  Leitrim,  whom  they  met  at  Ardcarne  on  their  return  with 
the  prey.  They  then  adopted  what  the  annalist  calls  an  extraordinary 
resolution.  They  retraced  their  steps  and  went  through  Tirmaine 
and  Maenmagh  into  Thomond,  to  punish  Donogh  O'Brien,  who  had 
plundered  O'Heyne.  Felim  O'Conor  followed  them  in  accordance 
with  his  engagements  with  O'Brien.  They  had  a  good  many  skir- 
mishes, and  a  battle  in  which  the  O'Briens  and  O'Conors  were 
defeated.  O'Brien  submitted.  The  justiciary  then  moved  against 
0' Flaherty,  who  submitted. 

"  As  to  Fedhlim,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhderg,  however,  the  resolution 
he  adopted  was  to  take  with  him  towards  O'Domhnaill  all  the  cows 
that  he  found  in  Conmaicne-Mara  and  in  Conmaicne-na-Cuile,  and 
those  belonging  to  all  who  obeyed  his  counsel— and  the  son  of  Magh- 
nus,^  and  Conchobhar  Euadh,  son  of  Muirchertach  Muimhnech — and 
to  leave  the  country  wasted  for  the  Foreigners.  After  this,  truly, 
the  Foreigners  came  to  Dun-Modhord,^  and  sent  messengers  to  Magh- 
'  Mac  Maghnus.  2  Ooon  Castle,  near  Westport. 


FROM  ACCESSION  OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       85 

nus,  son  of  Muirchertach  Muimhnech,  to  demand  peace  and  hostages 
from  liim ;  and  Maghnus  gave  them  neither  peace  nor  hostages. 
The  Foreigners  then  sent  great  predatory  bands  from  Dun-Mugh- 
dhord,^  and  the  sons  of  Ruaidhri,  with  innumerable  mercenaries  ;  and 
these  plundered  Eccuill.'-  and  bi-ought  great  herds  with  them  to 
Druimne,  to  meet  the  Foreigners.  As  regards  Aedh  O'Flaithbher- 
taigh  and  Eoghan  O'hEidhin,  however,  they  went  round  with  a  large 
army,  and  with  boats  which  had  been  brought  to  Linan-Chinnmhara.^ 
The  boats  came  with  their  forces,  the  Justiciary  having  gone  to  meet 
them  to  Druimne,  to  the  callow  of  Inis-aenaigh.*  Maghnus  was  at 
this  time,  with  his  vessels,  in  the  sound  of  the  island  ;  and  great 
contests  and  conflicts  were  waged  by  them  in  turn.  The  Foreigners 
were  at  this  time  fatigued,  and  the  resolution  they  adopted  was  to 
occupy  a  camp,  and  to  withdraw  their  boats  to  a  corner  of  the  large 
strand  which  was  there.  When  Maghnus  "perceived  this  thing  he 
proceeded  from  the  sound  eastwards,  and  went  upon  Inis-rathain ; 
and  some  of  his  people  went  upon  Inis-aenaigh,  and  took  sheep  there- 
from to  eat.  When  [the  Foreigners]  observed,  moreover,  that  Magh- 
nus and  his  people  had  gone  towards  the  island,  and  then  to  another 
island,  and  that  they  had  neither  watch  nor  ward  over  the  Foreigners, 
and  that  the  island  was  between  them  and  the  Foreigners — when 
the  Foreigners  perceived  this  they  arose  furiously,  terribly  and 
quickly;  and  they  suddenly  lifted  their  boats  along  the  strand,  and 
pvTt  them  on  the  sea,  and  filled  them  promptly  with  forces,  and  with 
armed,  mail-clad  soldiers,  who  went  upon  the  two  islands,  and  killed 
all  the  people  they  found  in  them.  Maghnus  and  all  of  his  people 
who  Avere  in  Inis-rathain,  arose  and  went  into  their  vessels ;  and 
if  O'Maille's  people  had  been  esteemed  by  Maghnus,  he  {O'Maille) 
would  have  sent  his  vessels  against  the  Foreigners  and  their  boats. 
However,  though  short  the  period  of  the  day  remaining  at  this  hour, 
there  was  not  a  cow  remaining  on  any  island  of  Innsi-Modh  that  was 
not  transferred  to  the  shore  before  night ;  and  [the  owners  of  the  coifs\ 
would  have  themselves  previously  gone  away,  through  thirst  and 
hunger,  if  they  had  not  been  captured ;  and  many  inferior  persons 
were  slain  between  them  this  night.  On  Friday,  moreover,  the  day 
following,  they  went  upon  the  islands  of  the  North  of  Umhall,  and 
the  masters  of  the  mercenaries,  in  honour  of  the  Passion,  imposed  a 
restriction  that  no  man  should  be  killed.  When  the  Foreigners  had 
succeeded  in  robbing  and  plundering  Umhall,  by  sea  and  land,  they 
proceeded  with  their  cows  and  preys  to  Lughbhurtan  ;  ^  and  the 
Foreigners  went  from  thence  by  regular  marches  to  Es-dara,  when 

^  Doon  Castle,  near  Westport. 

2  Country  between  Clew  Bay  and  Killeries.  ^  Leenane. 

«  Inisbeeny.  ^  Luffertaun. 


86     thp:  early  history  of  the  county  of  mayo. 

they  committed  a  depredation  on  O'Domhnaill,  on  account  of  the 
banishment  to  him  of  Fedhlim."    (L.C.) 

Maurice  FitzGerald  held  Tii'connell  under  de  Lacy,  and  had  made 
O'Donnell  submit. 

The  remark  that  O'Malley's  people  had  not  been  esteemed  by 
Maghnus  seems  to  mean  that  Maghnus,  being  settled  in  Umhall, 
acted  oppressively  towards  the  O'Malleys,  who  therefore  did  not 
help  him,  but  rather  hoped  for  his  defeat.  This  seems  to  have  caused 
a  family  quarrel. 

The  English  army  came  back  from  the  north  through  Roscommon, 
and  captured  the  Rock  of  Lough  Key,  and  left  a  garrison  there, 
which  was  shut  out  of  the  island  one  day  by  the  Irish  warder  left 
therein.     MacDermot  thus  recovered  the  Rock. 

"  The  Foreigners  afterwards  left  Connacht  without  food,  clothes, 
or  cattle  ;  and  they  did  not  carry  off  with  them  either  pledges  or 
hostages  on  this  journey  ;  and  they  left  neither  peace,  nor  quietness, 
nor  tranquillity,  nor  happiness  in  the  country ;  but  the  Gaeidhel 
themselves  were  robbing  and  killing  one  another  regarding  the 
residue  which  the  Foreigners  left  in  it  on  this  occasion.  As  regards 
Fedhlim,  however,  he  made  peace  with  the  Justiciary,  and  obtained 
the  King's  five  cantreds,  out  of  which  he  was  to  receive  rent  and 
customs ;  and  Cormac,  son  of  Tomaltach  MacDiarmada,  came  with 
him.^'     (L.C.) 

The  following  entries  occur  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  but  without 
indications  of  date  :— 

"  Taichlech,  son  of  Aedh  O'Dubhda,  King  of  Ui-Amhalghaidh  and 
TJi-Fiachi'ach,  was  killed  by  the  discharge  of  an  arrow,  whilst  inter- 
fering {to  quell  a  dispute)  in  the  camp  of  Fedhlim,  son  of  Cathal 
Crobhderg,  King  of  Connacht." 

"The  two  sons  of  Muiredhach  O'Maille,  Domhnall  and  Muircher- 
tach,  were  slain  by  Domhnall,  son  of  Maghnus,  son  of  Muirchertach 
O'Conchobhair,  and  by  Niall  Ruadh,  son  of  Cathal  O'Conchobhair, 
in  Cliara,  where  they  were  interred  also." 

"  Tuathal,  son  of  Muirchertach  O'Conchobhair,  was  killed  by  Con- 
chobhar  Buidhe,  son  of  Toirdhelbhach  O'Conchobhair,  and  by  Concho- 
bhar,  son  of  Aedh  Muimhnech,  in  hoc  anno." 

"  The  mercenaries  and  kernes  who  were  on  Finn-loch  of  Cera, 
acting  oppressively  on  the  part  of  the  son  of  Ruaidhri,  were  slain  by 
Maghnus,  son  of  Muirchertach,  in  hoc  anno.  .  .  .  The  castle  of  Milic 
was  broken  down  by  Fedhlim  O'Conchobhair," 

The  following  entry  appears  in  1236,  showing  the  ill-feeling  which 
arose  in  1235  :  "  Maelechlainn  O'Maille  was  killed  on  Oilen-da- 
chrunde  by  Domhnall,  son  of  Maghnus,  son  of  Muirchertach 
O'Conchobhair." 


FROM  ACCESSION  OF  AEDH  TO  SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       87 

In  1236  Richard  de  Burgo  went  to  England.  He  built  the  castle 
of  Loughi'ea  in  this  year.  A  breach  occurred  between  the  justiciary 
and  Felim — about  a  boundary,  according  to  the  Annals  of  Boyle. 
Felim  was  driven  away  to  Ulster,  and  Brian,  son  of  Torlogh,  son  of 
Ruaidhri,  was  set  up  in  his  place. 

Felim  came  back  at  the  invitation  of  O'Kelly,  O'Flynn,  and  others, 
and  made  a  successfvil  attack  on  Brian  at  Randown.  MacCostello 
was  present  on  Brian's  side.  Richard  de  Burgo  came  against  him 
with  an  army,  which  seems  to  have  met  another  brought  by  Maurice 
FitzGerald  in  Roscommon,  probably  near  Castlereagh.  The  Clan 
Murtough  seems  to  have  risen  as  usual.  Richard  therefore  had  to  go 
off  to  deal  with  his  own  rebels,  leaving  Maurice  FitzGerald  to  deal 
with  the  king's  cantreds.     His  proceedings  are  thus  told  : — 

"When  MacWilliam  heard,  moreover,  that  this  defeat ^  had  been 
inflicted  on  all  of  his  people  who  had  turned  against  him,  he  joined 
with  0'Conchobhair,2  and  came  to  attack  him,'^  or  to  pacify  him. 
Diarmaid,  son  of  Maghnus  O'Conchobhair,  went  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  son  of  Muirchertach  O'Conchobhair.  Then  it  was  that 
MacWilliam  proceeded  without  notice,  without  being  observed,  to 
Tuaim-d;i-ghualann,  and  from  thence  to  Magh-Eo  of  the  Saxons ;  and 
not  a  stack  of  seed  or  of  corn  of  all  that  was  in  the  great  relig  of 
Magh-Eo,  or  in  the  relig  of  the  church  of  Michael  the  Archangel,  was 
left  without  being  taken  away  together  ;  and  three  score,  or  four  score 
baskets  were  brought  out  of  these  churches,  besides  every  other  injury 
and  disorder  committed  after  them  ;  but  this  was  of  little  consequence. 
And  they  went  from  thence  to  Turloch,  on  which  the  same  punish- 
ment was  inflicted.  And  they  sent  out  great  predatory  bands  against 
the  people  of  the  son  of  Maghnus,  who  met  the  people  of  Conchobhar 
Ruadh  and  of  Turlagh,  and  plundered  them  all  indiscriminately. 
Maghnus,  indeed,  was  obliged  to  send  away  from  him  such  of  the 
people  of  the  son  of  Maghnus  O'Conchobhair  as  had  come  to  him,  or 
else  the  same  treatment  would  have  been  inflicted  on  him  as  had 
been  inflicted  on  his  brother.  As  to  Conchobhar  Ruadh,  moreover,  he 
went  on  the  morrow  into  the  house  of  MacWilliam,  and  made  peace 
there ;  and  his  preys  of  the  cows  of  which  he  had  been  plundered 
were  restored  to  him ;  and  what  the  people  of  the  church  found  alive 
of  their  stock  was  given  to  them.  Regarding  the  son  of  Maghnus,  also, 
he  went  into  the  house  of  the  Foreigners  for  the  sake  of  his  cows  and 
people ;  i.e.  of  all  that  had  been  left  to  him  of  his  cows.  Then 
MacWilliam  went  to  Bulla,  where  he  remained  two  nights,  and 
pi'oceeded  from  thence  to  Tuaim-da-ghualann  ;  and  he  left  Connacht 
afterwards  without  food  or  clothing  in  church  or  territory,  without 
peace,  or  quiet,  or  prosperity,  but  each  man  attacking  his  fellow, 
^  At  Randown.  ^  Brian.  ^  Felim. 


88   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

excepting  the  supremacy  which  the  sons  of  INIuirchertuch  conceded 
to  him,  .   .  . 

"  Great  vain,  and  bad  weather,  and  war  in  this  year ;  famine,  and 
scarcity  of  food  and  clothing ;  and  kernes  and  sons  of  malediction, 
who  had  been  candle-extinguished  by  the  hands  of  bishops,  without 
respect  for  church  or  sanctuary  ;  and  superior  dignitaiies  of  the 
Catholic  church  were  neither  night  nor  day  without  suffering  from 
fear  or  terror.  Numerous  retreats  and  frequent  headlong  routs  to 
the  churches  ioolc  place,  before  Foreigners  and  Gaeidhel,  and  lodging- 
houses  were  made  of  churches  and  the  residences  of  saints  in  this 
year ;  and  during  the  period  of  twelve  years  down  from  the  war  of 
O'Neill  were  the  Foreigners  and  Gaeidhel  plundering  in  turn,  without 
sovereignty  or  supremacy  being  possessed  by  one  beyond  another,  but 
the  Foreigners  able  to  destroy  it  (^Connarht)  every  time  they  came  into 
it;  the  king  and  royal  heirs  of  Connacht  pillaging  and  profaning 
territories  and  churches  after  them."     (L.C.) 

This  last  paragraph  expresses  the  cause  of  the  troubles,  the  quairel- 
ling  of  the  O'Conors  and  other  native  chiefs  among  themselves.  The 
English  policy  up  to  this  time  had  been  to  leave  the  Irish  chieftains 
in  possession  as  vassals,  to  govern  and  hold  the  country  through  them. 
The  annalists  tell  us  how  completely  it  failed  and  why  it  failed. 
O'Brien  tried  his  strength  faii-ly,  and  when  beaten  accepted  his 
former  position  honestly,  thereby  retaining  possession  of  most  of  his 
territories. 

The  annalist  writes  of  Richard  de  Burgo's  visit  to  England  in  this 
year,  "  And  little  of  Erinn's  benefit  did  he  effect  by  his  journey  "  ;  from 
which  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  arranged  with  King  Henry  for  a 
new  policy  in  his  lordship  of  Connaught — the  distribution  of  it  among 
the  barons  of  Ireland,  and  the  establishment  of  colonies  and  garrisons, 
which  would  compel  the  Irish  chieftains  to  keep  the  peace.  This 
policy  was  carried  out  in  1237,  when  it  is  noted  that  "The  barons  of 
Erinn  came  into  Connacht,  and  commenced  to  build  castles  in  it "  ; 
again,  in  1238  it  is  noted  that  "  Castles  were  erected  in  Muinter- 
Murchada,  and  in  Conmaicne-Ciiile,  and  in  Cera,  by  the  aforesaid 
barons." 

In  1237  Felim  came  again  and  defeated  Brian  in  a  small  battle. 
FitzGerald  now  gave  up  the  attempt  to  maintain  Brian,  but  Felim 
gave  up  liis  pretensions  of  independence  and  accepted  the  lordship  of 
the  Five  Cantreds.  He  visited  King  Henry  in  1240.  Certain  it  is 
that  henceforth,  until  his  son  Aedh  broke  into  rebellion,  he  was  a 
loyal  vassal  of  the  king,  and  kept  the  peace  towards  R.  de  Burgo. 

The  following  notes  occur  regarding  Mayo  chieftains  in  1237: — 

"Maghnus,  son  of  Diarmaid,  son  of  ]Maghnus,  was  killed  by  Domh- 
nall,  son  of  Diarmaid,  son  of  Ruaidhri  O'Conchobhair,  in  hoc  anno. 


FROM  ACCESSION  OF   AEDH  TO   SUBMISSION  OF  FELIM.       89 

Muirchertach,  son  of  Diarmaid,  sou  of  Ruaidhri  O'Conchobbair,  was 
killed  by  the  sons  of  Maghnus,  son  of  Muirchertach  Muimhnech 
O'Conchobbair,  in  this  year."     (L.C.) 

"  A  depredation  was  committed  by  Conchobbar,  sou  of  Cormac, 
on  Ruaidhri  O'Gadbra,  whose  brother  he  killed."  Conor  was  a 
MacDermot. 

In  1238  "Donnchadh,  sou  of  Duarcau  O'hEghra,  King  of  Luighne, 
was  taken  prisoner  by  Tadbg,  son  of  Aedh,  son  of  Catbal  Crobbderg ; 
and  when  he  was  taken  away  to  be  confined  his  own  kinsmen,  i.e. 
the  sons  of  Aedh  O'hEghra,  slew  him  on  the  way  in  Tir-Briuin-na- 
Sinna. 

"  Maelruanaidh,  son  of  Donnchadh  O'Dubbda,  was  slain  by  Mael- 
sechlainn,  son  of  Conchobbar  Rnadh,  son  of  Muirchertach  ;Muimhnech 
O'Conchobbair,  and  by  the  son  of  Tighernan,  son  of  Catbal  Migaran 
O'Conchobbair."     (L.C.) 

These  entries,  and  others,  show  bow  confused  were  the  quarrels  of 
O'Conors  among  themselves.  If  the  entries  relating  to  O'Conors  who 
were  not  connected  with  Mayo  are  taken  into  account  the  effect  is 
still  more  confusing.  One  point  comes  out  well.  The  Clan  Murtough 
produced  very  tui-bulent  and  very  able  men.  They  were  not  in  a 
position  to  secure  the  sovereignty  for  themselves,  but  were  at  all 
times  ready  for  war.  While  they  were  vassals  of  de  Burgo,  or  of  his 
vassals,  they  were  unable  to  take  part  in  the  O'Conor  family  quarrels. 
When  they  were  expelled  in  1273,  and  obliged  to  live  among  the  other 
O'Conors,  they  took  a  high  position  and  forced  membei's  of  their 
family  into  the  sovereignty  of  the  O'Conors  for  a  time. 

In  the  latter  part  of  this  period  the  following  families  are  ascer- 
tained to  have  been  settled  in  Mayo:  Ruaidhri's  sons  Torlogb  and 
Aedh  in  Carra;  Clan  Murtough,  Clan  Manus,  and  Clan  Catbal  Migaran 
in  Clann  Cuain  and  in  Umhall.  The  family  of  Catbal  Crobbderg 
was  probably  settled  among  the  Conmaicne,  but  whether  they  were 
actually  settled  or  not,  the  Conmaicne  were  very  much  under  the 
control  of  the  O'Conor  kings.  The  Ciarraighe  were  in  much  the 
same  position. 

In  the  new  order  all  the  O'Conors  were  expelled  from  Mayo  except 
Clan  Murtough,  who  remained  in  Umhall  and  perhaps  in  Clann 
Cuain  for  thirty  years. 

O'Dowda  was  turned  out  of  Tirawley.  O'Gara  and  O'Hara  were 
turned  out  of  Gallen  and  North  Costello.  Thus  they  cease  to  be 
Mayo  families. 


CIIAPTEU    X. 

ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAUIS    TO    THE    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY. 

Under  King  Cathal  Crovderg,  the  transition  from  Irish  to  Koman 
discipline  and  practice  was  completed  by  transfer  of  the  ancient 
endowments  to  the  bishops,  and  imposition  of  a  legal  liability  to  pay 
tithes,  which  must  have  been  made  effective  by  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  as  the  paiish  work  could  not  be  carried  on  without 
land  or  tithes.  The  tithe  not  being  equivalent  to  the  glebes  and 
conventual  lands,  much  amalgamation  of  parishes  was  necessai-y, 
which  we  know  to  have  taken  place  at  that  time. 

The  tithe  was  soon  taken  away  in  great  part  by  assignment  of 
rectories  to  monasteries,  until  only  a  few  incumbents  were  rectors, 
who  usually  held  the  rectory  by  right  of  cathedral  office.  The 
bishop  took  one-fourth  and  the  rector  three-fourths,  or  the  rector  half 
and  the  curate  one-fourth.  In  the  fifteenth  century  even  vicarages 
were  made  over  to  the  College  of  Galway. 

The  ancient  abbeys  of  Cong  and  Mayo  kept  rectories  of  parishes 
which  must  have  been  for  the  most  part  under  their  management 
from  early  times.  Other  rectories  were  assigned  to  new  foundations, 
and  others  after  1237  by  the  new  lords  to  monasteries  with  which 
they  had  family  connection  in  other  provinces.  Land  given  to  a 
monastery  carried  the  tithe  with  it.  The  parochial  clergy  were  so 
sacrificed  to  the  monks  that  after  a  time  in  some  dioceses  of  Ireland 
the  bishops  had  difficulty  in  filling  the  charges,  and  to  do  so  had  to 
get  dispensation  for  removal  of  disqualification. 

Errew  Abbey  has  been  noted  as  the  first  built  in  this  country 
under  the  influence  of  the  ideas  and  system  introduced  with  the  Cis- 
tercians of  Mellifont.  Cong  was  re-edified  in  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  Inishmaine  probably  a  little  earlier.  These 
and  Mayo  are  the  only  houses  which  survived  from  the  early  period, 
unless,  as  is  probable,  the  small  house  of  nuns  near  Ballinrobe, 
called  Killeennacrava,  be  a  survival. 

In  1216  Ballintubber  Abbey,  which  became  one  of  the  greatest 
abbeys  of  Mayo,  as  rich  or  richer  and  second  to  Cong  only  in 
antiquity   and   reputation,   was  founded   for  Regular  Canons  of   St, 

90 


ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAIRS    TO    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.       91 

Augustine  of  noble  birth,  the  first  original  foundation  under  the  new 
system  in  this  county. 

To  the  period  between  1170  and  1230  we  may  assign  such  great 
parish  chiirches  as  those  of  Shrule,  Holyrood  at  Ballinrobe,  and  Bur- 
riscarra,  all  about  ninety  feet  long  in  Gothic  style,  as  built  by  the 
descendants  of  Torlogh  Mor  O'Conor,  being  found  where  those  O'Conors 
are  known  to  have  settled,  and  not  elsewhere  in  Mayo  as  far  as  I  know. 
Here  they  came  as  new  lords,  and  built  great  churches  for  themselves 
in  the  style  of  their  time,  as  the  new  English  lords  soon  after  founded 
abbeys  for  themselves.  The  local  chieftain  families  had  no  occasion 
to  build  new  churches,  nor  inducement  to  sever  connection  with  their 
own  old  abbey  churches.  Nor  did  the  transfer  of  lands  to  bishops,  and 
consequent  decay  of  the  convents  of  monks  with  which  their  families 
had  been  associated,  encourage  them  to  endow  fresh  communities. 

These  changes  must  have  been  felt  in  the  social  life  of  the  people, 
though  we  cannot  say  how  they  were  felt,  as  we  have  no  knowledge 
of  daily  life  in  the  country  in  general.  They  were  brought  about  by 
a  change  in  the  feelings  of  the  superior  clergy,  and  not  in  conse- 
quence of  changes  in  the  feeling  of  the  people  of  the  country.  The 
disappearance  of  so  many  of  the  clergy,  though  no  doubt  spread  over 
some  years,  made  a  difference  between  old  days  and  new.  The  con- 
quest of  Connaught,  and  appearance  of  new  lords  and  their  followers 
throughout  the  greater  part  of  Connaught,  and  over  neaily  all  Mayo 
in  particular,  made  the  break  complete  and  sudden. 

Churchmen  played  no  visible  part  in  the  history  of  this  county. 
Lay  and  ecclesiastical  history  may  be  said  to  run  side  by  side,  but 
the  course  of  the  latter  was  affected  by  the  former,  which  made  the 
ecclesiastical  tendencies  already  at  work  general  and  effective. 

In  the  wars  of  conquest  and  settlement  the  clergy  had  no  part. 
Irish  bishops  and  abbots  were  not  warriors  or  servants  of  their  kings. 
But  when  the  country  was  settled  we  find  that  Archbishop  Flann 
MacFlynn  and  Bishop  John  O'Laidigh  of  Killala  petitioned  the  king 
in  1255  on  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  clergy  for  redress  of  grievances 
connected  mainly  with  legal  proceedings  of  the  king's  ministers,  and 
that  they  got  a  remedy  on  several  points.  On  the  whole  the  griev- 
ances seem  to  have  arisen  in  administration  of  the  law  through  a 
wide  expanse  of  country  not  yet  fully  settled  and  fitted  for  the  king's 
legal  system  in  all  respects,  and  not  from  actual  wrongdoing,  though 
they  did  make  some  complaints  of  corrupt  practices ;  to  which  the 
king  could  answer  only  as  he  did,  that  such  things  were  forbidden 
and  that  he  would  punish  any  ofiicer  against  whom  misconduct  was 
proved. 

Walter  of  Salerno  was  appointed  archbishop  in  1258,  but  did  not 
live  to  come  to  the  diocese.     Until  the  appointment  of  Stephen  Ful- 


92       THE    EARLY    HISTORY   OF    THE    COUNTY    OF   MAYO. 

bourne  in  128G,  tlie  archbishops  were  of  (4aelic  family.  Stephen  was 
the  king's  minister,  and  cannot  have  done  much  in  the  diocese.  He 
was  succeeded  in  1289  by  William  Bermingham,  a  son  of  Meyler, 
who  was  head  of  the  Connaught  branch  of  the  family,  a  turbulent 
man  who  quarielled  with  his  clergy.  But  those  quarrels  had  no  con- 
nection with  Mayo.  The  archbishops  were  of  Gaelic  family  after  his 
death  in  1312. 

The  first  English  bishop  of  Killala  was  John  Tankard,  elected 
in  1306.  No  Englishman  was  appointed  to  Achonry  for  a  long 
time. 

8o  long  as  the  king's  power  prevailed  in  Connaught,  bishops  were 
appointed  in  the  usual  course  ;  the  king  gave  the  Chapter  leave  to 
elect,  and  assented  to  the  election  if  sjifcisfied,  whereupon  the  elect 
was  presented  to  the  Pope  for  confirmation.  As  this  course  was  not 
always  exactly  followed,  disputes  arose  from  time  to  time.  When  the 
king's  power  disappeared  his  interference  ceased.  By  the  close  of  the 
fourteenth  century  the  Chapters  had  lost  their  rights,  and  the  Pope 
appointed  as  he  pleased.  In  the  fifteenth  century  clergymen  work- 
ing in  England  were  appointed  bishops  of  Achonry  and  Annagh- 
down,  who  never  came  to  their  dioceses.  Some  were  suffragans  of 
English  bishops.  The  appointments  must  have  been  made  to  give 
them  income.  They  paid  substantial  fees  to  the  Pope  on  appoint- 
ment, which  would  not  have  been  paid  for  honorary  title.  The 
bishopric  of  Mayo  was  revived  in  this  century,  and  at  least  one 
bishop,  John  Bell,  appointed  in  1493,  was  a  suffragan  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  After  his  time  it  was  again  amalgamated 
with  Tuam. 

In  such  conditions  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  Cathedral  Church  of 
Achonry  was  in  ruins,  and  that  the  Cathedral  Church  of  Tuam  was  only 
the  chancel  of  the  great  church  built  by  King  Torlogh  Mor,  the  nave 
having  fallen  in  1184.  Legate  Wolf  describes  the  church  as  having 
been  used  as  a  fortress  for  300  years  until  Archbishop  Bodkin 
recovered  it  for  religious  use.  It  is  hard  to  understand  this,  that  it 
was  abandoned  in  the  thirteenth  century,  when  Stephen  Fulbourne  left 
articles  for  use  there,  and  the  king  orders  various  articles  to  be  handed 
over  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter  for  decoration  of  the  church.  The 
explanation  may  be  that  the  ruined  nave  was  adapted  as  a  fortified 
dwelling  for  the  archbishop,  which  he  would  require  in  the  thirteenth 
century ;  that  eventually  it  fell  into  lay  hands  when  the  archbishop 
lived  elsewhere,  of  which  there  is  some  evidence  in  the  division  of 
Connaught  and  Thomond  of  15'^4,  which  mentions  Archbishop  Lally 
in  the  county  of  Galway  only  as  Bishop  of  Annaghdown,  and  describes 
the  archbishopric  of  Tuam  and  the  bishoprics  of  Mayo  and  Killala 
as    in    the    county    of    Mayo.      The    archbishops    had    large   manors 


ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAIRS    TO    SIXTEENTH   CENTURY.       93 

at  Aghagower  and   Kilniaine,  and  may  have   been   in   the  habit   of 
living  there. 

The  Chapters  fell  into  decay  and  •  existed  only  in  name.  The 
members  ceased  to  do  duties  except  as  incumbents  of  parishes  held 
as  prebends.  Prebendaries  who  survived  seem  to  be  canons  who 
held  no  particular  office.  In  some  cases  the  title  of  Prebendary 
survived  without  emoluments. 

With  such  corruption  and  decay  in  all  that  relates  to  the  episcopal 
order,  we  can  understand  that  the  parochial  clei'gy  fell  into  a  very 
poor  state,  depressed  and  neglected  more  aiad  more  until  the  Church 
I'eached  its  lowest  point  of  corruption  in  the  beginning  of  the  six- 
teenth centui-y. 

Degradation  of  secular  and  exaltation  of  regular  clergy  corre- 
spond with  and  account  for  the  difference  between  contemporaneous 
parochial  and  monastic  architecture.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century  the  new  monastic  and  parochial  churches  in  the 
Gothic  style  present  such  differences  as  might  be  expected  from  the 
different  size  and  purpose,  but  the  further  developments  in  monastic 
architecture  were  not  accompanied  by  like  developments  in  parish 
churches.  We  find  similar  ornament,  the  fashion  of  the  day,  and 
there  the  likeness  ends.  Growth  should  have  been,  but  was  not, 
parallel.  We  find  no  reason  for  this  but  the  fact  that  the  monasteries 
got  most  of  the  money,  that  it  was  hard  to  raise  funds  for  parish 
purposes.  Those  who  designed  the  doors,  windows,  and  towers  of  the 
abbey  churches  could  have  made  and  executed  designs  of  equal  grace 
and  elegance  on  a  smaller  scale.  But  the  standard  parish  church  was 
a  poor,  mean  building  apart  from  difference  in  size. 

The  conquest  imposed  a  marked  change  on  architecture.  The 
Gothic  style  came  in  naturally  at  first,  adapted  to  existing  conditions, 
as  in  the  distinctly  Gothic  churches  of  Illaunnaglashy  and  Kinlough 
with  rooms  for  the  clergy  at  the  west  end,  and  a  square  tower  opening 
into  them,  of  about  the  same  date  as  the  three  great  parish  churches, 
with  which  they  should  be  classed  rather  than  with  the  other  parish 
churches.  After  the  conquest  most  of  the  peculiar  llomanesque 
features  were  thrown  off  in  new  work,  but  the  churches  are  on  the 
plan  of  the  Romanesque  churches  with  door  and  window  frames  of 
the  new  fashion,  but  modified  from  the  English  style,  very  much  in 
the  direction  of  using  very  few  windows,  and  those  only  narrow  slits, 
to  economise  glass  and  keep  out  wind  and  rain. 

These  later  parish  churches  usually  show  ogival  ornament  and 
mouldings,  where  any  are  left.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  they  show 
rather  the  proportions  and  the  arrangements  of  the  Romanesque 
churches,  as  if  they  were  a  reversion  to  Gaelic  usage  in  church  prac- 
tices concurrently  with  adoption  of  Gaelic  social  customs.     Families 


94       THE    EAl^LY   HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

of  rank  lebuilt  or  reconstructed  ancient  parish  churches.  Of  course 
the  plan  would  remain  the  same  wlieu  the  "restoration"  consisted  of 
insertion  of  more  fashionable  door  and  window  frames  in  old  walls,  a 
not  uncommon  case.  Other  churches  were  enlarged  only  by  lengthen- 
ing. When  the  new  church  was  built  on  a  new  site  the  architect  was 
free  to  design  the  best  that  the  funds  allowed. 

The  old  parish  church  of  Inishrobe  at  Cuslough,  now  called  Tempul 
na  Lecca,  is  a  good  example.  The  earlier  church  is  on  Inishrobe, 
28  ft.  6  in.  long  by  10  ft.  2  in.  wide  inside.  The  new  church, 
showing  ogival  ornament,  is  on  the  mainland.  It  needs  only  to  be 
stripped  of  ivy  and  plants,  to  be  roofed  and  plastered,  to  restore  it  to 
its  original  condition.  It  measures  41  ft.  by  18  ft.  6  in.  inside.  The 
plan  is  typical  of  most  parish  churches  of  its  period,  whether  I'estored 
Romanesque  or  original.  They  differ  a  little  in  proportion  of  length 
and  breadth,  but  the  arrangements  of  doors  and  windows  are  in  sub- 
stance the  same.  The  east  window  is  generally  very  narrow,  but 
sometimes  large  and  even  double,  as  at  Islandeady.  In  the  south 
wall  is  another  narrow  splayed  window,  close  to  the  east  wall  in  order 
to  light  the  altar.  In  Tempul  na  Lecca  it  is  so  close  to  the  east 
wall  that  the  splay  is  only  four  inches  on  that  side.  This  is  some- 
times larger,  as  at  Kilmolai-a,  where  there  is  a  mullion.  A  door  is  in 
the  south  wall  near  the  west  end.  If  the  church  is  long  a  small  slit 
may  be  found  between  the  door  and  the  west  wall,  or  even  two  as 
at  Islandeady.  The  church  of  Kilgeever  is  almost  a  copy  of  Tempul 
na  Lecca,  and  the  old  church  of  Addergool  on  Lough  Con  seems  to 
have  been  the  same.  This  might  be  called  a  standard  plan.  These 
must  have  been  very  dark  and  gloomy  places  of  worship. 

The  restored  chvuches  vary  much,  but  are  mainly  of  the  same  simple 
plan.  The  chancel  of  earlier  times  has  been  dropped.  Where  it  is 
found,  the  church  is  a  survival  from  a  time  when  chancels  were  in 
fashion,  when  an  earlier  church  was  made  a  chancel  by  adding  a  nave, 
or  was  made  a  nave  by  adding  a  chancel. 

The  case  of  the  monasteries  differs  widely,  showing  a  course  of 
prosperity  and  increase  until  the  year  14G9,  when  the  last  foundation 
was  made  in  Mayo. 

The  small  aVjbey  on  Clare  Island  is  said  to  have  been  founded  in 
1224  for  Carmelites,  but  as  it  was  a  cell  of  Knockmoy  at  the  dissolu- 
tion, and  as  it  is  improbable  that  a  very  small  house  would  have  been 
founded  in  such  a  remote  place  before  the  order  was  well  established 
in  these  parts,  we  shall  do  better  to  take  it  to  have  been  always 
Cistercian.  If  the  date  he  correct,  it  is  the  first  house  founded  in 
Mayo  for  what  may  be  called  the  new  orders  as  distinguished  from 
the  Augustinian  Canons,  who  seem  to  have  been  but  a  reformation  of 
old  Irish  orders. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAIRS    TO    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.       95 

After  the  Conquest  most  dates  are  fairly  certain.  Some  of  the 
greater  of  the  new  lords  established  monasteries,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  time,  as  soon  as  they  were  settled  in  their  new  baronies. 
The  great  lords  who  held  whole  cantreds  were  the  first  to  do  so,  and 
lesser  lords  did  the  same  later  on  ;  but  the  abbey-building  period 
in  Mayo  was  for  about  a  hundred  years — from  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century. 

The  Monastery  of  Athlethan,  or  Strade  Abbey,  is  the  earliest  of 
known  date.  Jordan  de  Exeter  founded  it  for  Franciscans  before 
1252,  when  it  was  made  over  to  the  Dominicans.  It  was  burnt  in 
1254  and  rebuilt.  The  present  ruins  are  those  of  a  restoration  of 
1434,  showing  a  large  and  beautiful  church.  Rathfran,  a  much 
smaller  establishment,  was  an  offshoot  of  this  house,  founded  in  1274, 
probably  by  Stephen  de  Exeter. 

Though  we  do  not  know  of  its  existence  for  certain  until  1337, 
the  House  of  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine  at  Ballinrobe  may  be 
the  earliest  Anglo-Norman  foundation  in  the  county.  The  archi- 
tecture suggests  an  early  date,  and  the  size  a  great  lord  as 
founder.  Maurice  FitzGerald  founded  many  monasteries.  As  soon 
as  he  was  in  firm  possession  of  his  great  Sligo  estate  he  built  that 
abbey,  and  is  likely  to  have  given  this  house  for  his  South  Mayo 
estate. 

Burriscarra  is  undated,  but  is  in  an  early  style,  likely  to  have 
been  built  while  Oarra  was  under  one  great  baron.  It  was  built  for 
Carmelites,  but  being  abandoned  by  them  for  thirty  years,  was  made 
over  in  1412  to  Austin  Friars  from  Ballinrobe.  Archbishop  King 
says  it  was  founded  in  1298. 

Ballinsmalla,  also  undated,  was  a  small  Carmelite  house,  which 
may  be  safely  attributed  to  the  Prendergasts  of  that  barony. 

The  military  orders  do  not  appear  in  Mayo  except  in  connection 
with  the  House  of  St.  John  at  Ballinrobe,  a  farm  given  to  the  Hospital 
probably  in  the  thirteenth  century,  as  the  Prior  of  the  Hospital  of 
St.  John  in  Ireland  had  a  bailiff  there  before  1304. 

The  only  nunneries  in  Mayo  were  the  ancient  Killeennacrava,  and 
Inishmaine  which  was  made  over  to  the  great  Benedictine  Nunnery 
of  Kilcreevanty  at  an  unknown  date. 

We  find  two  distinct  plans  of  the  greater  abbey  churches,  which 
may  be  called  standard  plans  of  their  period ;  but  the  minor  houses 
differed  from  them,  as  might  be  expected,  having  smaller  churches  on 
various  simple  plans. 

The  earlier  or  thirteenth-century  plan  is  a  long  rectangle,  with  a 
chapel  at  the  west  end  opening  into  the  north  or  south  wall  of  the 
nave,  and  with  conventual  buildings  on  the  opposite  side,  as  at  Rath- 
fran, Ballinrobe,  Burriscarra,  Ballyhaunis,  and  Urlare.     The  original 


96       THE    EARLY    HLSTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

pluu  of  Strade  is  uncertain.  The  chancel  is  thirteenth-century  work, 
altered  later  on. 

The  later  or  fourteenth-century  plan,  which  came  into  Connaught 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  is  a  long  church  divided  into  choir  and 
nave  by  two  arches  supporting  two  sides  of  a  nearly  square  central 
tower  or  belfry,  with  transept  and  aisle  sometimes.  The  belfry  is 
lofty,  and  being  less  than  the  full  width  of  the  church,  is  elegant  and 
slender.  Bui-rishoole  is  exceptional  in  Mayo  in  having  a  tower  the 
full  width  of  the  church.  The  choir  is  sometimes  less  than  the  full 
width  of  the  nave.  Such  are  llosserk  and  Moyne,  and  such  was 
Murrisk,  whereof  only  the  choir  is  left  with  enough  to  show  what 
the  tower  was. 

At  the  dissolution  the  monasteries  we»"e  distributed  as  follows  in 
the  baronies  : — 

KiLMAINE. 

1.  Augustinian  Canons.     Cong.     Ancient  and  very  rich. 

2.  Augustinian  Canonesses.  Killeennacrava.  An  ancient  small 
nunnery,  which  seems  to  have  been  under  Cong. 

3.  Augustinian  Hermits.     Ballinrobe.     Founded  before  1337. 

■i.  Benedictine  Nuns.  Inishmaine.  An  ancient  monastery,  occu- 
pied in  the  early  thirteenth  century  by  men,  probably  Augustinian 
Canons,  but  afterwards  made  over  to  the  Benedictine  Nunnery  of 
Kilcreevanty. 

5.  Knights  Hospitallers.  Ballinrobe.  St.  John's  House  was  pro- 
bably only  a  farm,  not  inhabited  by  Knights.  It  was  in  their 
possession  in  the  thirteenth  centui-y. 

6.  Franciscans.  Annagh.  It  is  said  to  have  been  founded  in  1440 
by  Walter  Bourke,  MacWilliam,  who  died  in  it,  as  a  cell  of  Cong.  If 
so,  it  was  afterwards  transferred  to  the  Franciscans. 

7.  Franciscans — Third  Order.  Killeenbrenan  or  Kilbrenan,  now 
called  Moorgagagh.  Founded  in  1428,  probably  by  one  of  the 
Bourkes. 

Carra. 

8.  Augustinian  Canons.  Ballintubber.  Founded  by  King  Cathal 
O'Conor  in  1216.  A  very  rich  house.  The  church  is  in  Gothic 
style,  with  Norman  features.  The  Canons  were  to  be  of  noble  birth. 
Cross  Abbey,  in  Erris,  was  under  it. 

9.  Augustinian  Hermits.  Burriscarra.  Founded  for  Carmelites 
in  1298,  probably  by  Adam  Staunton.  Being  abandoned  by  them  for 
thirty  years,  Austin  Friars  from  Ballinrobe  occupied  it,  and  were 
confirmed  in  it  in  1412. 


ECCLESIASTICAL   AFFAIRS    TO    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.       97 

BURRISOOL. 

10.  Dominicans.  Burrisool.  Founded  in  1469  by  Richard  Bourke, 
MacWilliam.  It  was  then  but  a  wooden  house,  probably  occupied 
hurriedly  as  a  place  for  Mac  William's  retirement. 

MURRISK. 

11.  Cistercians.  Clare  Island.  A  cell  under  Knockmoy,  but  said 
to  have  been  founded  for  Carmelites  in  1224. 

12.  Augustinian  Hei"mits.  Murrisk.  Said  to  have  been  founded 
in  the  fourteenth  century  by  O'Malley. 

TiRAWLEY. 

13.  Augustinian  Canons.  Errew.  An  ancient  foundation.  The 
remains  were  built  probably  in  the  twelfth  or  early  thirteenth 
century. 

14.  Premonstratensian  Canons.  Killeennatrinody.  In  Killeen 
townland  in  Kilbride  parish.  A  cell  under  the  Canons  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  of  Lough  Key. 

15.  Augustinian  Hermits.      Ardnarea.     Founded  before  1402. 

16.  Dominicans.  Rathfran.  Founded  in  1274  by  a  de  Exeter, 
probably  Stephen. 

17.  Franciscans — Conventuals.  Bofeenaun.  Probably  a  late  foun- 
dation, but  nothing  is  known  of  its  history. 

18.  Franciscans — Observantins.  Moyne.  Founded  in  1458  by 
Thomas  Bourke,  MacWilliam.  A  very  important  house  ;  the  ruins 
are  still  in  good  condition. 

19.  Fi-anciscans — Third  Order.  Crossmolina.  Founded  before  1306, 
probably  by  a  de  Barry. 

20.  Franciscans — Third  Order.  Rosserk.  This  very  fine  building  is 
said  to  have  been  founded  by  a  Joy  in  1400.  It  is  difficult  to  explain 
why  a  Joy  should  have  founded  a  house  in  Tirawley  at  that  time. 

Erris. 

21.  Augustinian  Canons.  Cross.  A  cell  vmder  Ballintubber,  founded 
probably  in  the  fourteenth  century  or  beginning  of  the  fifteenth. 

G ALLEN. 

22.  Dominicans.  Strade,  or  Athlethan.  Founded  for  Franciscans 
before  1252  by  Jordan  de  Exeter,  who  transferred  it  to  Dominicans. 

23.  Premonstratensian  Canons.  Killeen.  In  Killeen  townland  of 
Attymas  parish,  whereof  it  held  the  rectory.  A  cell  under  the 
Canons  of  the  Holy  Trinity  of  Lough  Key. 

G 


98       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Clanmorris. 

24.  Augustinian  Canons.  Mayo.  The  abbey  became  the  cathedral 
while  the  bishopric  lasted.  The  ruins  are  of  a  much  later  date. 
A  little  of  the  ancient  cashel  remains.  It  owned  a  considerable 
estate. 

25.  Carmelites.  Ballinsmalla.  Of  unknown  origin,  probably  founded 
by  a  Prendergast. 

COSTELLO. 

26.  Augustinian  Hei-mits.  Ballyhaunis.  Founded  by  Sliocht  Jordan 
Duff  MacCostello,  a  little  before  or  after  1400  probably.  The  com- 
munity never  ceased  to  exist,  as  a  few  friars  always  lived  at  Bally- 
haunis near  their  old  house. 

27.  Dominicans.  XJrlare.  Founded  by  MacCostello  in  1434.  The 
friars  had  been  for  two  years  in  another  place,  probably  the  Carheen 
in  Crossbeg  townland  in  Aghamore  parish. 

The  cessation  of  abbey-building  must  be  attributed  to  decay  in  the 
Church  and  loss  of  fervour  and  religious  feeling.  We  have  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  Mayo  was  in  better  condition  than  other  parts  of  the 
country  regarding  which  there  is  direct  evidence.  The  parish  cures 
could  not  be  filled  without  frequent  dispensations  for  unqualified 
persons.     There  was  no  difficulty  in  filling  monasteries. 

General  corruption  brought  about  in  other  countries  a  desire  for 
im])rovement  and  reform  which  took  effect  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
but  no  such  desire  appears  to  have  been  felt  in  the  Gaelic  and 
Gaelicised  parts  of  Ireland.  Reformation  came  here  from  without, 
and  not  from  within.  The  clergy  of  all  kinds  had  lost  their  hold 
on  the  people.  Great  lords  and  their  subjects  alike  had  no  regard 
for  them,  and  left  them  to  Pope  and  King  to  deal  with  at  their 
pleasure. 

Thomas  O'^Iullaly  was  appointed  archbishop  by  the  Pope  in  1513, 
and  lived  untroubled  by  the  spirit  of  inquiry,  as  far  as  we  know, 
until  his  death  in  1536.  When  he  was  appointed  the  Pope's  power 
was  undisputed  ;  when  he  died  that  power  was  gone  wherever  the 
king  established  his  authority  in  any  degree. 

The  king  now  appointed  Christopher  Bodkin,  whom  the  Pope  had 
previously  made  Bishop  of  Kilmacduagh,  to  be  Ai-chbishop  of  Tuam, 
and  the  appointment  held  good.  The  Pope  appointed  Arthur  O'Frizil, 
but  the  appointment  had  no  effect.  Lord  Deputy  Grey  had  come  to 
Galway,  and  had  intervened  in  the  succession  of  MacWilliam  Oughter. 
This  was  enough  to  take  the  power  out  of  the  Pope's  hands. 

It  is  a  measure  of  the  indifference  of  the  people  rather  than  of  the 


ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAIRS    TO    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.       99 

power  of  the  king,  which  was  in  truth  but  slight.  The  king  put  his 
man  in  possession,  and  no  one  would  turn  him  out.  There  was, 
indeed,  no  reason  why  any  one  should  interfere.  The  services  of 
the  Church  went  on  as  usual  without  apparent  change  for  many 
years  yet. 

Nevertheless  Bodkin's  appointment,  apart  from  his  position  being 
due  to  the  king,  was  the  beginning  of  change.  He  appears  to  have 
tried  to  bring  about  an  improvement  of  his  clergy.  His  account  of 
the  clergy  of  his  dioceses  drawn  up  at  the  beginning  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth's reign  shows  that  several  incumbents  are  studying  at  Oxford, 
where  he  was  educated,  and  at  Dublin.  The  list  also  shows  that  the 
parochial  revenues  were  very  largely  usurped  by  men  of  rank,  who 
are  described  as  withholding  profits.  This  probably  means  seizure  of 
or  withholding  of  tithes,  and  certainly  denotes  that  laymen  very  com- 
monly disregarded  the  rights  of  the  Church. 

Queen  Elizabeth  exercised  some  patronage  of  dignities,  but  there 
was  very  little  interference  on  her  part  for  some  time.  Her  power 
was  not  made  effective  in  these  countries  until  the  close  of  Sir  IS". 
Malbie's  government.  Owen  O'Gallagher  was  made  Bishop  of  Killala 
by  the  Pope  in  1574.  After  his  death  Owen  O'Conor,  brother  of  Sir 
Donnell  O'Conor  Sligo,  was  elected,  but  his  election  was  not  confirmed 
until  1591,  when  it  was  confirmed  by  the  queen  as  a  reward  for  good 
service.  Owen  O'Hart  was  appointed  by  the  Pope  in  1562  to  be 
Bishop  of  Achonry.  At  his  death  in  16U3,  Miler  Magrath  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  queen. 

Bodkin's  appointment  was  soon  followed  by  the  acts  for  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  monasteries.  It  is  hard  to  say  how  far  the  orders  for 
dissolution  were  immediately  effective  in  Mayo  and  the  other  parts  of 
Connaught  which  were  practically  free  from  the  power  of  the  Crown. 
For  many  years  the  monks  and  friars  occupied  as  usual  their  build- 
ings, which  were  useless  to  grantees,  because  a  man  rich  enough  to 
occupy  such  large  buildings  must  live  in  a  castle  at  that  time.  We 
have  evidence  of  surrenders  of  the  possessions  of  the  great  houses, 
and  evidence  of  grants,  but  we  have  no  evidence  to  show  whether 
such  grantees  as  the  Earl  of  Clanricard  took  real  possession  of  the 
lands  or  left  them  to  the  monks.  The  grants  reserved  rents,  indeed, 
but  rents  were  not  paid  by  the  great  lords  in  the  west  with  exact 
punctuality  in  those  days. 

The  monasteries  had  lost  possession  when  the  queen's  Government 
was  well  established  in  Connaught.  The  inquisitions  taken  about 
the  time  of  the  composition  show  that  their  possessions  had  not 
been  exactly  ascertained,  except  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  great 
houses,  which  had  been  dealt  with  by  leases  and  grants.  The  minor 
houses  of  this  county  seem  to  have  been  ignored,  and  inquisitions 


100       TFIE    EARIA'    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

were   taken    then  with    a  view   to   disposal  by  the   Crown   of    their 
possessions,  which  were  in  hiy  hands  apparently. 

On  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that  the  Reformation  was  not  much 
felt  here  in  Bodkin's  time.  The  Mass  was  not  prohibited  until  1559, 
and  in  fact  continued  until  the  queen's  Government  enforced  the  law 
in  the  last  quarter  of  the  century,  when  priests  and  friars  were  agents 
of  the  Pope  and  King  of  Spain  to  foment  rebellion.  So  far  as  it 
was  suppressed,  the  suppression  affected  only  parts  of  Connaught. 
Countries  under  such  lords  as  O'Rourk  were  left  free  from  interfer- 
ence. But  in  Mayo  and  Galway,  and  other  parts  where  government 
had  been  made  effective,  the  revival  of  the  Mass  is  cited  as  evidence 
of  the  confidence  of  the  rebels.  Except  as  a  measure  of  precaution 
against  rebellion,  the  Government  did  not  meddle  much  in  religious 
matters  in  this  country,  having  its  hands  full  with  war  and  rebellion. 
It  was  not  possible  for  the  Government  to  deal  with  the  Church 
generally  during  the  turmoil  of  the  close  of  this  century. 


&THE  FIVE  CANTREDS   OF  THE  KING. 


7harter. 


'ENGLISH  MILES. 


STANFORD'S    OEOGRAPHIC/IL  EST/IBT,   LONDON. 


THE  DE  BURGO  LORDSHIP   OF  CONNAUGHT  &  the  FIVE  CANTREDS  OF  THE  MNG. 


1  i         '9         I?        y 3> 


c 


CHAPTER   XI. 

ENFEOFFMENT    AND    COLONISATION. 

The  partition  of  Connaught  has  been  dealt  with  in  articles  in 
volumes  xxxi.,  xxxii.,  xxxiii.  of  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
Antiquaries  of  Ireland,  based  on  the  inquisitions  taken  in  1333  after 
the  death  of  Earl  William  de  Burgo.  In  this  chapter  the  subject 
will  be  treated  with  reference  to  the  first  settlement,  details  being 
given  in  the  chapters  relating  to  baronies.  A  few  errors  ai'e  cor- 
rected by  later  information. 

Loughrea,  Portumna,  Meelick,  and  Galway  were  Richard  de 
Burgo's  chief  castles  in  the  south,  in  connectioii  with  which  he 
made  settlements  and  kept  great  tracts  of  country  under  his  im- 
mediate control.  Loughrea  was  the  head  of  the  whole  lordship  of 
Connaught,  and  was  called  the  Manor  of  Loughrea,  whereon  all  the 
fees  depended.  The  only  tract  held  in  demesne  in  North  Connaught 
was  that  which  depended  on  the  castle  of  Tubberbride,  Ballintubber 
in  Roscommon,  called  the  cantred  of  Sylmolron,  comprising  the  de 
Burgo  part  of  the  county  of  Roscommon,  except  Artagh  and  the 
lands  of  the  Kerry  of  Moy  Ai.  All  Mayo  was  let  in  great  fees. 
The  courts  in  Mayo  mentioned  in  the  inquisitions  seem  to  have  been 
established  by  feoffees  whose  tenures  the  chief  lord  had  acquired. 

Large  tracts  were  let  to  the  principal  barons  for  low  rents  and 
services,  and  sometimes  for  knight-service  only,  as  they  had  to  incur 
great  expense  in  establishing  themselves  and  settling  colonists.  A 
good  deal  of  transfer  naturally  followed  the  sudden  division  of  so  large 
a  counti-y,  some  of  the  grantees  finding  it  convenient  to  transfer 
their  grants  immediately.    Thus  the  great  FitzGerald  estate  was  built. 

The  inquisitions  ignore  Conmaicne  Cuile  Toladh,  but  we  know 
that  Maurice  FitzGerald  had  a  grant  of  the  western  half,  including 
the  barony  of  Ross.  He  acquired  the  eastern  half  from  Gerald 
Roche,  who  seems  to  have  acquired  from  Gerald  Prendergast.  The 
whole  must  have  been  held  by  knight-service  in  1333,  as  no  rents 
are  reserved. 

Maurice  FitzGerald  acquired  Tir  Nechtain  and  Tir  Enna  probably 
from  Gerald  Prendergast,  as  that  family  was  settled  there  from  very 
early  days,  but  here  again  Gerald  Roche  appears  as  transferor  of 
some  lands  in  these  territories  together  with  his  half  of  Conmaicne 

101 


102       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Cuile.  Tlie  Avhole  territory  -was  called  the  cantred  of  Crich  Fir 
Thire  in  1:^33. 

Adam  Staunton,  a  great  baron  of  Kildare,  got  Caria  pioper,  and 
a  de  Barry  got  what  was  called  the  half  cantred  of  Fir  Thire  and 
Olann  Cuain. 

Henry  Butler  got  the  half  cantred  in  Umhall  called  Owyll  Butler, 
held  to  these  days  on  titles  depending  on  the  original  grant.  The 
rest  of  Umhall  appears  in  1333  broken  into  estates  held  at  higher 
rents,  suggesting  that  an  early  intermediate  tenure  had  disappeared. 

The  southern  part  of  Tirawley  was  called  the  cantred  of  Bac  and 
Glen.  It  is  doubtful  who  was  the  oiiginal  feoffee,  probably  Richard 
Carew,  who  certainly  had  a  connection  with  this  country.  But 
William  Barrett  was  the  actual  tenant  of  the  greater  part. 

The  northern  part  was  called  the  cantred  of  Tirawley,  where  a 
Barrett  and  Adam  Cusack  were  the  principal  tenants.  Here  again 
there  is  evidence  of  the  disappearance  of  an  intermediate  tenure  of 
Petit  and  Cusack. 

Ardnarea,  afterwards  part  of  Tirawley,  was  in  Earl  Hugh  de 
Lacy's  cantied  of  Tii'eragh,  but  was  in  immediate  possession  of  Peter 
Bermingham,  as  the  manor  of  Ardnarea,  called  in  1333  the  cantred  of 
Tirremoy.     The  de  Lacy  tenure  had  then  passed  to  the  de  Burgo  earls. 

Clan  Murtough  Mweenagh  lived  in  Erris  until  1274  under  un- 
known conditions.  Adam  Fleming  had  a  large  estate  there  at  his 
death  in  1281.  Later  on  we  find  that  Stephen  de  Exeter  had  lands  at 
Dookeeghan,  and  Henry  Butler  at  Ballycroy  under  Jordan  de  Exeter, 
who  must  have  come  into  possession  of  the  cantred  when  the  O'Conors 
were  driven  out,  unless  they  had  been  holding' under  his  father. 

Hugh  de  Lacy  had  a  grant  of  the  cantreds  of  Carbury,  Corran, 
Luighne,  Sliabh  Lugha,  and  Tireragh,  for  the  service  of  10  knights 
and  100  marks.  He  transferred  the  first  three  to  Maurice  Fitz- 
Gerald,  who  formed  them  into  the  manor  of  Sligo  and  built  the 
castles  of  Sligo  and  Banada. 

Sliabh  Lugha  of  this  grant  comprised  Gallen,  which  apj^eais  in 
the  inquisitions  as  half  the  cantred  of  Lowyu  or  Lowyn.  Hugh 
made  it  the  manor  of  Meelick,  which  his  widow  and  her  husband, 
"William  de  Lungespee,  recovered  in  1249  as  one-third  of  five  cantreds 
in  Connaught  assigned  to  her  as  dower,  and  given  by  her  to  Richard 
de  Burgo  in  exchange  for  his  manor  of  Disert  Lawrence  in  Limerick, 
which  had  since  been  taken  from  her.  Richard  had  taken  Earl 
Hugh's  place  here  as  Avell  as  in  Tireragh. 

Gallen  fell  to  Jordan  de  Exeter,  and  Slial)h  Lugha  proper  to 
Miles  de  Angulo,  who  appear  in  history  in  connection  with  these 
tei-ritories  at  about  the  same  time,  and  who  probably  weie  the 
earliest  grantees  under  Earl  Hugh. 


ENFEOFFMENT    AND    COLONISATION.  103 

The  lands  of  the  Kerry  Oughter  and  of  the  Kerry  of  Lochnarney 
do  not  come  to  notice  for  some  time.  John  FitzThomas  of  Desmond 
had  hekl  the  latter  and  some  land  of  the  Kerry  of  Moy  Ai  under 
Sir  Maurice  of  London.  Henry  Roche  held  under  John  and  his 
successors  by  way  of  exchange  for  the  manor  of  Mallow  in  Munster. 
At  the  close  of  the  century  he  paid  £33,  6s.  8d.  yearly  as  rent  to 
Maurice  FitzThomas.  Of  the  lands  of  the  Kerry  Oughter  nothing 
is  known. 

A  strong  castle  was  built  in  each  great  fee  to  be  held  by  a  garrison 
to  maintain  the  lord's  authority,  to  protect  his  colonists,  and  to 
command  the  country.  The  Anglo-Normans  had  no  liking  for  the 
stone  forts  of  the  Gael,  preferring  earthworks  with  wooden  palisading, 
which  could  be  put  up  quickly  for  temporary  occupation.  The  weak 
point  of  the  circular  forts  was  the  want  of  flanking  defence.  The 
Normans  used  Bretasches  or  wooden  towers  for  this  purpose  in  some 
cases.  The  cahers  and  raths  were  not  large  enough  to  hold  the 
settlers  and  soldiers  who  came  to  occupy  the  country.  We  have 
evidence  of  the  readiness  of  the  early  invaders  to  throw  up  forts 
and  entrenchments  for  themselves,  to  avoid,  as  we  may  suppose, 
breaking  up  their  strength  by  distribution  in  forts  not  close  together. 

Ballylahan  is  the  sole  examj)le  in  this  county  of  a  typical  baronial 
castle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  A  projecting  spur  from  the  high 
ground  above  the  Broad  Ford  of  the  Moy,  then  perhaps  crov/ned  by 
such  a  rath  as  is  by  the  roadside  between  it  and  Strade,  was  chosen 
for  Jordan  de  Exeter's  house  and  castle.  The  top  was  surrounded 
by  high  walls  with  towers  giving  flanking  defence  and  accommoda- 
tion for  inmates  and  stores,  and  a  large  barbican  about  the  gateway 
was  the  principal  dwelling-house,  facing  the  hill  at  the  connecting 
neck  of  ground,  which  was  cut  by  a  ditch.  The  large  courtyard  was 
of  irregular  shape,  because  the  walls  followed  the  crest  of  the  slope. 

Castlemore  Costello  has  disappeared,  except  enough  to  show  that 
it  was  not  the  late  I'ectangular  tower  and  rectangular  baun.  Little 
is  left  of  Brees  Castle,  which  was  perched  on  a  hill.  Castlecarra 
is  on  a  peninsvila  whose  isthmus  is  defended  by  a  strong  wall  and 
gateway.  The  remains  of  the  tower  and  buildings  are  so  obscured 
by  bushes  that  details  cannot  be  made  out.  The  early  Lough  Mask 
castle  has  been  replaced  by  a  fortified  house  of  the  early  seventeenth 
century.  The  castles  of  Burrisool,  Castlebar,  and  Kilcolman  have 
disappeared  or  left  only  traces.  From  Downing's  description  of  the 
remains  of  Castlebar  in  1684  we  may  infer  that  it  was  of  the 
Ballylahan  type  with  round  towers. 

We  are  told  that  the  Gael  turned  the  seven  towers  of  Banada 
into  a  monastery,  which  suggests  that  it  was  of  Ballylahan  type. 
It    occupies  a   similar    position    by    a    ford    of    the    Moy.      Banada, 


104       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Ballylahan,  and  Castlekirk  at  Foxfoi'd  secured  easy  passage  across 
the  great  rivei-. 

Some  may  have  been  of  the  simple  type  of  Moygara  Castle,  a 
large  lectangle  enclosed  by  high  walls  with  square  towers  at  the 
corners.  Walter  de  Ridelesford's  castle  at  Headford,  built  at  the 
first  occupation,  was  apparently  of  this  type. 

The  first  castles  of  Mayo  were  probably  walls  enclosing  a  large 
courtyard,  with  flanking  towers  at  intervals  if  the  site  was  irregulai', 
or  large  towers  at  the  four  corners  of  a  rectangle  if  the  ground 
allowed  such  a  plan.  The  lofty  tower-house  with  small  towers  at 
the  corners  of  the  baun  was  a  later  development. 

The  owners  of  the  great  fees  formed  them  into  manors,  sometimes 
breaking  them  into  several  manors,  and  their  feoffees  likewise  made 
manors  of  their  estates  if  they  were  large  enough.  The  records 
mention  the  manors  of  Lough  Mask,  Roba,  Moyne,  Shrule,  Lehinch, 
Carra,  Castlemore,  Ballycroy,  Dookeeghan,  and  the  episcopal  manors 
of  Cong,  Kilmaine,  Aghagower,  and  Kilmoremoy. 

We  may  assume  that  manors  were  organised  wherever  there  was 
a  suSicient  English  colony  to  require  the  machinery.  The  estates  in 
hands  of  Irishmen  would  not  be  made  manors,  as  they  had  no  need 
for  such  machinery. 

Each  manor  had  some  house  or  castle  as  its  head.  But  the  castle 
of  the  inferior  manor  would  be  less  than  that  of  the  lord  of  a  cantred 
or  barony,  leather  a  fortified  house,  its  importance  varying  with  the 
importance  of  the  manor. 

The  earliest  castles  were  commonly  built  on  the  site  of  or  close  to 
an  important  dun,  as  Castlemore  close  to  Ailech  Mor,  and  Castlekirk 
replacing  Dunguaire  in  Tirawley,  or  in  places  of  military  importance, 
where  there  may  have  been  duns  already.  When  we  consider  the 
lesser  castles,  whose  sites  did  not  depend  on  general  military  objects, 
but  on  local  convenience,  this  is  more  apparent.  As  the  enfeoffments 
followed  the  known  tribal  and  clan  divisions  of  lands,  we  may  say 
that  the  Gaelic  Tuath  often  became  a  Norman  manor,  and  its  chief's 
dun  the  lord's  manor-house.  The  name  of  manor  has  not  survived, 
because  it  denoted  only  a  legal  condition. 

When  the  grantee  of  a  large  estate  came  to  settle  tenants,  he  would 
naturally  occupy  some  convenient  fort  or  throw  up  a  temporary 
entrenched  camp.  This  camp,  or  the  fort  if  an  eai-then  one,  would 
be  called  le  Mote  by  the  settlers,  and  thus  I  presume  the  name  of 
Moat  has  clung  to  three  townlands  in  this  county,  and  to  several  in 
other  parts  of  Connauglit,  and  down  to  the  sixteenth  century  to  land 
near  Togher  House  in  this  county,  which  are  alike  in  having  no  trace 
of  the  high  flat-topped  mound  which  has  been  called  Moat,  but  do 
generally  show  low  earthworks,  in  some  cases  not  like  the  ordinary 


ENFEOFFMENT    AND    COLONISATION.  105 

rath.  Mx'.  Westropp's  researches  have  shown  that  the  Normans 
applied  the  term  mote  to  any  kind  of  defensive  earthwork,  and  this 
dejBnition  covers  the  Connaught  moats. 

Though  this  Norman  name  has  stuck  to  some  of  their  first  dwelling- 
phxces,  they  were  not  the  permanent  abodes  of  the  lords.  The  name 
seems  to  denote  an  early  occupation,  which  was  abandoned  in  favour 
of  a  stone  house  or  tower  which  would  be  called  a  castle.  Or  if  the 
original  "mote"  was  changed  by  building  a  .stone  hov;se  or  tower, 
then  the  name  was  changed  also.  The  common  case  is  that  the  castle 
has  been  built  near  the  old  fort. 

Three  buildings  survive  in  ]Mayo  from  which  we  may  infer  the 
nature  of  the  early  small  manor-house  or  small  castle.  Ballykine 
Castle  was  at  first  an  oblong  house  measuring  24  ft.  3  in.  by  17  ft. 
10  in.  inside.  The  ground  floor  was  two  rooms,  14  ft.  and  7  ft., 
the  smaller  one  vaulted,  and  the  upper  floor  a  single  room  fairly 
well  lighted.  The  lower  rooms  had  but  a  couple  of  small  slits  in  the 
smaller  i-oom,  and  a  slit  beside  the  door  into  the  large  room.  The 
lower  door  may  not  have  been  original.  Access  to  the  upper  floor 
was  by  a  door  in  the  side  wall,  reached  now  by  a  covered  flight  of 
steps  along  the  side  of  the  house,  which  seems  to  be  part  of  the 
addition.  The  ca.stles  of  Cuslough  and  Ballisnahiney  suggest  that 
the  sole  original  entrance  was  the  upper  doorway,  reached  by  a 
ladder.     There  was  no  fireplace. 

This  was  a  house,  defensible  against  robber  gangs,  not  a  tower  or 
castle.  The  country  must  have  been  in  a  fairly  peaceful  condition. 
A  time  came  when  stronger  defence  was  wanted,  and  was  given  by 
additional  work  on  each  side  supporting  a  walk  and  a  parapet  with 
embrasures  for  shooting  arrows.  A  small  square  tower  of  at  least 
four  .stories  was  added  to  one  end,  to  which  there  was  access  only 
from  the  house. 

Under  the  great  de  Burgo  lords,  the  country  was  in  such  peace 
generally  that  a  gentleman  of  some  position  could  safely  live  in  such 
a  house.  From  1333  began  a  period  of  increasing  disorder.  We 
must  assign  this  house  to  the  thirteenth  or  early  fourteenth  century. 
The  additions  cannot  be  dated,  but  must  have  been  there  in  the 
sixteenth  century  when  MacDonnells  occupied  the  castle. 

The  house  was  built  on  the  slope  of  the  south  end  of  a  ridge,  in  or 
on  the  edge  of  a  caher  which  formed  its  baun.  The  .souterrain  of  the 
caher  is  seen,  owing  to  covering  stones  having  fallen  in.  The  English 
or  Norman  settler  built  his  good  stone  house  in  the  caher  of  the 
O'Caidhins.  {Joicnial  of  Gahvay  Arcli'volotjical  and  Historical  Society, 
vol.  iii.  p.  95.) 

Cuslough  Castle  may  be  described  as  a  larger  and  better  Ballykine, 
without  a  tower,  but  with  the   side  parapets  as  part  of  the  original 


106      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

plan.     The   entrance   to  the  first   floor  is  in  a  gable.      It   measures 
32  ft.  4  in.  by  25  ft.  inside. 

Ballisnahiney  Castle  is  a  small  tower,  42  ft.  by  27  ft.  outside,  with 
an  entrance  to  the  first  floor.  Holes  in  the  wall  below  it  are  suitable 
for  corbels  to  support  a  stone  flag  as  at  Cuslough,  and  two  holes  above 
it  suggest  that  a  door  was  hung  above  which  could  be  pushed  up  and 
let  fall.  The  same  arrangement  seems  to  have  been  in  use  at  Cus- 
lough, where  tlie  entrance  shows  no  sign  of  door  fittings,  and  the  wall 
above  is  so  covered  with  ivy  that  holes  or  stones  may  be  above.  In 
both  castles  one  side  is  gone.  Cuslough  Castle  was  inhabited  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  and  had  modern  doorways  for  the  ground  floor. 
We  may  be  sure  that  these  entrances  to  the  first  floor  would  not  have 
been  made  if  there  had  been  entrances  to  the  ground  floor. 

The  castle  of  Ballisnahiney  is  inside  Lis  na  hEighrighe,  a  caher 
which  formed  its  baun,  having  a  large  cave. 

Castlelucas  shows  only  the  lower  part  of  the  walls  of  a  house  or 
castle  about  the  size  of  Ballisnahiney,  within  a  wide  deep  circular 
ditch  as  of  an  old  fort. 

Ballykine  and  Cuslough  may  be  put  together  as  houses.  Ballisna- 
hiney is  a  tower.  Castleconor  in  Sligo  may  be  classed  with  it  in 
respect  of  having  only  narrow  slits  as  windows,  and  occupying  the 
site  of  Dun  MicConor,  though  much  larger,  as  might  be  expected, 
seeing  that  it  was  the  head  of  a  large  manor. 

The  only  manor  in  Mayo  regarding  which  we  have  any  details  is 
the  sub-manor  of  Lehinch  or  Muinter  Crechain,  which  appears  in  the 
Plea  Rolls  of  28-30,  33  Ed.  I.,  2  Edw.  II.  William  Prendergast  sued 
Henry,  son  of  Henry  Roche,  the  actual  lord  of  the  manor,  and  his  free- 
holders for  possession,  alleging  that  they  had  no  entry  except  after 
Gerald  Roche  had  unjustly  dispossessed  his  grandfather  "William  after 
King  Henry's  first  passage  to  Gascony,  1243.  The  other  defendants 
called  Henry  to  warranty,  and  he  called  to  warranty  George  Roche,  a 
Munster  lord.  The  decision  is  not  entered  in  the  Rolls.  The  Roche 
possession  of  over  fifty  years  was  admitted.  W.  Prendergast  seems 
to  have  been  suing  on  a  title  which  his  ancestor  had  passed  to  Gerald 
Roche.  The  suit  must  have  been  dismissed,  as  Henry's  widow  sued 
for  dower  in  2  Edw.  II.,  and  her  claim  was  admitted. 

From  the  first  suit  are  taken  the  particulars  showing  the  townlands 
held  in  demesne  and  the  names  of  the  freeholders.  The  townland 
names  are  given  in  modern  spelling  if  still  in  use.  The  best  of  the 
alternative  forms  is  selected  from  the  others. 

Plea  Rolls,  28  Edw.  I.  Roll  52,  m.  4. 
William  de  Prendergast  v.  Henry  de  Rupe   for  the  vills   of  Clonco, 
Balylayne,    Dericoul  Oughteragh,   Derinrus,   and  Baliblohagh 
in  Muintercrechain. 


ENFEOFFMENT    AND    COLONISATION.  107 

V.  Milo  f.   Philip  de  Rupe  for   the  vill  of  Conlcon. 
V.  Henry  f.  John  .,  ,,  ,,       Ardalas. 

V.  David  f.  Henry         ,,  „  ,,       Synnaghcathyn. 

?'.  Henry  f.  Henry       ,,  ,,  ,,        Dericoul  Ighteragh. 

•  V.  Richard  f .  John  de  Burgo  for  the  \  vill  of  Skealoghan. 
r.  John  le  Whyte  „  ,,       Moneycrower. 

V.  Eustace  Cusyn  ,,       J       ,,       Lathathlong. 

V.  John  f.  Gerald  ,,  vills  of  Coolisel,     Derineserchath, 

and  Kilglassan,  as   his 
inheritance. 
In  a  later  plea  David  Cadwelly  calls  Henry  to  warrant  to  him  the 
1^  vill  of  Skealochan,  and  John  le  Whyte  is  omitted. 

When  Henry  Roche  died  his  son  and  heir  Henry  was  under  age. 
Consequently  the  suit  for  dower  was  against  those  who  were  in  posses- 
sion of  the  manor  by  right  of  wardship,  namely,  William  de  Burgo, 
probably  Grey  Sir  William,  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  and  Richard  de  Lyt, 
a  man  of  importance  in  Connaught  Avho  had  been  sheriff,  and  against 
two  others  in  possession  of  portions  of  the  land. 

Plea  Rolls,  2  EdAv.  II.  m.  30  d. 
Agatha,  widow  of  Henry  de  Rupe,  for  her  dower,  i  in  the  manor  of 

Lehinch. 

V.  Wm,  de  Burgo,  keeper  of  the  land  of  the  heir,  for  J  of  |  of  1  vill 

in  Bally blohagh,  1  vill  and  £1,  6s.  8d.  rent  in  Kilglassan,  |  of 

1  vill  in  Dericoul  Oughteragh,  i-  of  £1,  6s.  8d.  rent  in  Coolisel. 

?;.  W.,  son  of  Richard  Bermingham,  and  Elena  de  Rupe  for  h  in  ^  of 

1  vill  in  Kilcommon. 
r.  R.,  Earl  of  Ulster,  for  \  in  i  of  1  vill  and  £1,  6s.  8d.  rent  in  Skea- 
loghan. 
V.  Wm.,  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  for  ^  of  24  acres  in  Kilcommon. 
V.  R.,  Earl  of  Ulster,  keeper  of  the  land  of  the  heir,  for  i  of  Id.  rent 
in  Synnaghcathyn,  e£l,  6s.  8d.  rent  in  Derineserchath,  3s.  4d. 
rent  in  Ardalas,  16s.  8d.  rent  in  Coolcon,  £Z  rent  in  Carthy. 
V.  R.  de  Lyt,  keeper  of  the  land  of  the  heir,  for  J  of  1  vill  in  Derinrus, 
\h  quarters  of   1   vill  and  £2,   13s.   4d.  i-ent  in   Moneycrower, 
1  vill  in  Clonco,  1^  vill  and  <£2,  13s.  4d.  rent  in  Skealoghan, 
1  vill  in  Dericoul  Ighteragh. 
They  all  come  and  agree. 

The  rents  amount  to  .£14,  13s.  Hd.,  of  which  only  £1,  Os.  Id. 
was  paid  by  members  of  the  family.  A  large  extent  was  held  in 
demesne — that  is,  was  tilled  by  the  lord,  or  was  let  to  tenants  at  will 
and  on  other  than  freehold  tenure.  The  profits  must  have  been  large, 
but  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  suit  they  are  not  disclosed.  Richard 
de  Burgo  may  be  a  son  of  the  John  from  whom  came  the  MacSeonins. 
Coolisel   comprised   Lissatava.      Dericoul  comprised  Ballymongan. 


108       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Carthy  is  now  Carras.  These  and  the  names  in  use  show  that  the 
manor  was  the  parish  of  Kilcomnion  or  thereabouts. 

The  barons  encouraged  traders  to  form  small  corporate  towns  by 
grants  of  two  or  more  carucates  of  land  on  burgage  tenure,  whence 
the  Irish  Burgheis,  surviving  as  Burris,  an<l  recording  the  existence  of 
a  small  town  or  an  attempt  to  form  one.  There  is  contemporary  evi- 
dence of  such  towns  in  other  counties  of  Connaught,  but  not  of  their 
existence  in  Mayo.  The  sixteenth-century  tradition  is  given  as  follows  : 
"  The  names  of  certain  castles  and  market  towns  which  were  built  by 
Englishmen  in  the  county  of  Mayo  :  Shruher,  Kilveen,  which  was 
governed  by  a  portriffe,  Ballinroblie,  Castlekirke,  Ballymonagh,  Bures- 
Care,  Bures-Owle,  Ballalahame,  Lehence,  Mayo,  Rosse,  Castlemore 
MacCostelowe,  which  were  all  good  market  towns,  and  for  the  most 
part  were  ruled  by  portrifi'es,  but  now  (saving  the  bare  castles  in 
some)  the  towns  are  all  destroyed,  whose  broken  gates  and  ruinous 
walls  are  this  day  to  be  seen." 

Kilveen  may  be  Kilmaine,  but  is  more  likely  to  be  Kilvine,  where 
there  is  a  townland  of  Burris.  Castlekirke  must  be  the  Barrett 
Castle  opposite  Foxford.  Rosse  is  probably  the  Ross  near  Killala. 
Ballymonagh  I  cannot  identify.  These  towns  no  doubt  made  a  fair 
start,  but  died  out  after  1338.  None  attained  to  the  importance  of 
Dunmore,  which  had  a  charter  for  murage. 


CHAPTEll  XII. 

CHAXGES  OF  APPEARANCE  OF  COUNTRY. 

Until  the  Anglo-Norman  settlement  the  appearance  of  the  country 
was,  except  in  one  respect,  much  what  it  was  at  the  dawn  of  the 
legendary  period,  duns,  raths,  cahers,  cashels,  and  houses  being  very 
little  altered  if  at  all.  The  duns  and  raths  of  this  country  seem  to 
have  had  stone  facings  to  the  sides  of  the  earthen  ditches  and  ram- 
parts, and  to  have  had  stone  walls  on  the  ramparts.  The  effect  must 
have  been  that  of  stone  buildings,  at  a  little  distance  not  differing  in 
appearance  from  the  purely  stone  cahers  and  cashels.  The  stone  walls 
seem  to  have  been  whitened  as  a  rule. 

Some  of  the  smaller  raths,  farmhouse  enclosures,  were  no  doubt 
defended  by  palisading,  but  so  many  of  the  important  forts  show 
remains  of  such  stonework  when  closely  examined  that  it  is  safe  to 
take  it  to  have  been  general.  In  countries  where  stone  was  not  so 
abundant  palisading  no  doubt  took  its  place,  but  I  think  palisading 
was  unusual  in  the  greater  forts  of  Mayo.  Some  had  a  palisading  of 
large  flat  slabs  of  stone. 

Inside  these  defences  were  wooden  dwelling-houses  and  offices. 
The  dwelling-houses  of  the  country  generally  were  round,  but  the 
great  houses  were  certainly  in  many  cases  rectangular,  a.nd  sometimes 
two  stories  high.  Except  where  there  were  two-storied  houses,  the 
buildings  inside  would  not  show  much  more  than  their  roofs  of  thatch 
or  shingle  above  the  walls  of  defence. 

The  cabins  of  the  poorer  folk  were  generally  round  down  to  the 
sixteenth  century.  When  they  were  in  large  numbers  about  a  dun 
they  must  have  had  the  effect  of  a  village.  But  there  were  no  villages 
in  the  modern  sense.  The  houses  were  in  large  or  small  groups, 
dependent  on  fortified  places,  or  were  scattered. 

The  circular  forts  are  so  abundant  that  it  is  not  likely  that  there 
were  many  outlying  houses  far  from  the  protection  of  a  fort  or  home- 
stead, except  where  people  took  their  cattle  to  mountain  pastures. 

Woods  were  plentiful  in  most  parts  of  the  country,  but  the  richest 
lands  appear  to  have  been  well  cleared.  What  are  now  rough  hills 
and  coarse  land  were  generally  covered  with  wood  and  brushwood. 
The  latber  mixed  with  marsh  and  water  in  extensive  tracts  were  called 

lOiJ 


110       THE    KAKLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

fastnesses,  where  people  took  refuge  with  their  cattle  in  war,  a  country 
in  which  cattle  could  not  easily  be  collected  or  refugees  caught. 

The  country  was  mostly  free  from  fences,  but  there  were  fenced 
fields  and  gardens,  which  did  not  interfere  with  free  passage.  The 
industry  of  the  country  was  grazing,  and  tillage  was  of  comparatively 
small  account. 

Doonoor  in  Levallyroe  townland,  to  the  south  of  Ballyhaunis,  an 
earthen  fort  about  ninety  feet  in  diameter  inside,  has  a  rectangular 
enclosure  attached  to  one  side,  and  is  enclosed  with  about  twelve  acres 
of  land  by  an  earthen  fence  and  a  stretch  of  the  Curraun  river.  This 
fence  seems  to  be  as  ancient  as  the  fort,  and  encloses  the  water- 
course of  an  ancient  mill.  We  may  call  this  area  a  park  or  home 
farm. 

In  the  townland  of  Kilgarriff  in  Aghamore  parish  is  Lisnadhine 
(Lis  of  the  Daingen),  measuring  about  190  feet  by  120  feet  inside.  On 
it  seem  to  have  depended  Lisnacartha  (Lis  of  the  Artisans),  200  yards  to 
the  north-west,  and  Lisanaffrin,  150  yards  to  the  east-north-east,  on  low 
ground  and  much  smaller  than  Lisnacartha.  We  may  suppose  Lisna- 
cartha to  have  been  occupied  by  the  lord's  smiths  and  carpenters  and 
the  like,  and  Lisanaffrin  to  have  been  occupied  by  millers  and  others 
whose  work  required  abundance  of  water,  as  a  mill-stream  runs  by  it 
and  an  ancient  millstone  lies  near  it.  Such  a  connection,  though  but 
a  guess  from  names  and  position,  explains  how  forts  are  often  close 
together. 

Doonoor  and  Lisnadhine  are  not  to  be  treated  as  exceptional.  We 
may  imagine  them  to  have  been  commonly  i-epeated  in  their  main 
features  throughout  the  country,  and  to  represent  the  establishments 
of  the  chief  landowners. 

The  lake  dwelling  was  an  important  feature  in  the  country,  almost 
evei"y  small  lake  having  its  crannog,  and  as  many  as  seven  or  eight 
being  found  in  a  lake.  Wherever  a  small  round  island  with  bushes  is 
seen  in  a  lake  it  is  almost  certainly  a  crannog.  Crannogs  are  found 
also  in  marshes  and  bogs,  which  perhaps  were  once  lakes,  in  some 
cases  certainly.     Cahers  or  stone  forts  were  built  on  natural  islands. 

In  1224  the  treasures  of  O'Conor  were  kept  in  Loch  Nen,  near 
Roscommon,  and  not  in  King  Torlogh  Mor's  stone  castle  at  Tuam, 
where  the  kings  of  Connaught  had  their  principal  dwellings.  Crannogs 
were  not  abandoned  until  after  the  wars  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Giraldus  Cambrensis  notes  that  the  Norwegians  under  Turgesius 
built  castles  all  over  the  country  in  suitable  positions.  "  These  were 
surrounded  with  deep  ditches,  and  very  lofty ;  being  also  round,  and 
most  of  them  having  three  lines  of  defences.  Walled  castles,  the 
remains  of  them,  and  vestiges  of  an  early  age,  are  to  be  found  to  the 
present  day,   still   entire,  but   empty  and   deserted.      For   the  Irish 


CHANGES    OF    APPEARANCE    OF    COUNTRY.  Ill 

people  attach  no  importance  to  castles ;  they  make  the  woods  their 
strongholds,  and  the  bogs  their  trenches."  ^ 

We  must  not  infer  that  all  the  forts  and  cahers  had  been  abandoned, 
and  that  the  great  men  lived  in  plain  houses.  He  refers  to  the  great 
works  regarded  as  fortresses,  the  castles  then  attributed  to  the  Nor- 
wegians, expressing  the  fact  that  the  Irish  did  not  hold  positions 
against  a  siege. 

Works  of  the  class  which  he  seems  to  mean  do  not  exist  in  Mayo, 
or  have  not  been  described.  Some  of  our  larger  forts  may  have  been 
deserted,  but  on  the  whole  we  may  take  it  that  nearly  all  were  still 
in  use. 

The  country  was  fairly  supplied  with  main  roads  or  tracks,  most 
now  obliterated  by  our  roads  and  cultivation  or  covered  by  bog.  The 
names  of  Togher  and  Ballagh  record  old  causeways  and  passes.  The 
Togherpatrick  can  be  traced  from  Croaghpatrick  to  near  Balla,  only  a 
narrow  track,  but  enough  for  footmen,  riders,  and  pack-horses.  Here 
and  there  in  rougher  parts  of  the  country  other  roads  can  be  followed 
up  in  places,  but  this  is  the  best  known  and  best  preserved.  Being 
mainly  a  Pilgrim's  Koad,  it  went  from  church  to  church,  passing 
through  the  great  cashels  about  the  churches  of  Loona  and  Drum, 
halting-places  of  pilgrims.  The  country  being  undrained  and  the 
larger  rivers  often  a  succession  of  narrow  lakes,  the  fords  were  as 
important  as  bridges  now.  The  few  bridges  were  but  planks  laid  on 
stone  piers,  some  of  which  survive  in  the  names  embodying  Clar,  a 
plank. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  roads  were  kept  better  in  the  fifth  century 
than  in  the  twelfth,  as  it  is  certain  that  chariots  were  in  use  down  to 
St.  Patrick's  time. 

The  one  marked  change  since  the  earliest  days  was  due  to  the 
growth  of  ecclesiastical  buildings.  At  principal  religious  centres 
such  as  Mayo,  Balla,  Cong,  great  monasteries  had  grown  up,  occupied 
by  a  large  establishment  of  monks,  on  whom  depended  great  numbers 
of  students.  The  monastic  buildings  were  surrounded  by  a  cashel,  a 
high  thick  stone  wall  usually  unmortared,  enclosing  a  circular  or  oval 
area.  A  fragment  of  that  of  Mayo  remains,  from  which  the  surveyors 
have  laid  down  on  the  map  an  entire  circuit. 

Lesser  churches  had  smaller  cashels,  but  those  of  Ross  on  Lough 
Mask  and  Moyne  near  Headford  were  upwards  of  one  hundred  yards 
across.  These  great  cashels  differed  only  in  size  from  secular  cashels, 
and  perhaps  in  having  lower  walls.  The  enclosures  sometimes  followed 
the  irregular  outline  of  a  hill,  sometimes  were  rectangular,  as  at 
Loona  and  Drum. 

The  great  abbeys  with  huts  of  dependents  and  students  must  have 
1  Bobn's  Antiq.  Library,  "  Giialdus  Canibrcnsis,"  p.  119. 


112       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

looked  like  towns  uiuler  the  shelter  of  a  castle.  When  we  read  in  the 
Annals  that  a  church  was  plumlered  and  burnt  in  war,  we  may  take 
it  to  mean  that  the  town  was  burnt,  unless  the  church  itself  is 
mentioned. 

Enclosures  of  small  churches  were  sometimes  but  a  ditch  and  small 
bank,  surmounted  by  a  hedge  or  palings  or  a  wall.  As  a  rule  every 
church  had  an  enclosure  which  was  more  than  what  we  call  a  church- 
yard, comprising  the  houses  and  offices  of  the  clergy,  and  perhaps 
small  gardens.  A  few  early  churches  were  built  inside  the  fort  of  a 
chief  who  dedicated  it  to  that  use. 

The  Round  Towers  were  the  most  striking  objects  in  the  country, 
the  other  Ijuildings  being  small  and  low  until  the  twelfth  century. 

The  earliest  known  stone  churches  were  very  small,  but  much  larger 
churches  were  built  of  wood  and  mud  in  early  times.  The  stone 
church  increased  in  size  slowly  until  the  twelfth-century  changes 
suddenly  introduced  a  larger  style.  They  were  so  numerous  that 
almost  every  family  of  high  position  must  have  had  its  church.  How 
they  were  absorbed  in  large  parishes  is  described  in  Chapter  X. 

Christianity  added  its  own  features  to  the  aspect  of  the  country, 
without  altering  other  things.  For  the  mysterious  pagan  remains, 
such  as  cromlechs  and  stone  circles  and  the  buildings  in  connection 
with  wells,  seem  to  have  been  generally  left  undisturbed  or  adopted 
for  Christian  purposes. 

Cromlechs  and  stone  circles  must  have  been  far  more  abundant 
than  they  are  now.  Until  the  house-building  period  and  the  period 
of  enclosure  by  stone  walls  for  cultivation,  which  came  after  the 
sixteenth  century,  there  was  seldom  any  reason  for  interfering 
with  them. 

The  Anglo-Norman  colonists  made  a  marked  change  with  their 
great  castles,  smaller  castles  or  manor-houses,  and  small  towns  and 
farmhouses,  and  their  great  monasteries  and  larger  parish  churches, 
as  already  mentioned.  As  the  families  of  the  lords  increased  the 
country  became  filled  with  their  castles,  whose  lofty  towers  and  walled 
courts  were  a  new  and  conspicuous  feature  in  the  landscape. 

These  colonists  were  above  all  tillers  of  the  land,  and  must  have 
marked  their  presence  by  wide  stretches  of  ploughed  lands ;  but  the 
change  in  this  respect  was  in  quantity-,  as  the  Gael  grew  corn  to  a 
small  extent,  being  principally  a  pastoral  people.  The  new  tillage 
was  in  open  fields.  This  change  came  to  an  end  when  the  small  towns 
were  al)andoned  in  the  fourteenth  century  and  nearly  all  the  traders 
and  farmers  disappeared  from  this  county.  The  pastoral  system  then 
prevailed  again. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

FROM    THE    COLONISATION    TO    THE    DEATH    OF   EARL    WALTER. 

Mayo  now  had  general  peace,  broken  only  by  small  raids  and  risings 
of  O'Conors  who  had  not  yet  been  expelled. 

In  1241  Maurice  FitzGei-ald  brought  an  army  to  Athlethan  to 
subdue  Tadhg  O'Conor,  son  of  Aedh,  son  of  Cathal  Crobhdei-g. 
There  are  indications  that  this  Tadhg  had  settled  himself  in  Leyny 
upon  the  O'Haras. 

In  1242  "  Niall,  son  of  Domhnall  Mvlr,  son  of  Ruaidhri  O'Coneho- 
bhair,  was  burned,  together  with  three  O'Sechnasaighs,  in  a  house  in 
Magh-E6  of  the  Saxons,  by  Loghbhais  ^  of  the  people  of  MacMavirice  " 
(L.C.). 

In  1243  Richard  de  Burgo  died  at  sea  on  his  way  to  Bordeaux  to 
join  King  Henry  in  the  war  against  the  French.  His  eldest  son 
Richard  was  a  minor,  came  of  age  before  May  1247,  and  died  before 
November  1248.  He  left  no  child.  His  successor  was  his  brother 
Walter,  who  came  of  age  in  1250.  It  is  remarkable  that  every 
successor  to  Richard's  lordship  of  Connaught  was  a  minor,  a  mis- 
fortune to  the  country,  because  the  king's  officers  and  grantees 
tried  only  to  get  what  they  could  out  of  the  custody  ;  the  country 
needed  the  protection  which  the  lord  gave  it  in  his  own  interests. 

Meanwhile  the  following  incidents  are  recoi'ded  : — 

In  1246  "  Maelsechlainn,  son  of  Conchobhar  Ruadh,  son  of  Muir- 
chertach  Muimhnech  O'Oonchobhair,  was  killed  by  [Muirchertach] 
O'Dubhda  in  this  year.  Muirchertach  O'Dubhda  was  banished  over 
sea  after  this  killing  "  (L.C.). 

In  1247  "  Benedictus -MacOirechtaigh,  Airchinnech  of  Achadh- 
Fabhair  of  Umhall,  was  killed  on  the  festival  of  the  Cross,  the 
third  day  of  summer,  by  the  son  of  Conchobhar  Ruadh,  son  of 
Muirchertach  Muimhnech,  and  by  the  son  of  Maghnus,  son  of 
Muirchertach  Muimhnech  O'Conchobhair,  in  treachery  and  deceit  ' 
(L.C.). 

In  1247  an  O'Conor  raid  was  accompanied  as  usual  by  a  rising 
of  Clan  Murtough.  Torlogh,  son  of  Aedh  O'Conor,  and  Donogh 
MacGillapatrick    of    Ossory    made    a   raid    by   Kilkerrin   and   Clare- 

1  Louis  (?). 

113  H 


114      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

galway  as  fax-  as  Galway,  when  they  are  said  to  have  burnt 
the  town  and  castle.  They  killed  several  persons,  among  them 
MacElget,  the  seneschal  of  Connaught,  and  William  de  Burgo,  the 
sheriff  of  Connaught.  It  is  not  likely  that  they  captured  the  castle 
itself  or  the  walled  town.  After  plundering  there  they  went  away, 
and  were  pursued  by  the  English,  who  gave  battle.  They  got  away 
after  killing  several  of  the  English,  and  went  into  Carra.  There  Jordan 
de  Exeter  and  Clann  Adam  [Staunton]  and  the  English  of  Carra 
assembled  and  drove  Torlogh  out  of  the  country,  as  he  had  not  forces 
enough  to  meet  them.  Tadhg,  son  of  Conor  Roe,  son  of  Murtough 
Mweenagh,  and  Tadhg,  son  of  Tuathal,  son  of  Murtough  Mweenagh, 
burnt  Burgeis-chinn-trachta,  Burrishoole. 

Tadhg,  son  of  Conor  Roe,  is  said  to  have  burnt  twenty-eight 
Englishmen  in  Inismor  of  Claenloch,  which  may  have  been  the 
lake  near  Castlebar,  but  is  more  likel}'  to  have  been  the  lake  of 
that  name  near  Dromahaire,  which  he  is  said  to  have  captured  in 
this  year.  It  is  most  likely  that  both  entries  relate  to  the  same 
event,  the  more  so  as  he  was  killed  by  the  MacCostellos  in  the 
following  year,  Avho  were  at  this  time  fighting  for  the  country  of 
the  Conmaicne  of  Moyrein.  The  annalist  writes  of  this  as  a 
great  war,  but  it  was  only  a  plundering  raid.  Torlogh  and  his 
army  had  to  hurry  along  to  avoid  meeting  the  assembled  forces 
of  the  English  ;   the  Irish  chieftains  did  not  join  him. 

The  following  proceedings  in  Umall  are  a  continuation  of  the  rising 
of  the  year  1247  :— 

1248.  "The  sons  of  Maghnus  and  the  sons  of  Conchobhar  Ruadh 
joined  together  and  turned  against  the  Foreigners,  and  the  castle  of 
MacHenry  was  burned  by  them  and  its  constable  taken  prisoner ; 
and  the  preys  of  the  north  of  Umall  were  taken  by  them  to  Innsi- 
Modh.  Jordan  de  Exeter,  however,  and  John  Butler,  and  Robin 
Lawless,  and  several  persons  along  with  them,  assembled  and  went 
to  Baile-tobair-Patraic,  and  from  thence  to  Achadh-Fabhair ;  and 
they  plundered  all  Umhall,  north  and  south,  on  the  morrow.  Henry  ^ 
came  also,  with  a  large  army,  into  Umhall  (for  it  belonged  to  himself, 
and  he  was  residing  in  it).  MacHenry  then  made  peace  with  Domhnall, 
son  of  Maghnus,  for  the  sake  of  his  territory  ;  and  Domhnall  promised 
that  he  would  furnish  forces  and  boats  to  attack  his  brother.  As 
regards  the  sons  of  Conchobhar,  moreover,  they  wei'e  on  Innsi-Modh, 
and  it  was  reported  to  them  that  a  party  had  gone  from  MacHenry  to 
Domhnall  for  boats.  They  advanced  against  this  party,  and  killed 
O'hUain,  the  son  of  the  foreign  woman,  and  John,  the  son  of  the 
foreign  priest ;  and  Sinnott  Guer,  and  four  of  his  people  along  with 
him,  were  .slain  by  Diarmaid,  son  of  Maghnus,  in  this  encounter. 
^  In  the  Irish  thus.     The  translation  adds  Mac. 


FROM    COLONISATION    TO    DEATH    OF   EARL   WALTER.        115 

However,  this  was  joy  with  soirow,  for  the  powei^fvil  champion  and 
prop  of  battle,  i.e.  Diarmaid,  son  of  Maghnus,  was  slain  on  the  spot. 
Tadhg,  son  of  Oonehobhar  Ruadh,  was  killed  by  the  Foreigners  in  this 
year."  (L.C)  The  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  name  Mahon,  son  of 
Dermot,  son  of  INIanus,  son  of  ]\Iurtough,  as  the  man  who  captured 
the  castle  which  is  called  Tyrenmore.  It  is  the  castle  of  Burrishoole, 
which  was  on  the  point  next  north  of  the  abbey.  But  it  is  just  possible 
that  there  were  two  castles  in  Umall,  that  of  Bui-rishoole  and  another 
belonging  to  ^NlacHenry.  MacHenry's  castle  being  taken,  a  force  was 
assembled  in  Carra,  and  Henry  Butler  brought  up  a  second  army, 
whereupon  MacHenry  made  the  peace  with  Donnell  O'Conor.  It 
seems  as  if  INIacHenry  made  a  separate  peace.  But  it  is  more  likely 
that  MacHenry  detached  Donnell  from  his  confederates,  who  were 
afterwards  defeated  and  compelled  to  submit.  Henry  Butler  was  the 
immediate  lord  of  at  least  North  Umall.  John  Butler  seems  to  be  a 
different  person  from  JMacHenry.  I  think  that  Henry  and  MacHenry 
are  the  same  person,  Henry  being  a  son  of  a  Henry  Butler,  and  that 
John  was  a  younger  brother  of  Henry. 

In  the  following  year,  1249,  King  Felim's  son  Aedh  attacked  the 
English  in  Tireragh  and  brought  his  father  into  rebellion.  The  fight- 
ing and  plundering  did  not  spread  into  Mayo.  But  Jordan  de  Exeter, 
of  the  Gallen  family,  who  was  then  the  sheriff,  was  attacked  at 
Athenry,  Avhere  he  was  in  command  of  some  forces,  and  inflicted  a 
severe  defeat  on  Torlogh,  son  of  Aedh  O'Conor,  who,  having  been 
set  up  by  the  English  as  King  of  Connaught,  turned  upon  them 
immediately. 

In  1251  Flann  O'Lachtnan,  chief  of  the  Two  Bacs,  died.  He  was 
the  last  of  his  race  who  could  be  called  a  chieftain. 

In  1256  Felim  and  Aedh  and  O'Rourk  were  again  in  rebellion. 
Walter  de  Burgo  assembled  a  great  force,  put  at  20,000  at  the  least 
by  the  annalists,  which  marched  by  Mayo  and  Balla  to  Achonry.  It 
was  arranged  that  it  should  meet  the  O'Reillys  in  Tirtuathail,  but 
the  O'Reillys  suffered  a  crushing  defeat  as  they  retreated  from  near 
Lough  Allen  on  the  14th  September.  The  de  Burgo  army  returned 
when  the  campaign  thus  failed,  but  probably  not  until  the  justiciary 
had  come  down,  as  O'Roui'k  made  a  separate  peace  with  him,  where- 
upon Aedh  and  Felim  submitted. 

In  1258  "  A  great  fleet  came  from  Innsi-Gall  with  Mac  Somhairle  ;  ^ 
and  they  passed  round  Erinn  westwards  to  Conmaicne-Mara,  where 
they  robbed  a  merchant-vessel  of  all  its  goods,  both  wine  and  clothing, 
and  copper  and  iron.  The  sheriff  of  Connaught,  i.e.  Joi-dan  de  Exeter 
went  on  the  sea,  with  a  large  fleet  of  Foreigners,  after  Mac  Somhairle 
and  the  fleet  that  had  robbed  the  merchant-vessel.  Mac  Somhairle 
^  Somhairle  was  ancestor  of  the  family  of  MacDonnell. 


IIG       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF   MAYO. 

was  at  this  time  on  an  island  of  the  sea,  having  his  vessel  ashore  ;  ^  and 
when  they  saw  the  sheriff's  fleet  approaching  them,  Mac  Somhairle  put 
on  his  armour  and  his  dress  of  battle  and  combat ;  and  his  people  then 
put  on  their  aimour  along  with  him.  As  regards  the  sheriff,  more- 
over, when  he  I'eached  the  island,  he  landed  promptly,  accompanied  by 
all  the  Foreigners  who  wei-e  ready.  However,  the  sheriff  was  attended 
and  served  by  Mac  Somhairle  and  his  people  ;  and  the  sheriff  was  im- 
mediately killed  there,  together  with  Piers  Agabard,  who  was  a  brave 
knight  of  hi.s  people,  and  other  good  men  along  with  them.  The  fleet 
of  the  Foreigners  subsequently  turned  back,  after  their  best  men  had 
been  slain ;  and  ^Mac  Somhairle  went  afterwards  exultingly,  enriched 
with  spoils,  with  triumph  of  victory,  to  his' own  country."     (L.C.) 

In  1259  "  Milidh  Mac  Goisdelbh  mortuur  est.  CUlbertMac  Goisdelbh 
was  taken  prisoner  by  Aedh  O'Conchobhair,  who  plundered  all  Sliabh 
Lugha.  He  (Gilhe)-t  Mac  Goisdelbh)  was  afterwards  set  at  large,  and 
his  three  sons  Avere  taken  as  hostages  in  his  place."     (L.C.) 

In  1262  Aedh  O'Conor  broke  out  again.  He  "plundered  the 
Foreigners  of  all  the  west  of  Connacht  eastwards  from  Magh-E(> 
of  the  Saxons,  and  from  Balla,  and  burnt  their  towns  and  cornfields 
from  thence  to  Sliabh  Lugha,  and  slew  many  persons  between  those 
places"  (L.C).  He  sent  another  party  to  rob  and  burn  between 
Tuam  and  Athlone.  Walter  de  Burgo  and  the  justiciary  brought 
armies  to  Elphin  and  Roscommon  and  restored  order.  The  site  of 
Roscommon  Castle  was  chosen,  but  work  was  not  begun  until  1269. 

Under  1263  the  Four  Masters  recoi^d  an  invasion  by  O'Donnell 
whicli  they  associate  with  a  plundering  of  Sliabh  Lugha.  He  is 
said  to  have  joined  Aedh  in  ravaging  Clanricard,  and  to  have  sepa- 
rated from  him  and  to  have  gone  home  by  Shrule  and  Ballinrobe 
and  Tirawley,  obtaining  his  demands  from  all.  The  accurate  Annals 
of  Loch  Ce  would  not  have  ignored  such  a  remarkable  event.  An 
account  of  a  sixteenth-century  raid  seems  to  have  been  copied  acci- 
dentally or  by  mistake  in  that  year.  In  1263  "  Meachair  O'Ruadhain 
was  killed  by  Foreigners,  in  treachery,  in  the  door  of  the  church  of 
Cill-Seiscnen  "  -  (L.C). 

In  1264  a  quarrel  occurred  between  Walter  de  Burgo  and  Maurice 
FitzMaurice,  which  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  a  dispute  about  lands 
in  Connaught.  Maurice  captured  Richard  de  la  Rochelle,  the 
justiciary,  Theobald  Butler,  John  Cogan,  and  Walter  de  Burgo's 
eldest  son,  Richard,  in  a  church  at  Castledexmot,  and  confined  them 
in  the  castles  of  Ley  and  Dunamase.  Walter  naturally  seized  all 
Maurice's  Connaught  lands.  The  quarrel  was  made  up  before  June 
1265.     Though  actual  fighting  between  Burk.s  and  Geraldines  is  not 

1  Close  by  at  anchor  (A.Cl.,  F.M.).  '  Kilsheshnan  in  Killasser  parish. 


FROM   COLONLSATION    TO    DEATH    OF   EARL   WALTER.       117 

recorded,  it  is  evident  that  the  (i[uarrel  gave  the  Irish  chieftains  an 
opportunity  of  attacking  English  settlers. 

In  126-i  the  annalists  call  Walter  by  the  title  of  Earl  of  Ulster 
for  the  first  time.  The  grant  of  the  earldom  may  therefore  be 
assigned  to  this  year. 

In  1265  Aedh  O'Conor  and  O'Donnell  destroyed  the  castles  of 
Sligo,  Banada,  and  Rathardcraibe,^  all  FitzGerald  castles.  "  A  con- 
ference was  held  by  Tomaltach  O'Conchobhair,  Archbishop  of 
Connacht,  with  David  Prendergast  and  the  MacMurchadhas ;  and 
a  great  number  of  the  archbishop's  people  were  slain  by  them  on  that 
day  at  Cill-medhoin.  .  .  .  Murchadh  MacSuibhne  was  apprehended 
by  Domhnall,  son  of  Maghnus,  and  surrendered  into  the  hands  of  the 
Earl;  and  he  died  in  the  prison."  (L.C.)  MacMurchadhas  is  pro- 
bably a  mistake  for  MacMaurices,  the  Irish  name  of  the  Prendergasts 
of  Mayo.  Donnell  of  Erris  was  now  loyal  to  the  Earl.  INIacSuibhne 
v/as  an  Ulsterman.  Felim  O'Conor  died  in  1265,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Aedh,  who  prosecuted  the  war  against  the  English  with 
great  energy.  In  1266  the  Irish  attacked  the  English  all  round. 
The  facts  relating  to  Mayo  are  stated  in  a  vague  way. 

"  A  great  slaughter  was  committed  by  a  party  of  O'Conchobhair's 
people,  viz.  by  Lochlainn,  son  of  Diarmaid,  son  of  Muirchertach, 
and  by  MacCeithernaigh  and  the  son  of  Domhnall  Dubh  O'hEghra, 
on  the  Britons  and  Lagenians  of  the  west  of  Connacht,  thirty-one  of 
whose  heads  were  presented  to  O'Conchobhair  by  them."  "  Domhnall 
O'hEghra,  King  of  Luighne,  occisus  est  whilst  burning  Ard-na-riadh 
against  the  Foreigners."  (L.C.)  The  Britons  are  the  Barretts  and 
other  Welshmen,  the  Lagenians  are  the  Cusacks,  Lawlesses,  and  other 
English  settlers  of  Tirawley  and  Tireragh.  This  was  avenged  in  the 
following  yeai-. 

In  1267  "A  great  depredation  was  committed  by  the  Foreigners 
of  the  west  of  Connacht  on  the  inliahitants  of  Cairpre-Droma-cliabh  ; 
and  they  plundered  Es-dara.  Another  great  depredation  was  com- 
mitted by  Mac  William  Burk  on  O'Conchobhair,  when  he  plundered 
Tir-Maine  and  Clann-Uadach."     (L.C.) 

1268.  "  Hugh  O'Murray,  chief  of  the  Lagan,  was  slain  at  Killala  by 
O'Mulfovei",  Coarb  of  the  church,  on  a  Sunday  after  hearing  mass  "(F.M.). 

1269.  "Flaherty  O'Maelfhina,  chief  of  half  the  territory  of  Calry 
of  Moy-h-eleog,  was  slain  by  Gaughan,  chief  of  the  other  half " 
(F.M.).  The  castle  of  Roscommon  was  built,  and  that  of  Sligo  was 
rebuilt.     The  fighting  was  outside  Mayo. 

During  the  next  two  years  the  Irish  gained  some  successes.      1270. 
"  Sligo  was  burned  by  O'Domhnaill  and  the  Cenel-Conaill,  and  the 
son  of    Breallach-an-chairn  O'lNIaelbhrenainn  was  killed  on  this  ex- 
1  Ardcree  fort,  in  Annaglnuore  demesne,  Kilvarnet  parish,  Co.  Sligo. 


118       TH?]    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

pedition.  A  great  war  iiml  dissension  arose  between  O'Concliobliair, 
i.e.  Aedh,  son  of  Fedhlim,  and  Walter  Burk,  i.e.  the  Earl  of  Ulster; 
and  neither  the  Foreigners  nor  the  (iaeidhel  could  reconcile  them. 
The  Earl  assembled  the  Foreigners  of  Erinn,  together  with  the 
Justiciary,  when  they  all  went  on  a  great  hosting  into  Connacht, 
and  proceeded  to  Ros-Comain  the  first  night,  and  from  thence  to 
Oilfinn  the  second  night,  and  from  thence  to  Port-leice ;  ^  and 
they  rested  and  encamped  that  night  at  Port-leice.  And  on  the 
morrow  they  held  a  council,  and  the  resolution  they  adopted  was, 
viz.,  that  the  Earl  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Foreigners  of  Erinn 
should  then  go  eastwards  across  the  Sionainn  at  Ath-caradh-Conaill.- 
As  regards  the  King  of  Connacht,  however,  i.e.  Aedh,  son  of  Fedhlim 
O'Conchobhair,  he  was  in  Magh  Nisse  before  the  Foreigners,  with  a 
few  of  the  chiefs  of  his  people ;  and  the  Justiciai*y,  accompanied  by  a 
small  number  of  the  army,  remained  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Sionainn,  awaiting  the  Earl  and  his  people.  With  regard  to  the 
Earl,  after  he  had  gone  eastwards  past  Ath-caradh-Conaill  a  few  of 
O'Conchobhair's  people  opposed  them  at  Coillte-Conmaicne,  where  a 
small  number  of  the  army  of  the  Foreigners  were  slain.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Foreigners  desisted  not  in  the  career  and  expedition  in 
which  they  were  engaged  until  they  reached  Magh  Nissi,  where  they 
rested  and  encamped  that  night.  As  to  the  Foreigners,  moreover, 
the  advice  they  gave  to  the  Earl  was,  to  make  peace  with  O'Concho- 
bhair on  this  occasion,  and  to  deliver  his  brother,  i.e.  William  Og,  son 
of  Richard  M(Jr,  son  of  William  the  Conqueror,  into  the  hands  of 
O'Conchobhair's  people  whilst  he  {W Conclwhhai r)  should  be  in  the 
Earl's  house  arranging  the  'peace.  And  this  was  accordingly  done. 
And  after  William  Og  had  gone  into  O'Conchobhair's  house,  O'Con- 
chobhair's people  took  him  prisoner  ;  and  John  Duilefin  ^  and  his  son 
were  slain  on  the  spot.  When  the  Earl,  moreover,  heard  that  treachery 
had  been  practised  against  his  brother,  he  proceeded  early  on  the 
morrow  to  Ath-an-chip  *  on  the  Sionainn.  And  O'Conchobhair  was 
(luring  these  two  nights  inarching  round  them,  as  a  furious,  raging, 
tearing  lion  goes  about  his  enemies  when  killing  them,  so  that  he 
permitted  them  neither  to  eat,  sleep,  nor  be  at  rest.  O'Conchobhair 
moved  on  the  same  day.  As  regards  the  Foreigners,  moreover,  after 
going  to  the  ford  on  the  morrow,  Toirdhelbhach  O'Biiain  overtook 
them,  and  the  Earl  himself  turned  on  him,  and  slew  him  without 
assistance  from  any  other  person.  With  regard  to  the  Connachtmen, 
however,  they  came  up  with  them  {tlte  Foreigners)  at  this  time,  when 
their  rear  was  dislodged,  and  their  van  was  routed.  In  short,  their 
courage  was  confounded  in  this  place,  and   nine  of  their  principal 

^  Near  Jamestown.  "  Near  Carrick  on  Shannon,  according  to  O'Donovan. 

='  Dolphin.  ■*  Neai- Carrick. 


FROM    COLONISATION    TO    DEATH    OF   EARL   WALTER.       119 

knights  wei^e  slain  on  the  spot,  including  Richard-na-Coille  and  John 
Butler ;  and  it  is  not  known  how  many  more  were  lost  there ;  and 
one  hundred  horses,  with  their  mail  coverings,  and  with  their  saddles, 
were  left  there ;  and  William  Og  was  killed  in  his  captivity  imme- 
diately after  the  son  of  O'Briain  had  been  slain  by  the  Earl.  As 
regards  Aedh  O'Conchobhair's  subsequent  proceedings,  he  demolished 
the  castle  of  Ath-Anghaile,  and  the  castle  of  Sliabh-Lugha,  and  the 
castle  of  Cill-Calmain,  and  burned  Ros-Comain,  and  Rinn-duin,  and 
Uille-XJanach.  And  a  great  war  arose  between  Brian  Ruadh  O'Briain 
and  the  Foreigners,  and  great  depredations  were  committed  by  him 
on  them,  and  the  castle  of  Clar-Atha-dha-charadh  ^  was  taken  by  him. 
Depredations  were  committed  by  the  Eail,  and  by  the  Foreigners  of 
Connacht,  in  Tir-Oilella,  on  the  people  of  Aedh  O'Conchobhair  ;  and 
David  Cuisin  was  slain  on  this  foray."     (L.C.) 

The  Irish  success  was  obtained  by  an  attack  on  the  rear  at  the 
foi-d  of  the  Shannon,  as  is  clearly  shown  in  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise. 
When  Torlogh  O'Brien  was  killed  at  the  ford,  "  The  Conaughtmen 
pursued  the  Englishmen  and  made  theere  hindermost  pai-t  to  rune 
and  breake  upon  their  vaunt-guard  or  foremost,  in  such  sort  and  foule 
discomfiture  that  in  that  Instant  9  of  their  chiefest  were  killed  upon 
the  bogg  about  Rickard  ne  Koylle  and  John  Buttler,  who  were  killed 
over  and  above  the  said  Knights.  It  is  unknowne  how  many  were 
slaine  in  that  Conflict,  save  onely  that  a  100  Horses  with  their  sadles 
and  other  furnitures  with  a  100  shirts  of  maile  were  left  after  these 
things  were  thus  done."  The  date  of  this  fight  was  the  19th  April. 
William  Og  is  the  ancestor  of  the  MacWilliams  of  Mayo  and  Galway. 

The  facts  seem  to  be  that  as  soon  as  the  Earl  knew,  by  the  treach- 
erous seizure  of  his  brother  and  the  killing  of  the  Dolphins,  that  Aedh 
had  no  intention  of  making  peace,  he  rejoined  Sir  Robert  Uffoi'd, 
losing  a  few  men  and  abandoning  a  large  number  of  horses,  in  effect- 
ing the  passage  of  the  Shannon.  The  English  we  may  suppose  drove 
off  all  the  cattle  they  could  find  in  North  Roscommon,  and  then,  as 
usual,  retired  and  dispersed  their  armies.  Aedh  then  destroyed  three 
border  castles  in  Corran  and  Costello,  and  burnt  the  houses  outside 
the  king's  castles  in  Sovithern  Roscommon.  But  he  could  not  venture 
far  from  the  border.  Walter  de  Bvirgo  came  again  and  chastised 
him  by  plundering  Tirerrill. 

Walter  de  Burgo  died  at  Galway  on  the  28th  July  1271.  He 
married  Evelina,  daughter  of  John,  son  of  John  FitzGeoflFrey,  the 
Justiciary  of  Ireland.  His  eldest  son,  Richard,  succeeded  him.  His 
other  sons  had  no  connection  with  Mayo. 

As    Richard   was    a    minor   the   Lordship   of    Connaught  and   the 
Earldom  of  Ulster  fell  into  the  king's  hand. 
^  Clare,  in  Co.  Clare. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

THE    TIME    OF    EARL    RICHARD. 

The  time  of  Walter  de  Burgo  was  peaceful  in  Mayo,  save  for  border 
raids  of  no  importance.  The  English  settlement  was  far  too  strong 
for  serious  invasion  of  the  more  settled  parts.  The  great  FitzGerald 
manor  of  Sligo  was  not  well  occupied,  nor  was  the  eastern  part  of 
Tireragh,  nor  the  Tyaquin  country,  nor  the  king's  two  southern 
cantreds,  which  were  held  by  his  castles.  The  fighting,  when  not 
entirely  among  the  Irish  themselves,  was  practically  confined  to  these 
districts,  in  his  time  and  in  that  of  his  son  Richard,  save  for  the  short 
period  of  Brace's  war.  For  many  years  vmtil  the  murder  of  Earl 
William,  Mayo  and  most  of  Galway  may  be  said  to  have  enjoyed 
complete  peace. 

Richard  and  his  cousin  Sir  William,  who  seems  to  have  had  con- 
trol of  Connaught  affairs  on  his  behalf,  interfered  in  the  O'Conor 
successions  with  decisive  effect  for  the  moment ;  but  the  family  fight- 
ing and  murdering  broke  out  when  the  heavy  de  Burgo  hand  was  not 
immediately  felt. 

The  effect  of  these  outbreaks  on  the  border  districts  is  shown  in  a 
remark  in  the  inquisition  taken  in  1282  regarding  the  estates  of 
Thomas  FitzMaurice  of  Desmond,  to  the  effect  that  his  half  Tuath 
of  Kerry  Lochnarney  had  been  worth  in  time  of  peace  120  marks 
yearly,  but  then  only  60  marks,  because  "  the  greater  part  is  destroyed 
by  the  war  of  the  Irish." 

The  position  of  O'Conor  as  a  tenant  of  the  king  kept  up  his  power 
of  mischief  and  that  of  his  family.  Had  de  Burgo  and  FitzGerald 
been  free  to  deal  with  him  he  would  have  been  curbed  by  castles  and 
garrisons,  and  Connaught  would  have  been  saved  the  misery  of  in- 
cessant savage  warfare  which  almost  never  ceased  among  the  Irish 
inhabitants  of  the  unsettled  districts,  which  would  have  ceased  if  the 
O'Conors  had  been  kept  quiet. 

The  death  of  Walter  resulted  in  the  turbulence  which  usually 
followed  on  any  temporary  dissolution  of  authoiity,  to  which  may  be 
attributed  the  events  leading  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Clann  Murtough 
from  Mayo,  and  of  the  O'Flahertys  from  the  barony  of  Clare. 

In   1272    "Henry   Butler,  lord  of   Umhall,  and   Hoitse  Mebhrick 


,  THE    TIME    OF    EARL    RICHARD.  121 

were  slain  by  Cathal,  son  of  Conchobhair  Ruadh,  and  by  the  sons  of 
kings  of  Connacht"  (L.O.).  The  tradition  of  Hosty  Merrick  sur- 
vives in  Glenhest,  to  which  he  left  his  name.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  buried  at  the  church  in  Ballyteige  townland,  near  Lough  Beltra. 
The  tradition  is  that  he  was  a  great  pii-ate,  who  married  an  O'Malley, 
and  was  waylaid  going  to  his  own  house  and  killed  by  his  brother-in- 
law.     Merricks  owned  land  in  Ballyteige  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

In  1273  Jordan  de  Exeter  killed  some  O'Oonors  and  their  adherents 
in  Corann  ;  Donnell  of  Erris,  head  of  the  Clan  Murtough,  was  expelled 
from  Umall  and  Erris ;  Ruaidhri  O'Flaherty  was  expelled  from  West 
Oonnaught,  which  then  meant  the  barony  of  Clare. 

"  Flann  O'Tierney,  Lord  of  Carra,  was  slain  by  the  O'Murrays  in  a 
dispute  concerning  the  lordship  of  Carra,  and  through  the  power  of 
Hugh,  son  of  Felim  O'Conor"  (P.M.). 

1274.  "Fergal  O'Caithniadh,  Lord  of  Erris,  died  in  Hy  Mac 
Caechain"  (F.M.). 

English  settlers  fought  against  each  other  in  Tirawley,  at  Kilroe 
near  Killala,  in  1281.  The  Justiciary  Rolls  and  the  Annals  of  Loch 
Oe  mention  the  battle,  but  not  its  immediate  cause,  which  may  have 
grown  out  of  the  claims  of  Adam  Cusack  and  William  Barrett  of 
Bac  and  Glen  to  the  land  of  Bredagh,  under  early  de  Burgo  grants 
which  gave  rise  to  litigation  in  1253. 

Adam  and  William  met  at  the  head  of  their  forces  for  a  par-ley, 
during  which  a  man  shot  an  arrow  at  the  other  side,  whereupon  both 
parties  fell  on  each  other.  William  Barrett  was  taken  prisoner, 
mortally  wounded,  and  died  in  Cusack's  prison.  Adam  Fleming,  a 
partisan  of  Barrett,  and  several  other  Englishmen  were  killed. 
Taichleeh  O'Dowda  and  Taichlech  O'Boyle  fought  with  distinction 
on  Cusack's  side.  The  alliance  was  not  permanent.  Cusack  killed 
T.  O'Dowda  at  the  Strand  of  Ballysadare  next  year. 

The  king  took  into  his  own  hands  the  lands  of  W.  Barrett  and 
A.  Fleming.  Batin  Barrett  paid  the  king  fines  amounting  to 
£163,  8s.  8d.,  Gilbert  Lynet  paid  =£33,  6s.  8d.,  and  Adam  Bretnath 
.£3,  6s.  8d.,  whence  we  may  infer  that  the  Barrett  faction  was  in  the 
wrong. 

In  1283  "The  castle  of  Kilcolman  [Costello]  was  thrown  down  by 
Cathal,  son  of  Conor  Roe,  King  of  Connaught "  (F.M.). 

In  1285  "A  great  defeat  was  inflicted  by  Maghnus  O'Conchobhair 
on  Adam  Cusack  and  the  Foreigners  of  the  west  of  Connacht,  at  Lec- 
Essa-dara,  where  a  great  many  persons  were  slain,  and  where  Colin 
Cusack,  i.e.  his  (Adam's)  brother,  was  taken  into  captivity  after  his 
people  had  been  slain,  in  consideration  of  being  allowed  himself  to 
depart"  (L.C.). 

Richard  de  Burgo  is  not  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  O'Conors 


122       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

and  their  quarrels  until  128G,  but  thereafter  regulated  the  succession. 
Hence  seems  to  have  arisen  the  quarrel  with  John  FitzThomas  Fitz- 
Gerald,  afterwards  Earl  of  Kildare,  which  had  great  consequences. 

Sir  Maurice  FitzMaurice's  estates  were  divided  between  his 
daughters  Amabill  and  Juliana.  When  John  FitzThomas  became 
Baron  of  Oflfaley  he  acquired  from  Amabill  her  half-share.  Thus 
his  Connaught  possessions  were  half  of  Carberry,  including  Sligo,  a 
third  of  Corran,  half  of  Conmaicne  Cuile,  half  of  Aidhne.  From  his 
father  he  inherited  the  Banada  part  of  Leyny. 

He  began  immediately  to  interfere  in  the  O'Conor  succession  in 
Moy  Ai,  and  so  came  into  collision  with  the  Earl.  These  confused 
proceedings  appear  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  1288-1293. 

On  the  6th  ])ecember  1294  John  seized  the  Earl  and  Sir  William 
de  Burgo  and  confined  them  in  the  castle  of  Ley,  near  Portarlington, 
until  the  12th  March  1295,  when  they  were  released  by  order  of  a 
Parliament,  supported  by  an  army  under  the  Chancellor  Thomas 
Cantok  and  others  of  the  King's  Council.  The  Earl  agreed  to  a 
truce  for  two  years,  and  gave  two  sons  as  hostages.  Years  passed 
before  aji  agreement  and  settlement  was  made. 

In  March  1298  Sir  John  surrendered  to  the  Earl  at  Athboy,  to  be 
imprisoned  in  Ulster  at  the  Earl's  pleasure,  and  delivered  to  the 
Earl  for  a  time  the  castle  of  Ley.  As  soon  as  released  he  was  to  do 
homage  to  the  Earl  and  bind  himself  and  his  heirs  to  serve  the  Earl 
and  his  heirs  for  ever,  saving  their  fealty  to  the  King  of  England. 
The  Earl  might  marry  one  of  his  daughters  to  Sir  John's  son,  or 
return  him  to  Sir  John  unmarried  before  the  new  year,  as  might 
please  him. 

Sir  John  was  to  surrender  to  the  Earl  all  his  lands  in  Connaught, 
Ulster,  and  the  county  of  Louth  after  valuation.  Lands  worth  ^120 
a  year  were  to  be  taken  by  the  Earl  as  amends,  and  for  the  rest 
the  Earl  was  to  give  Sir  John  lands  of  equal  value  in  Leinster  and 
Munster. 

It  does  not  appear  where  or  how  long  John  was  imprisoned.  As 
he  did  not  appoint  valuers  to  carry  out  the  agreement  for  surrender 
and  exchange  of  lands,  the  case  was  brought  before  the  Jvisticiar's 
Court  in  March  1299,  when  John  admitted  his  default. 

It  was  agreed  that  his  manors  of  Lough  Mask,  Dunmouhgherne 
(about  Kilmainebeg),  Kilcolgan,  Sligo,  Banada,  and  Fermanagh  should 
be  taken  as  the  £120  a  year  assigned  for  amends,  and  the  court 
appointed  two  ofiicers  on  behalf  of  each  side  to  supervise  the  valuation 
and  hand  over  the  other  lands,  with  power  to  appoint  valuers  if  either 
side  failed  to  appoint.     Thus  the  work  was  done. 

Still  Sir  John  made  default.  In  1301  he  complained  to  the  king 
that  the  valuers  unfairly  gave  the  Earl  all  John's  lands  and  gave  him 


THE    TIME    OF    EARL    RICHARD.  123 

none.  The  king  called  for  the  record,  but  no  further  proceedings 
appear.  Sir  John  certainly  lost  all  his  lands  in  those  countries,  and 
the  Earl  appears  to  have  given  up  all  his  in  Mnnster  except  Terry- 
glass  and  Lorrha,  the  only  possessions  of  Earl  William  in  that  province 
in  1333.  The  families  seem  to  have  been  reconciled  at  last  by  the 
marriage  of  the  Earl's  daughter  Joan  to  John's  son  Thomas  in  1312. 

The  Earl's  power  was  thus  very  much  enhanced  in  Connaught, 
Ulster,  and  Louth  by  the  removal  of  the  FitzGerald  inflvience,  which, 
associated  with  that  of  the  de  Clares,  had  been  very  great,  and  by  the 
acquisition  of  the  valuable  Connaught  estates  and  Fermanagh.  The 
acquisition  of  manors  in  Munster  did  not  enhance  Geraldine  power  in 
an  equal  degree. 

In  1300  the  Prendergasts  and  O'Flynns  quarrelled.  Conor  O'Flynn 
slew  John  Prendergast. 

The  Earl  and  Sir  William  de  Burgo  joined  the  king  in  the  Scottish 
war  in  1303.  For  his  good  service  in  Scotland  the  king  gave  Sir 
William  the  custody  of  the  Kerylochnarney  lands  of  Thomas  Fitz- 
Maurice  of  Desmond's  heir  until  he  should  come  of  age,  valued  at  50 
marks  yearly. 

In  1307  Sir  William  was  Keeper  of  Ireland  for  half  a  year,  during 
vacancy  of  the  office  of  Justiciary. 

In  1309  and  1310  he  had  to  intei^fere  in  the  O'Conor  quarrels,  and 
was  for  a  long  time  in  Moy  Ai,  originally  called  in  by  MacDermot  to 
support  the  claim  of  Felim  O'Conor  to  the  succession.  Though  his 
irresistible  force  drove  the  rival  away,  he  showed  no  anxiety  to 
inaugurate  Felim.  MacDermot  therefore  did  it  himself.  Sir  William 
is  said  to  have  levied  very  heavy  contributions ;  he  had  to  raise  the 
cost  of  the  army  himself.  The  Annals  tell  us  many  bare  facts,  but  it 
is  evident  that  there  were  many  complications  which  they  did  not 
understand,  or  ignored. 

Sir  William  played  a  considerable  part  in  the  wars  of  Thomond. 
When  Richard  de  Burgo  came  of  age  he  joined  in  supporting  the 
claim  of  Brian  Ruadh's  son  against  Torlogh  O'Brien.  Brian  Ruadh's 
daughter  Finola  was  Sir  William's  wife.  Later  on  Richard  took  up 
the  cause  of  Torlogh,  and  Sir  William  appears  in  command  of  the 
de  Burgo  forces  from  Connaught.  The  quarrel  now  was  in  reality 
between  de  Burgos  and  de  Clares,  who  desired  to  control  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  King  of  Thomond.  Thomas  de  Clare's  marriage  to 
Juliana  secured  him  the  Geraldine  interest,  and  afterwards  half  of 
the  estates  of  Maurice  FitzMaurice.  The  de  Clare  power  for  the 
time  was  shattered  when  Thomas  was  killed  in  1287  and  the  minority 
of  his  son  threw  all  his  estates  into  the  king's  hand.  At  the  same 
time  it  was  a  check  to  Geraldine  power,  and  may  have  led  to  John 
FitzThomas's  attempt  to  contiol  the  appointment  of  kings  of  Con- 


124       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

naught,  which  resulted  in  disaster  to  him.  After  Torlogh's  death 
Richard  de  CUxre  took  up  the  cause  of  the  descendants  of  Brian 
Ruadh.  Hence  Sir  William  came  into  Thomond  in  1.310  and  1311  to 
support  Torlogh's  son  Donough.  In  1311  he  defeated  Richard  de 
Clare  with  great  loss  near  Bunratty,  but  was  taken  prisoner  himself 
in  the  pursuit.  On  the  other  side  two  bi'others  of  Dermot,  who  was 
supported  by  the  de  Clare  party,  were  taken  prisoner.  Other  con- 
tests ensued  in  which  Sir  William's  Connaught  forces  took  part,  until 
the  cause  of  the  descendants  of  Brian  Ruadh  was  lost  in  the  battle  of 
Dysert  O'Dea  in  1318,  when  Richard  de  Clare  and  his  son  Thomas 
were  killed.  Richard's  heirs  were  his  two  sisters,  who  were  married 
to  two  Englishmen.  Thus  the  de  Burgo  power  was  assured  in 
Tliomond  as  in  Moy  Ai. 

In  1315  Edward  Bruce  landed  in  Ulster,  and  was  joined  by  many 
Irish  chiefs,  who  accepted  him  as  King  of  Erin.  The  Earl  of  Ulster 
collected  a  large  Connaught  force  at  Roscommon,  including  Felim 
O'Couor,  the  young  King  of  Connaught,  and  marched  by  Athlone  to 
meet  Edward  Bruce.  While  Edward  and  the  Earl  were  watching 
each  other  across  the  Bann,  Edward  opened  negotiations  with  Felim, 
and  oflFered  to  give  him  "  undivided  power  over  Connacht,  if  he  would 
steal  away  from  the  Earl  to  defend  his  own  province.  Fedhlim 
listened  patiently  to  these  words,  and  agreed  with  Edward  on  that 
occasion."  (L.C.)  But  Ruaidhri,  son  of  Cathal  Ruadh,  having  come 
to  Edward  through  Tirconnell,  agreed  with  him  to  make  war  on  the 
English  but  not  on  Felim.  "  This  was  not  what  Ruaidhri  did, 
however  ;  but  he  assembled  the  men  of  Connacht  and  Brefne,  and 
numerous  Gallowglasses  along  with  them,  and  proceeded  right  into  the 
middle  of  Sil-Muiredhaigh,  and  of  Connacht  likewise,  and  immediately 
burned  the  street-town  of  Sligech,  and  Ath-cliath-in-Chorainn,  and  the 
great  castle  of  Cill-Colmain,  and  Baile-tobair-Brighde,  and  Dun- 
lomdhain  with  its  castles,  and  Ros-Comain,  and  Rinn-duin,  and  the 
town  of  Ath-Luain,  together  with  all  the  houses  that  were  in  every 
route  through  which  he  passed."  (L.C.)  Of  the  Silmurray  only 
MacDermot,  Felim's  foster-father,  held  out  against  him.  He  got 
himself  inaugurated  on  Carnfree  and  awaited  Felim,  plundering  those 
who  did  not  submit.  Felim  had  really  refused  Edward's  offer.  He 
did  not  leave  the  Earl  until  he  heard  of  Ruaidhri's  proceedings,  and 
then  wanted  the  Earl  to  return  with  him.  On  his  way  to  Connaught 
he  was  so  harassed  by  the  Irish  of  the  countries  he  passed  through 
that  he  had  to  let  his  chiefs  go  home  and  submit  to  Ruaidhri  until 
better  times  should  come  for  him  and  MacDermot. 

In  the  meantime  Edward  Bruce  had  defeated  the  Earl  in  the  battle 
of  Connor,  taking  Sir  William  de  Burgo  prisoner.  The  Earl  retired 
to  Connaught,  where  Felim  and  other  chiefs  dispossessed  by  Ruaidhri 


THE    TIME    OF    EARL    RICHARD.  125 

met  him.  MacDermot  made  terms  with  lluaidhri.  Felim  attacked 
O'Dowda  and  Dermot  Gall  MacDermot  and  other  adherents  of 
Ruaidhri.  After  a  time  MacDermot  joined  him  again.  In  the 
course  of  this  war  Tir  Enna  and  Tir  Neachtain  and  Mviinter  Crechain 
and  Moenmoy  and  Aughrim  were  plundered,  as  well  as  most  of  the 
county  of  Sligo.  O'Donnell  came  as  far  as  Castleconnell.  The  Earl 
himself  was  engaged  in  resistance  to  Edward  Bruce,  but  Bermingham 
and  other  lords  collected  a  force  which  defeated  and  killed  Ruaidhri 
near  Tochar  mona  Coinnedha,  and  restored  Felim  as  king. 

Thus  by  English  power  Felim  was  again  king  of  the  Irish  of 
Connaught.  As  often  happened  before,  he  turned  upon  those  who 
had  made  him  king,  with  the  usual  results. 

The  Earl  ransomed  William  de  Burgo  in  the  summer  of  1316. 
Felim's  proceedings  at  this  time  are  thus  described  :  "  And  he  after- 
wards went  to  expel  the  Foreigners  of  the  west  of  Connacht ;  and 
Baile-Atha-lethain  was  burned  by  him,  and  Stephen  de  Exeter,  and 
Miles  Cogan,  and  William  Prendei-gjist,  and  John  Staunton  were 
slain  there  (viz.  these  were  noble  knights)  ;  and  William  Laighleis 
was  slain  there,  and  a  countless  multitude  along  with  them.^  And 
the  entire  country  was  plundered  and  burned  by  him,  from  the  castle 
of  the  Corran  to  Rodhba,  both  church  and  territory  ;  and  he  returned 
home  afterwards  with  gladness,  and  with  great  spoils.  And  they  went 
forthwith  to  Milic-na-Sinda  and  demolished  the  castle  of  Milic ;  and 
Muirchertach  O'Briain,  king  of  Tuadh-Mumha,  went  into  his  house 
there,  the  descendants  of  Brian  Ruadh  being  opposed  to  each  othei'. 
And  he  turned  back  to  Ros-Comain  to  demolish  it.  And  when  Felim 
heard  that  William  Burk  had  arrived  in  Connacht  from  Alba,  he 
commanded  a  muster  of  his  people  to  one  place,  to  expel  him.  And 
this  was  the  muster  that  came  there,  viz.  all  from  Es-Ruaidh  to 
Echtghe.  And  Donnchadh  O'Briain,  king  of  Tviadh-Mumha,  came  in 
his  following  and  muster;  and  O'Maelechlainn,  king  of  Midhe;  and 
O'Ruairc,  king  of  Breifne  ;  and  O'Fei'ghail,  king  of  Conmaicne  ;  and 
Tadhg  O'Cellaigh,  king  of  Ui-Maine ;  and  many  more  of  the  sons  of 
kings  and  chieftains  of  Erinn,  came  in  his  muster.  And  they  all 
went  to  Ath-na-righ,  against  William  Burk,  MacFeorais,  and  the 
other  Foreigners  of  Connacht,  and  a  battle  was  fought  between  them 
at  the  door  of  the  town,  and  the  Gaeidhel  were  defeated  there,  and 
Feidhlimidh  O'Conchobhair,  king  of  Connacht,  and  undisputed  heir 
presumptive  to  the  sovereignty  of  Erinn,  was  slain  there,  and  Tadhg 
O'Cellaigh,  king  of  Ui-Maine,  and  twenty  persons  entitled  to  the 
sovereignty  of  Ui-Maine,  fell  there  along  with  him ;  and  Maghnus, 
son  of  Domhnall  O'Conchobhair,  tanist  of  Connacht  ;  and  Art 
O'hEghra,  king  of  Luighne ;  and  Maelechlainn  Carrach  O'Dubhda ; 
^  Grace  adds,  "  some  of  the  Barries." 


12G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

and  Muiichertncli,  son  of  Conchobhar  O'Dubhda;  and  Diarmaid 
MacDiarmada,  who  was  fit  to  be  king  of  Magh-Luirg ;  and  Muircher- 
tach,  son  of  ])iarmaid,  son  of  Fergbal ;  and  Maelecblainn  Og  Mac- 
Magbnusix  ;  and  John,  son  of  Murcbadh  O'Madadbain  ;  and  Domhnall, 
son  of  Aedh  O'Concennainn,  king  of  Ui-Diarmada  ;  and  bis  brotber 
Muircbertacb  along  witb  him ;  and  JNIurcbadh  O'Madadbain ;  and 
Dombnall  O'Baigbill ;  and  Donncbadb  O'Maelmuaidb,  togetber  witb 
his  people ;  and  the  son  of  Murcbadh  MacMathgbamhna,  and  one 
hundred  of  bis  people  along  with  him;  and  Niall  Siunach,  king  of 
Feara-Tethbha,  witb  his  people ;  and  Fergbal,  son  of  John  Clallda 
O'Fergbail ;  and  William,  son  of  Aedh  Og  O'Ferghail ;  and  Thomas, 
son  of  Amblaibb  O'Ferghail  ;  and  five  of  the  Clann-Donnchaidb  were 
also  slain  there,  viz.  Tomaltach,  son  of  Gilla-Christ  MacDonnchaidh, 
and  Murcbadh  MacDonnchaidh,  and  Conchobhar,  son  of  Tadbg, 
and  Muircbertacb  and  Maelecblainn  MacDonnchaidh.  And  John 
MacAedbagain,  O'Conchobhaiv's  brehon,  and  Gilla-na-naemh,  son  of 
Dalredochair  O'Dobbailen,  the  standard  bearer,  and  Thomas  O'Con- 
allan,  were  slain  there  around  their  lord.  And  not  alone  this  ;  but 
it  is  not  easy  to  tell  all  that  were  then  slain  of  Momonians  and 
Meathians,  and  of  the  men  of  Erinn  likewise,  ut  dixit  the  poet : — 

"  '  Many  of  the  men  of  Erin  all,  around  the  great  plain — 

Many  sons  of  kings,  whom  I  name  not,  were  slain  in  the  great  defeat : 
Sorrowful  to  my  heart  is  the  conflict  of  the  host  of  Midhe  and  Mumha.' 

On  the  day  of  St.  Lawrence  the  Martyr  ^  these  deeds  were  com- 
mitted ;  and  Fedblimidh  was  twenty  -three  yetirs  old  when  slain ; 
and  be  bad  been  five  years  in  the  sovereignty  of  Connacht  when 
Rviaidbri,  son  of  Cathal  Rviadb,  assumed  it  in  opposition  to  him 
during  the  space  of  half  a  year ;  and  he  was  another  half-year  after 
Ruaidbri  in  the  sovereignty  until  be  was  slain  in  this  battle  of  Ath- 
na-righ.  Rviaidhri-na-fedb,  son  of  Donncbadb,  son  of  Eoghan,  son 
of  Ruaidbri  O'Conchbhair,  was  afterwards  made  king.  A  prodigious 
hosting  by  William  Burk  afterwards  into  Sil-Muiredhaigh,  and  O'Con- 
chobbair  and  all  Sil-Muiredhaigh  made  peace  with  him,  except  Mac 
Diarmada  alone.  He  afterwards  went  into  Magh-Lviirg,  and  brought 
great  preys  witb  him  from  Ath-an-chip  and  from  Uachtar-tire  ;  and 
the  entire  country  was  burned  and  destroyed  by  them ;  and  they  went 
away  without  battle  or  conditions.  Ruaidbri,  son  of  Donncbadb,  was 
subsequently  deposed  from  the  sovereignty  by  MacDiarmada,  after 
having  been  a  quarter  and  a  half  in  it."  (L.C). 

Clyn  notes  that  according  to  common  rumour  the  whole  number 
of  slain  was  v  .  .  .  thousands,  and  that  the  number  of  beads  cut  off 
was  150U.     The  MS.  erases  the  number  of  thousands  except  the  v. 

1   10th  August. 


THE    TIME    OF    EARL    RICHARD.  127 

The  number  slain  was  no  doubt  very  great.  It  is  said  that  the 
English  ai'chers  shot  down  all  before  them,  and  this  is  probably  the 
truth,  as  the  loss  seems  to  have  been  trifling  on  the  English  side, 
which  would  not  have  been  the  case  if  the  Irish  had  been  able  to 
come  to  close  quarters  with  the  English. 

It  was  the  last  effort  of  the  Irish  to  drive  the  English  out  of  Con- 
naught,  and  the  only  case  in  which  there  was  anything  like  a  general 
alliance  of  Irish  kings  and  chiefs  against  the  English.  It  was  the 
best  opportunity  they  ever  had.  The  Earl's  Connaught  forces  had 
already  suffered  a  serious  defeat  at  Connor.  Edward  Bruce  was 
defeating  the  English  of  the  other  provinces,  and  kept  them  em- 
ployed. Yet  so  great  was  the  effective  force  of  the  western  colonists 
(for  it  seems  to  have  been  a  purely  Connaught  force),  and  so  superior 
their  discipline  and  armament,  that  the  Irish  were  ground  to  powder 
and  could  make  no  more  effective  resistance. 

Richard  Bermingham  held  the  chief  command,  and  was  made 
Baron  of  Athenry  for  this  victory,  which  relieved  the  English  of 
anxiety  on  the  Connaught  side. 

The  lists  of  those  who  assembled  and  those  who  were  slain  are 
instructive.  The  names  of  O'Malley,  O'Flaherty,  O'Heyne,  and 
O'Shaughnessy  do  not  appear.  Families  of  such  high  reputation  among 
the  Irish  should  have  been  mentioned  if  they  had  been  present  or  if 
some  of  them  had  been  slain.  The  inference  is  that  if  they  were 
present  they  were  in  the  English  army.  These  families  had  been 
generally  on  the  side  of  the  de  Burgos  and  in  opposition  to  the 
O'Conors  during  the  period  of  conquest.  They  had  lived  for  many 
years  in  peace  under  the  shelter  of  the  de  Burgo  power,  some  sepa- 
rated by  a  wide  extent  of  territory  occupied  by  English  settlers  from 
those  districts  in  which  the  Irish  dwelt  in  then-  customary  condition 
of  strife  and  robbery.  It  was  not  their  interest  to  revive  those  condi- 
tions. Though  the  O'Maddens  and  some  of  the  O'Kellys  lived  in  the 
de  Burgo  lordship,  yet  they  were  in  immediate  contact  with,  and 
may  be  said  to  have  formed  part  of,  the  purely  Irish  districts,  in 
which  there  were  only  garrisons  and  small  towns.  The  battle  seems 
to  have  been  between  the  English  and  those  Irish  who  lived  under 
shelter  of  English  law  on  one  side,  and  the  Irish  who  lived  under 
their  own  ancient  customs  on  the  other. 

MacDermot's  refusal  to  make  peace  accounts  for  the  entries  in  the 
A.L.C.,  1317,  that  Meiler  de  Exeter,  Lord  of  Athlethan,  was  slain  near 
Drumcliff  by  O'Conors  of  Clan  Murtough,  and  that  Gilbert  Mac- 
Costello  killed  a  MacDermot,  an  O'Conor,  and  Manus  O'Flanagan, 
with  many  others. 

Save  on  Roscommon  border.  Mayo  now  had  peace  until  the  quarrels 
of  the  sons  of  Sir  William  broke  out. 


128       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Sir  William  de  lUirgo,  called  by  the  Irish  William  Liath  (Grey 
William),  died  on  the  11th  February  1323-4,  and  was  buried  in  the 
church  of  the  Dominican  Friary  of  Athenry. 

He  played  a  great  part  in  Ireland,  and  did  good  service  in  the  wars 
in  Scotland.  He  was  the  chief  lord  in  Connaught,  apparently  wield- 
ing the  Earl's  power  there,  as  the  Earl  was  much  occupied  elsewhere. 
I  cannot  make  out  his  exact  position,  but  suppose  him  to  have  had 
very  large  estates,  held  directly  from  the  chief  lord,  and  as  tenant  of 
absentee  barons  who  would  find  him  a  very  satisfactory  tenant,  well 
able  to  hold  his  own.  Whatever  the  exact  relations  were,  he  had 
land  enough  to  enable  him  to  take  a  very  high  position  among  the 
great  barons,  which  he  could  not  have  attained  only  as  his  cousin's 
agent,  and  to  leave  his  sons  in  such  a  position  that  they  were  able  to 
establish  a  supremacy  over  the  other  settlers  and  to  divide  the  settle- 
ment into  two  great  lordships.  His  eldest  son,  Walter,  took  his 
place  as  one  of  the  great  lords  of  Ireland. 

The  great  Earl  Richard,  the  Red  Earl,  did  not  long  survive.  He 
attended  the  Pailiament  held  at  Kilkenny  at  Whitsuntide  in  1326, 
"  where  he  was  somewhat  crazed,  and  also  came  there  all  the  nobility 
of  the  realm,  to  whom  the  said  Earl  made  a  great  feast,  and  shortly 
after  took  his  leave  of  them,  and  went  to  Athassell,  where  he  departed 
this  transitory  life  a  little  before  midsummer,  and  there  was  buried  " 
(Book  of  Howth). 

Clyn  calls  him  "  a  prudent  knight,  witty,  rich,  and  wise."  Cer- 
tainly he  was  a  man  having  abilities  suited  to  his  great  position,  not 
only  greater  than  that  of  any  other  lord  of  Ireland,  but  greater  than 
that  of  the  king's  justiciary.  In  a  few  years  after  he  came  of  age  he 
established  his  power  over  his  Irish  subjects  and  neighbours  and 
secured  peace  generally  for  all  his  English  subjects.  His  power 
strengthened  the  English  law  among  the  colonists  of  his  lands, 
because,  as  the  law  was  administered  locally  in  almost  all  matters, 
his  courts  were  effective.  In  his  dominions  he  exercised  the  effective 
authority  which  the  king  should  have  exercised  but  did  not  exercise 
over  all  Ireland.  The  weakness  of  the  country  was  due  to  the  king's 
neglect,  whereby  he  at  last  brought  the  colony  to  ruin.  For  it  was 
now  adopting  Irish  fashions  rapidly.  This  would  have  been  no  harm 
if  the  king's  authority  had  been  upheld,  and  order,  law,  and  justice 
made  effective  among  the  English  colonists.  That  it  was  gener- 
ally effective  up  to  this  period  is  evident  from  the  calendars  of 
State  Papers,  but  unfortunately  it  was  not  made  universally  effec- 
tive. Such  offences  of  great  men  as  John  FitzThomas's  arrest 
of  the  Earl  Richard,  Thomas  de  Clare's  wars,  the  raids  of  the 
O'Conors  and  their  murders  were  not  punished  by  the  king.  Yet 
it  is  evident  that  the  king  could  have  got  from  the  barons  of  Ireland 


THE    TIME    OF    EARL    RICHARD.  129 

generally  the  support  necessary  to  enable  him  to  strike  such  offenders 
hard. 

Under  Edward  II.  the  royal  power  grew  weaker  and  weaker, 
owing  to  mere  neglect,  and  was  abandoned  at  last  by  his  successor 
wherever  it  was  resisted.  At  no  time  since  the  Conquest  had  the 
Irish  been  so  thoroughly  beaten  down  as  at  the  death  of  Earl  Richard. 
Strong  royal  power  only  was  needed  to  keep  the  country  together, 
and  to  carry  on  the  progress  which  had  been  made  towards  civilisa- 
tion of  the  Irish.  For  some  certainly  were  adopting  the  civil  life  in 
the  lands  and  towns  of  the  settlers.  By  degrees  those  left  outside 
such  influences  would  have  come  under  them  when  tribal  wars  were 
stopped. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  EARL  RICHARD  TO  THE  FALL  OF 
THE  king's  government  IN  CONNAUGHT. 

Richard's  heir  was  his  grandson  William,  born  on  the  Svinday  after 
the  14th  September  1312,  son  of  Sir  John,  who  died  at  Galway  on  the 
18th  June  1313. 

Richard's  son  Edmond  and  Sir  William's  son  Walter  were  appointed 
Justices  of  the  Peace  or  Governors  in  the  counties  of  Connaught, 
Limerick,  and  Tipperary,  to  protect  the  estates  of  the  Earl  of  Ulster 
in  those  counties,  now  in  the  king's  hand  by  the  minority  of  the  heir. 
Edmond  appears  to  have  had  large  estates  in  Limerick  and  Tipperary, 
as  his  descendants  were  settled  there, 

William,  called  by  the  Irish  the  Brown  Earl,  was  knighted  at 
Pentecost  in  1328  and  put  in  possession  of  his  estates.  He  came 
over  to  Ireland  and  to  Connaught  in  September. 

Walter  de  Burgo,  now  a  knight,  took  the  place  of  his  father  in 
Connaught  as  the  leading  baron,  apparently  in  control  of  the  Earl's 
power,  but  certainly  wielding  great  power.  In  this  year,  1328, 
Walter  and  Gilbert  MacCostello  held  a  conference  with  MacDermot 
and  all  his  clan  at  Ath-cind-Locha-Techet,  where  high  words  passed 
and  blows  were  exchanged,  and  Walter  was  defeated.  This  seems  to 
have  been  in  connection  with  O'Conor  quarrels,  for  the  Annals  record 
that  in  the  same  year  Walter  plundered  some  of  King  Torlogh's 
friends.     The  disturbances  went  on  in  the  following  years. 

In  1329  Walter  de  Burgo  led  a  Connaught  army  into  Munster 
against  Maurice  FitzThomas,  who  took  up  the  cause  of  Brian 
O'Brien.  The  war  seems  to  have  ended  in  the  arrest  of  the  Earl  of 
Ulster  and  of  Maurice  by  the  justiciary,  Roger  Utlagh.  But  early 
in  the  following  year  Earl  William  was  high  in  the  king's  favour, 
and  was  made  the  king's  lieutenant  in  Ireland  in  March  1331. 

In  1330  Walter  moved  into  Silmurray,  when  "  A  camp  attack  was 

made  by  Toirdhelbhach  O'Conchobhair  on  Walter  MacWilliam  Burk, 

in  Lecmagh  ^  in  Magh-Luirg,  whom  he  drove  from  thence  to  Cairthi- 

liag-fada.-     And  Gilbert  MacGoisdelbh,   lord  of  Sliabh-Lugha,  came 

1  Now  Logvoy,  near  Carrick  on  Shannon,  in  Killukin.     (O'Donovan.) 

-  O'Donovan  suggests  it  is  Cnoc-a-Cartha  (Knockacorha)  townland  in  Killukin 

parish,  where  a  pillar  stone  (Cloghcrora)  stands,  S.  of  road  from  Frenchpark  to 

Camck,  due  E.  of  Cavetown,  and  close  to  road. 

130 


FROM  DEATH  OF  RICHARD  TO  FALL  OF  GOVERNMENT.   131 

with  a  large  force  to  the  assistance  of  MacWilliam  Bvu-k,  and 
Tomaltach  MacDonnchaidh  came  with  another  force  to  the  assistance 
of  MacWilliam ;  and  both  these  armies  turned  against  O'Concho- 
bhair  until  they  reached  Ath-Disert-Nuadan  ;  and  a  few  of  O'Con- 
chobhair's  people  were  slain  about  the  ford,  .  .  .  O'Conchobhair 
went  afterwards  actively,  proudly,  into  the  Tuatha  ;  and  MacWilliam 
fixed  his  camp  that  night  at  Cill-Lomad,  in  presence  of  O'Concho- 
bhair. The  armies  of  all  Connacht,  both  Foreigners  and  Gaeidhel,  were 
subsequently  mustered  by  MacWilliam,  with  the  object  of  seizing 
the  sovereignty  of  Connacht  for  himself.  A  prudent,  amicable  peace 
was  afterwards  made  by  MacDiarmada  and  O'Conchobhair.  .  .  . 
Toirdhelbhach  O'Conchobhair  was  slain  by  the  people  of  Walter 
MacWilliam  Burk,  whilst  coming  from  the  Earl's  house."     (L.C.) 

This  entry  is  the  only  ground  for  suspecting  Walter  of  an  attempt 
to  make  himself  King  of  Connaught,  that  is  of  the  part  of  Sil- 
murray  still  left  to  O'Conor.  It  is  not  likely  that  he  had  such  an 
intention.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  MacDermot  and  Torlogh 
made  peace  in  fear  of  some  action  disastrous  to  them  both,  and  that 
Torlogh  went  to  appeal  or  submit  to  the  Earl.  But  this  Torlogh 
was  not  the  king. 

In  1331  Walter  was  again  in  Moylurg,  apparently  in  these  pro- 
ceedings maintaining  Tomaltach  as  MacDermot,  and  plundered  and 
burnt  all  except  the  churches.  But  his  proceedings  were  not  approved 
by  the  Earl,  and  Walter  rebelled.  Of  this  affair  we  have  but  the 
annalist's  entry — "  The  victory  of  Berna-in-Mil  was  gained  over 
Tomaltach  MacDiarmada,  King  of  Magh-Luirg,  and  over  MacWilliam 
Burk,  by  the  Earl's  son  and  Tomaltach  MacDonnchaidh,  in  which  a 
great  number  of  MacWilliam  Burk's  people  were  slain"  (L.C).  The 
Earl's  son  was  probably  Edmond.  Two  of  Walter's  brothers,  Edmond 
and  Re3'mond,  were  taken  with  him.  The  capture  is  said  to  have  been 
on  5th  November,  perhaps  the  date  of  the  battle.  In  February  1332 
they  were  taken  to  iSTorthburgh  Castle,  where  Walter  was  starved  to 
death.  Clyn  says  they  were  taken  to  Knockfergus  Castle.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  they  were  taken  there  first ;  it  was  called  also  Xorthburgh 
Castle.  The  castle  in  Inishowen,  called  by  the  Irish  the  New  Castle 
of  Inishowen,  is  given  as  the  place  of  his  starvation  by  the  L.C. 
Annals,  and  it  also  was  by  the  English  called  Xorthburgh.  It  seems 
to  be  not  the  Green  Castle,  as  supposed  by  O'Donovan,  but  one  more 
to  the  south  near  the  head  of  Lough  Swilly. 

This  is  the  first  instance  of  a  de  Burgo  rising  against  a  de  Burgo. 
As  Earl  William  was  murdered  in  revenge  for  Walter,  and  as 
Edmond's  murder  was  a  further  consequence,  Walter's  rebellion  may 
be  taken  as  the  crisis  of  the  fate  of  the  English  settlement.  His 
action  was  a  rebellion  against  the  king  and  in  disobedience  of  his  own 


l.!2       THE    EATvT.V    iriSTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

chief  lord,  but  what  particuLir  point  was  made  a  charjj;c  against  him 
wo  know  not.  It  is  likely  that  his  action  against  King  Toilogh 
became  open  rebellion,  and  that  Sir  Edmond  de  Burgo  was  sent 
against  him  in  support  of  Torlogh,  who  was  acknowledged  by  the 
king  as  King  of  Connaught,  and  who  had  loyally  come  to  help  the 
Karl  with  Walter's  Connaught  army  in  the  war  against  Brian  Ban 
O'Brien  and  Maurice  FitzThomas.  However,  after  AValter's  death 
this  affair  was  closed  as  regards  the  king,  for  "  Peace  was  proclaimed 
at  Ilath-Seoher,  to  the  sons  of  William  Burk,  on  the  part  of  the 
King  of  the  Saxons,"  in  1333  (L.C).  In  the  same  year  "  Gill^ert 
MacGoisdelbh  was  slain  in  the  middlt;  of  his  own  house  by  Cathal 
MacDiarmada  (Jail  "  (L.C). 

The  murder  of  Earl  William  in  13.'5I3  is  variously  described.  As 
John  Clyn  was  nearly  a  contemj)orary,  and  must  have  met  those  who 
were  well  acquainted  with  the  fact,  his  concise  account  may  be  taken 
as  accurate : — 

"  On  the  Gth  July  William  de  Burgo,  Earl  of  Ulster  and  Lord  of 
Connaught,  is  treachercnisly  killed  by  his  esquires  (in  whom  he  con- 
fided) near  l\ nockfei-gus.  The  perpetrators  of  this  crime  were  John 
de  Logan,  Rol)ert  son  of  Richard  Mandevyle,  Robert  son  of  Martin 
Mandevyle,  who,  however,  got  but  short  and  momentary  comfort  from 
this;  for  joining  themselves  with  the  Irish  (who  are  always  used  to 
l)e  friendly  receivei's  and  defenders  of  the  persecutors  of  the  English 
and  loyal  people)  300  and  more  of  them  are  within  two  months  in 
one  ilay  killed  Vjy  John  de  Mandevyle  and  a  few  people  of  the 
country.  It  was  said  that  this  wickedness  was,  as  usual,  brought 
about  by  a  woman,  that  is  (Jyle  de  Burgo,  wife  of  Lord  Richard  de 
Mandevyle  ;  because  he  had  imprisoned  hei-  brother  Walter  de  Burgo 
and  otheis.  This  Earl  was  very  clever,  a  lover  of  the  state  and  of 
peace,  leaving  an  only  daughter  one  year  old." 

He  was  murdered  on  a  Sunday  on  his  way  to  Mass  at  the  lowest 
ford  in  the  Lagan  at  Belfast  (Dr.  Reeves). 

Clyn  seems  to  be  in  error  like  others  in  saying  he  left  only  one 
dauirhter.  The  Patent  Rolls  in  1338  mention  his  daughter  Isabella 
as  a  ward,  and  in  1340  mention  the  grant  of  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  and  heir  ^largarot.  I  infer  that  these  two  ladies  were  twins, 
l)()rn  after  the  date  of  the  inquisitions  taken  in  1333,  and  that  they 
died  young,  leaving  Elizabeth  as  sole  heiress.  In  1352  she  was 
married  to  Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence,  and  had  a  daughter  Philippa 
wlio  married  ivlniund  Mortimer,  Earl  of  March.  Her  son  Roger 
Mortimer  left  a  ilaughter  Anne  who  married  Richard  Plantagenet, 
Earl  of  Caml)ridge,  father  of  Richard,  Duke  of  York,  father  of 
Edward  IV.  Thus  the  Earldom  of  Ulster  and  the  Lordship  of 
Connaught  eanie  to  be  annexed  to  the  Crown. 


FROM  DEATH  OF  lUCIIARD  TO  FALL  OF  GOVERNMENT.      133 

The  custody  of  the  hite  E.arl's  Connaught  castles  and  hinds  was 
given  to  Queen  Philippa.  On  the  5th  September  1333  Sir  Edmond, 
Earl  Richard's  son,  got  a  grant  of  the  Connaught  possessions  during 
the  minority  at  a  rent  of  ,£200  yearly.  He  and  Maelseachlainn 
Mac  Aedha,  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  were  appointed  jointly  Justices  of 
the  Peace  for  Connaught.  This  Edmond  for  the  time  became  prac- 
tically chief  lord  of  Connaught,  and  not  having  great  possessions 
elsewhere,  was  able  to  attend  to  his  own  interests.  He  soon  met  with 
opposition.  The  events  are  recorded  in  a  very  confused  way,  but  it 
is  apparent  that  Edmond  Albanagh,  who  succeeded  to  the  position 
of  his  brother,  was  fighting  witli  Edmond  the  Earl's  son  and  with 
the  Clan-Ricard  Burk.  The  term  Clann  Ricaird  I  take  to  apply 
here  to  the  descendants  of  Richard  the  first  lord  of  Connaught's  son 
Walter,  who  had  estates  in  ( ialway.  It  cannot  be  said  for  certain, 
but  I  suspect  that  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh's  resistance  of  Sir  Edmond 
encouraged  the  Irish  chieftains  to  resist  Sir  Edmond  and  to  attack 
the  English. 

1335.  "John,  son  of  Art  O'hEghra,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Earl's  son ;  ^  and  the  principal  part  of  his  people  was  plundered  by 
him.  A  depredation  irax  roiniaiifM  by  the  sons  of  Domhnall  O'Con- 
chobhair"'^  on  the  descendants  of  Maurice  Sugach  ^  FitzGerald,  on 
which  occasion  the  son  of  MacMaurice  was  killed.  A  retaliatory 
depredation  was  afterwards  committed  by  the  Clann-Maurice  on  the 
same  sons  of  Domhnall.  The  West  of  Connacht  was  all  destroyed  by 
Edmond  Burk ;  a  great  many  persons  were  slain  and  innumerable 
depredations  and  burnings,  and  injuries  were  also  committed  by  him 
on  the  Earl's  son,  and  on  the  Clan-Rickard  Burk  in  the  same  year  ; 
but  they  afterwards  made  peace  with  one  another.  Great  snow  in 
the  spring,  which  desti'oyed  the  greater  number  of  the  small  birds  of 
all  Erinn."     (L.C.) 

This  war  appears  to  have  been  ostensibly  a  war  between  Sir 
Edmond  and  O'Conor.  The  close  Rolls  of  Edward  III.  show  that  in 
June  1335  a  friar  was  paid  for  going  twice  from  Dublin  to  treat  with 
O'Conor  of  Connaught,  and  in  October  another  was  paid  for  going  to 
treat  with  O'Conor  and  with  Edmond,  son  of  Ricliard,  late  Earl  of 
Ulster.  The  effective  force  which  made  O'Conor  dangerous  was  that 
of  the  English  who  were  under  Sir  Edmond  Albanagli.  From  sub- 
sequent dealings  it  is  safe  to  infer  that  the  king  did  not  wish  to 
recognise  the  fact  that  an  English  baron  was  in  rebellion. 

Though  matters  were  arranged  between  the  Edmonds,  there  was 
fighting  in  the  border  districts  and  in  Roscommon,  which  is  told  as 
follows  in  the  A. L.C.   under  the  year   1336.      The  sons   of  Dermot 

^  Sir  E'lraond.  ^  Of  race  of  Brian  Luignech  probably. 

3  Son  of  Gerald  Prendergast. 


134       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Gall,  who  held  Airtech,  and  Felim  O'Conor  raided  MacCostello. 
Maiduke,  son  of  Waltrin  MacCostello,  was  killed  in  following  them. 
Edmond  All)anagl>  plundered  the  O'Flanagan  country  and  killed  an 
O'Flanagan,  but  a  brother  of  Mac  in  Mhilidh  was  taken  prisoner. 
MacDermot  and  some  O'Conors  of  Moy  Ai  and  of  Carbury  made  a 
small  raid  into  Tireragh.  King  Torlogh  O'Conor  mustered  his  forces 
and  broke  down  Castlemore  when  MacCostello  was  absent. 

In  1337  King  Torlogh  formed  a  fortified  camp  at  Ath-Liag  against 
Edmond.  The  result  seems  to  be  told  in  the  following  entry.  O'Kelly 
was  a  consistent  ally  of  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh.  "  A  great  victory 
over  Toirdhelbhach  O'Conchobhair,  King  of  Connacht,  by  Clann- 
Cellaigh  ;  and  Toirdhelbhach  himself  was  wounded  there,  and  taken 
prisoner  ;  and  his  horse  and  clothes  were  left  there  by  him,  together 
with  a  great  slaughter  of  people  "  (L.C.). 

"Domhnall  Ruadh  O'Maille  and  Cormac  O'Maille  were  slain  by 
the  Clann-Mebhric,  and  by  other  Foreigners  along  with  them,  on 
the  night  of  St.  Stephen's  festival  "  (L.C.).  Cormac  was  Donnell's 
son. 

In  1338  occurred  the  event  which  showed  to  all  men  the  feebleness 
of  the  king's  government  and  led  to  open  disregard  of  his  authoi-ity, 
not  in  Connaught  and  Ulster  only  but  all  over  Ireland.  Hitherto 
it  might  be  thought  that  the  king  tolerated  the  private  wars  from 
unwillingness  to  put  forth  his  strength. 

The  murder  of  Sir  Edmond  was  a  criterion  of  his  jjower.  The  con- 
donation of  the  murder  was  an  act  which  could  not  be  attributed  to 
any  cause  but  the  true  one — inability  to  punish  it. 

This  very  important  act,  the  seizure  of  Sir  Edmond,  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  the  result  of  a  conspiracy,  but  a  sudden  act  brought 
about  by  the  opportunity,  without  very  clear  forecast  of  the  conse- 
quences. The  affair  is  obscure.  The  more  detailed  account  given  by 
Roderick  O'Flaherty  is  probably  correct,  and  agrees  in  substance  with 
the  short  note  of  the  Irish  chronicle : — 

"Edmond  Burk,  i.e.  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Edmond  Burk  ;  and  a  stone  was  tied  round  his  neck,  and 
he  was  afterwards  thrown  into  Loch-Mesca  ;  and  the  destruction  of  the 
Foreigners  of  Connacht,  and  of  his  own  family,  occurred  through  this. 
And  Toirdhelbhach  O'Conchobhair  assumed  the  sway  of  Connacht 
after  that,  and  Edmond  MacWilliam  Burk  was  expelled  out  of  Con- 
nacht ;  and  the  territories  and  churches  of  all  the  West  of  Connacht 
were  spoiled.  And  Edmond  Burk  collected  a  large  fleet  of  ships  and 
barks,  [and]  remained  on  the  islands  of  the  sea  for  a  long  time. 
Luighne  and  the  Corann  were  depopulated  and  wasted,  and  the 
sovereignty  was  assumed  by  their  own  hereditary  Gaeidhel,  after  the 
expvdsion  of  the  Foreigners  out  of  them."     (L.C.) 


FROM  DEATH  OF  RICHARD  TO  FALL  OF  GOVERNMENT.      135 

O'Flaherty's  account  is  as  follows  :  "  During  whose  nonage,  Edmond 
was  joyned  in  commission  with  Malachias,  Arch-Bishoppe  of  Tuam, 
for  the  government  of  Connaught ;  until  he  was  seized  upon  by  Sir 
William  Bourk,  afore-mentioned,  his  sons,  on  Low  Sunday,  the  19th 
Aprill,  in  the  Fryer's  house  of  Balinrobe ;  Roger  de  Flet,  Seneschall 
of  Connaught,  and  Nicholas  Lienot,  and  other  nobles  of  his  company, 
being  killed  on  the  place.  ,He  was  that  night  carried  to  Lough  Measg 
Castle,  the  next  night  to  Ballyndeonagh  Castle,  and  the  third  night 
to  that  island  on  Lough  Measg ;  whither  the  Arch-Bishope  of  Tuam 
came  to  bring  him  and  his  kinsmen  to  a  reconciliation  :  and  as  they 
were  on  points  of  agreements,  the  villains  who  had  the  custody  of  his 
body,  a  certain  family  of  the  Stantons,  dispairing  their  own  safety  if 
he  were  set  at  liberty,  miserably  turned  him  into  a  bag,  and 
cast  him  out  of  the  island  into  the  lake,  with  stones  tied  to  the 
bag ;  for  which  fact  they  were  called  Clan  Ulcin  ever  since.  Of 
this  Edmond  and  his  wife  Slany,  daughter  of  Tordellvac  O'Bryan, 
L.  of  Tuomond,  lineally  descended  the  lords  of  Castleconnell  and 
Bretas,  with  the  rest  of  the  county  of  Limerick  Burks."  ("  lar 
Connaught,"  p.   47.) 

If  he  was  so  drowned,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  it,  the  body 
seems  to  have  been  recovered  and  buried,  as  a  small  mound  under  a 
small  thorn  tree  is  pointed  out  as  the  Earl's  grave,  in  Earl's  Island 
near  Glentraigue.  That  remote  mountain  region  was  a  good  place  to 
take  him  away  from  chance  of  a  rescue  until  Edmond  Albanagh  could 
assemble  his  forces.  The  action  of  the  Stauntons  was  decisive,  and 
brought  all  parties  face  to  face  with  a  new  situation. 

All  Connaught  must  have  been  startled.  Sir  Edmond  was 
evidently  well  frightened  by  what  he  had  brought  on  himself,  and 
at  once  put  himself  out  of  reach  on  the  islands.  None  of  the  barons 
would  at  fii'st  be  very  ready  to  support  him  or  receive  him  even, 
not  knowing  how  the  king  would  take  it.  The  had  not  to  wait 
long.  The  fact  must  have  been  known  to  the  kmg  in  a  few  weeks. 
And  on  August  12,  1338,  the  king  made  a  "Grant  to  Edmund  de 
Burgh,  and  Reymund,  his  brother,  of  sufferance  for  two  years  in 
respect  of  their  adherence  to  certain  opponents  and  rebels  against 
the  king  in  Ireland  in  the  past,  inasmuch  as  laudable  testimony  is 
now  given  as  to  their  bearing  towards  him  and  his  people  there  for 
some  time."     (Cal.  Pat.  Rolls  Edw.  III.,  vol.  iv.) 

The  matter  was  finally  settled  by  the  following  on  the  14th  March 
1340:  "Pardon,  for  their  good  service  in  Ireland,  to  Edmund,  son 
of  William  de  Burgh,  knight,  and  Reymund  de  Burgh,  his  brother, 
of  the  king's  suit  against  them,  for  the  death  of  Edmund,  son  of 
Richard  de  Burgh,  late  Earl  of  Ulster,  and  Richard  de  Flete,  and 
for  all  other  felonies   and   trespasses  whatsoever,  and  of  any  conse- 


136       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

quent  outlawries;    his  suit  for  the  death   of  William,  late  Earl  of 
Ulster,  and  John  de  Scolton  excepted."     (Ibid.) 

Reymvmd  must  have  had  a  full  pardon  or  protection,  as  we  find 
an  order  dated  10th  April  1340  for  payment  of  .£100  to  Reymund, 
son  of  William  de  Burgh,  the  king's  yeoman,  charged  to  array  and 
make  ready  a  certain  number  of  men-at-arms  and  hobelers  for  the 
king's  service  in  France,  and  to  provide  ships  and  to  pay  them  from 
date  of  embarkation.  He  did  go  to  France,  and  sold  thirteen  horses 
to  the  king  for  £80  in  the  following  October.  It  is  probable  that 
he  and  Edmond  had  no  part  in  the  murder  of  Earl  William,  and  that 
the  charge  was  kept  against  them  in  case  of  evidence  turning  up. 

This  pai'don  for  an  undoubted  murder  must  be  taken  as  the  king's 
acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  Edmond  Albanagh,  of  his 
abandonment  of  the  government  of  Connaught. 

In  this  year,  1340,  the  castle  of  Roscommon  fell  into  the  hands 
of  King  Torlogh  O'Conor.  Traces  of  local  acknowledgment  of  royal 
authority  occur  a  little  later,  and  the  towns  of  Athenry  and 
Gal  way  kept  up  their  connection  with  the  king,  but  practically  all 
administration  ceased. 

According  to  the  A.L.C.,  Edmond  was  driven  to  Ulster  with 
his  fleet  in  1339.  That  he  was  driven  away  is  certainly  not  the 
case,  for  he  returned  and  immediately  appears  in  full  possession 
of  power  in  Mayo  and  Galway.  To  go  to  Ulster  by  sea  was  his 
safest  course,  as  he  could  not  be  sure  of  safety  from  arrest  if  he 
went  by  land,  without  a  very  large  escort,  as  the  charge  of  murder 
was  hanging  over  him.  We  do  not  know,  but  may  suppose,  that 
his  object  was  to  arrange  with  the  Ulster  Irish  chiefs  that  they 
also  should  ignore  the  king's  authority  and  secure  their  own  inde- 
pendence. At  this  time  O'Donnell  was  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Ulster  Irish.  O'Neill  had  been  reduced  by  neighbourhood  of  the 
Ulster  colony  and  by  the  formation  of  some  demesnes  in  the  country 
of  the  Cinel  Eoghain  ;  for  instance,  Inishowen  was  occupied  by  the 
New  Castle,  and  there  are  references  to  other  possessions  of  the 
earl  in  Cinel  Eoghain.  Edmond  succeeded,  if  that  was  his  object. 
This  much  is  certain,  that  the  Irish  of  Ulster  in  future  practically 
ignored  the  countess's  claims,  and  that  both  Iri.sh  and  English 
tenants  in  Connaught  followed  the  same  course  l:)y  degrees,  the 
claims  of  the  great  absentee  barons  within  the  countries  known 
as  the  MacWilliam  territories  being  similarly  ignored,  saving  the 
right  of  the  Earl  of  Ormond  to  North  Umall  and  to  Aughrim, 
which  was  acknowledged  in  the  sixteenth  century  and  continued 
into  the  nineteenth.  The  pardon  of  1340  I  take  to  be  a  result  and 
recognition  of  the  attitude  of  the  principal  English  barons. 

Thus  ended  the  first  period  of  English  government  in  Mayo. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE    DE    BURGO    FAMILY    IN    CONNAUGHT    AND    THEIR 
IRISH    NEIGHBOURS. 

As  the  history  of  the  county  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth 
century  turns  much  on  the  growth  of  the  Bourkes,  the  ramifications 
of  the  family  must  be  kept  in  mind. 

The  first  settler  in  Ireland  was  William  de  Burgo,  called  by  the 
Irish  William  Conquer,  who  was  a  brother  of  Hubert  de  Burgo, 
afterwards  the  great  Earl  of  Kent.  William  married  a  daughter 
of  Donnell  Mor  O'Brien,  King  of  Thomond.  Her  sisters  married 
Cathal  Crobderg  O'Conor  and  Donnell  Mor  O'Kelly,  King  of  Hy 
Many.  The  de  Burgos  were  generally  on  very  good  terms  with 
the  O'Briens  and  O'Kellys. 

William  left  three  sons,  Richard,  William,  and  Hubert,  who  was 
Abbot  of  Athassel  and  afterwards  Bishop  of  Limerick.  Richard 
became  Lord  of  Connaught,  excepting  the  King's  Five  Cantreds. 
William  was  Sheriff  of  Connaught.  He  had  estates  in  Munster, 
as  might  be  expected,  and  there  is  evidence  that  he  had  property 
near  Donamon,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  part  of  the  barony 
of  Ballymoe  which  was  not  included  in  the  ancient  territory  of 
Clanconway.  From  his  son  Richard's  son  Walter  came  MacWalter 
of  Tuath  MacWalter.  But  his  son  William's  son  David  acquired 
the  manor  of  Donamon  or  Clanconway  from  the  heirs  of  William 
de  Oddingeseles,  whereby  the  MacDavids  became  chiefs  of  their 
branch  in  Connaught. 

The  next  generation  gave  off  the  branch  which  became  the 
greatest  family  of  Connaught,  the  Clann  William  of  Mayo  and 
Galway,  descended  from  Richard's  third  son  William.  As  sons  of 
Walter  and  William  grew  up,  the  Irish  distinguished  them  by 
tribal  names.  Clanricard  seems  to  have  been  used  for  the  main 
line  until  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century,  when  the  term  was 
transferred  and  confined  to  the  descendants  of  Richard  Og,  the 
first  who  bore  the  title  of  Mac  William  of  Clanricard,  or  Upper 
MacWilliam.  Clann  William  Burk  became  the  tribe  name  of 
William  Og's  descendants  in  Connaught.  But  it  was  used  also  of 
the  descendants    of    Earl    Richard   and   of    William    the    Sheriff    in 


138       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Munster.     It  was  also   used   when   necessary  to   denote  all  the  de- 
scendants of  William  Conquer. 

In  the  beginning'  of  the  fourteenth  century  there  were  four  great 
groups  of  de  Burgos  : — 

1.  Earl  Richard  and  his  descendants. 

2.  Descendants  of  Sheriff  William,  called  Clanwilliam  in  Munster, 
and  afterwards  Clan  Sir  David  in  Connaught. 

3.  Those  of  Earl  Walter  in  (lalway,  called  Clanricard. 

4.  Those  of  William  Og,  called  Clan  William  in  Connaught.  Rann 
MacWilliam  was  the  term  applied  in  the  sixteenth  century  to  the 
Bourkes  of  the  Co.  Mayo. 

THE    IRISH    CHIEFS    BORDERING    ON   THE   ENGLISH. 

The  O'Conors  of  Sligo. 

Brian  Luighnech's  descendants  lived  in  quiet  subjection  under 
their  English  lords,  their  chief  dwelling  at  Castletown  under  Ben- 
bulben.  Thus  they  found  themselves  in  possession  of  the  barony 
of  Cai'bury  and  of  the  great  castle  of  Sligo,  which  had  been  held 
only  by  a  garrison  and  the  small  town  about  it.  Sir  Edmvmd's 
position  obliged  him  to  abandon  all  such  territories  as  were  not 
well  colonised.  Clann  Andrias  appears  suddenly  as  a  family  of  the 
first  rank  in  power  among  the  Irish  of  Connaught,  and  by  degrees 
acquired  a  supremacy  over  the  territories  which  were  for  that  reason 
included  in  the  county  of  Sligo.  Their  power  on  the  whole  tended 
to  increase  until,  in  the  sixteenth  centui-y,  O'Donnell  pressed  them 
hard  on  the  north  and  revived  the  ancient  claim  of  the  Cinel  Conaill 
to  Carbury. 

After  the  death  of  Donnell  in  1395,  their  chief  used  the  title 
MacDomhnaill  Mhic  Muircheartaigh,  until  in  1536  Tadhg  Og  assumed 
that  of  O'Conchobhair,  being  then  the  strongest  of  the  three  O'Conors 
of  Connaught. 

Donnell's  sons  were  ancestors  of  four  families  who  divided  Carbury 
into  four  hereditai'y  estates,  and  quarrelled  among  themselves  and 
with  the  descendants  of  Cathal  Og.  These  quarrels  brought  the  two 
Mac  Williams  and  other  lords  into  action  from  time  to  time. 

The  O'Dowdas, 

O'Dowda  was  living  quietly  in  Tireragh,  and  at  once  got  possession 
of  the  eastern  half.  In  1371  he  got  possession  of  Castleconor  and 
Ardnarea.  It  is  not  certain  that  he  retained  Castleconor  at  this 
time  ;  if  not  now,  he  certainly  acquired  it  later  on.     But  Ardnarea 


THE    DE    BUEGO    FAMILY    IN    CONNAUGHT.  139 

was  recovered  immediately,  and  remained  Bourke  property  until 
the  seventeenth  century.  O'Dowda  was  always  under  the  Sligo 
O' Conors. 

The  O'Haras. 
The  O'Haras  appear  at  once  in  possession  of  all  Leyny,  but  in  two 
independent  chiefries,  O'Hara  Boy  had  castles  at  Templehouse, 
Coolany,  Tullyhugh,  Annaghmore,  Meemlough,  the  north-eastern 
half ;  O'Hara  Reagh's  castles  were  at  Balliara  near  Tubbercurry, 
Belaclare  (now  Aclare),  Cashelcarragh,  and  the  Island  of  Lough  Talt. 
These  castles  came  into  existence  by  degrees.  The  ancient  FitzC4erald 
castle  of  Banada  is  said  to  have  been  converted  into  the  monastery. 

The  O'Garas. 
This  family  retained  Coolavin,  which  was  too   small  and  poor  to 
give  them  a  position  of  strength. 

The  MAcDoNOGrHS. 
The  MacDonoghs  descended  from  Donnchadh,  who  died  in  1232,  a 
son  of  Tomaltach  MacDermot,  King  of  Moylurg.  MacDonogh  appears 
as  MacDermot's  sub-chief  in  possession  of  Tirerrill  as  his  inheritance. 
Immediately  after  1338  another  MacDonogh  appears  as  Lord  of  Corran. 
I  suspect  that  this  MacDermot  got  into  possession  under  the  de  Burgos, 
as  fighting  for  Corran  is  not  recorded  in  the  Annals.  The  MacDonoghs 
seem  to  have  put  themselves  at  once  in  alliance  with  the  O'Conors  of 
Sligo,  a  natural  course  in  order  to  relieve  themselves  of  a  more  real 
subjection  to  their  tribal  lord  MacDermot.  Ballymote  Castle,  being  only 
a  garrison,  fell  naturally  into  MacDonogh's  hands.  The  MacDonogh 
lordship  was  one  for  a  long  time,  to  the  extent  that  one  was  con- 
sidered to  be  the  chief,  though  both  used  the  title. 

The  MacDermots. 
MacDermot  lost  Tirerrill  about  this  time,  but  gained  Airtech 
by  the  submission  of  MacDermot  Gall.  Another  branch  of  the 
family  was  established  in  course  of  time  in  Tirtuathail  with  the  title 
MacDermot  Roe,  but  it  was  not  powerful.  MacDermot  was  always 
the  most  powerful  of  the  Silmurray  chieftains.  He  took  up  the 
cause  of  O'Conor  Roe. 

The  O'Conors  and  the  Silmurray. 
The   partition   of    1236   drove   the   principal    O'Conors,   save   Clan 
Andrias,  Clan  Murtough  Mweenagh,  and  Clan  Manus,  into  the  King's 


140       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Cantreds,  where  they  were  further  penned  up  in  Moy  Ai  by  the  king's 
assumption  of  direct  management  of  those  of  Tirmany  and  Omany 
after  1249.  The  old  chiefs  of  tlie  Silmui-ray  and  of  the  Three  Tuaths 
lost  importance  as  the  royal  family  settled  among  and  over  them. 
O'Conor  now  got  the  sovereignty  of  Roscommon  County  north  of 
the  baronies  of  Athlone  and  Ballymoe.  Ballintubber  Castle  had  been 
let  decay,  and  fell  into  his  hands  at  once.  Roscommon  was  soon 
taken.  The  family  quarrels  weakened  the  O'Conors  steadily  until 
the  sovereign  title  was  extinguished  in  the  sixteenth  century. 


The  O'Kellys. 

The  O'Kellys,  who  seem  to  have  been  always  in  possession  of  all 
or  nearly  all  Tiaquin  barony,  now  appear  in  possession  of  those  of  Ath- 
lone, Killian,  Kilconnell,  Clonmacnowen,  and  Moycarne.  O'Murray, 
O'Fallon,  and  O'Concannou  were  among  them.  They  must  be  sup- 
posed to  have  come  into  possession  first  as  tenants  of  the  absentee 
English  lords,  for  these  territories  were  let  out  entirely  to  absentees 
by  the  king.  Sir  Richard  de  Exeter  formed  a  large  estate  about 
Athleague,  and  built  a  castle  there,  but  neither  he  nor  his  son  or 
grandson  lived  there  ;  they  were  ofiicials.  The  Butler  estate  was  held 
by  a  castle  at  Aughrim.  There  was  no  considerable  settlement  of 
English  nor  any  resident  English  lord.  The  O'Kellys  were  the  best 
tenants  that  could  be  found  in  the  circumstances.  All  the  important 
O'Kelly  families  who  inhabited  the  last  five  baronies  descended  from 
Donnell  Mor,  the  King  of  Hy  Many  who  died  in  1224. 

Thus  O'Kelly  found  himself  in  a  very  strong  position  in  1338.  He 
was  usually  in  close  alliance  with  the  Lower  Mac  William. 


The  O'Maddexs. 

O'Madden  had  been  a  faithful  adherent  of  the  de  Burgo  lord,  and 
had  been  a  great  tenant  under  him.  His  position  now  became  one 
of  independence,  but  following  the  tradition  of  his  family,  he  remained 
on  terms  of  close  friendship  with  the  Burkes,  which  secured  the 
Silanmchadha  against  the  revival  of  ancient  claims  of  sovereignty 
by  the  King  of  the  Hy  Many. 

O'Shaughnessy  and  O'Heyne  had  considerable  estates  in  the 
barony  of  Kiltartan,  which  originated  in  the  time  of  .the  FitzGerald 
lordship.  As  the  few  settlers  in  Ardrahan  and  other  places  dis- 
appeared, these  families  took  their  places.  But  they  had  no  in- 
dependence, and  were  included  in  Clanricard. 


THE    DE    BURGO    FAMILY    IN    C'ONNAUGHT.  141 


The  O'Flahertys. 

O'Flalierty  -seems  to  have  been  a  tenant  in  chief  of  de  Burgo. 
This  fact  and  the  wildness  of  his  country  gave  him  complete  in- 
dependence. The  rise  of  English  power  and  the  weakening  of  the 
Lower  Mac  William  in  the  sixteenth  century  gave  the  O'Flahertys 
more  importance  than  they  had  during  the  preceding  period. 

By  some  unexplained  transaction  in  the  third  quarter  of  the  cen- 
tury, the  barony  of  Ross  was  put  under  O'Flaherty.  It  was  probably 
that  by  which  he  acquired  the  castle  and  lands  of  Ross  as  an  eric 
from  the  Bourkes. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE    MACWILLTAMSHIP. 

Edward  II. 's  feeble  government  let  Ireland  get  out  of  hand,  and 
in  consequence  the  great  lords  were  fighting  among  themselves. 
The  young  Earl  of  Ulster  helped  the  justiciary  to  regain  control 
under  the  new  government.  The  general  disregard  of  the  king's 
authority  led  Sir  Walter  Bourke  to  treat  his  own  lord  with  like 
contempt,  with  disasti'ous  results  to  himself.  The  Earl's  treatment 
of  Sir  Walter  taught  his  other  subjects  the  difference  between  the 
King  and  the  Earl,  and  secvired  peace  in  his  dominions  until  his 
death. 

The  Earl's  death  was  followed  by  the  vesting  of  his  power  in  the 
king's  hands  by  right  of  wardship,  and  its  disappearance.  His  uncle, 
Sir  Edmond,  had  but  limited  power.  Factions  arose,  and  war  broke 
out  in  1335.  The  cause  of  quarrel  does  not  appear,  but  Clanricard 
sided  with  Sir  Edmond  against  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh.  We  may 
suspect,  rather  than  infer  from  known  facts,  that  Sir  Edmond 
Albanagh  and  Clanwilliam  resisted  the  lawful  rights  of  the  Crown. 
The  only  indication  is  the  fact  that  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh  destroyed 
West  Connaught.  Sir  Walter,  as  eldest  son  of  Sir  William,  should 
have  succeeded  to  the  bulk  of  his  estates  according  to  the  law  and 
custom  of  the  time.  Where  they  lay  is  not  clear,  but  Sir  Walter  is 
described  as  of  the  diocese  of  Annaghdown.  It  is  likely  that  the 
Earl  tried  Sir  Walter  in  his  court,  and  forfeited  his  estates  before 
starving  him  to  death.  Thus  the  war  is  likely  to  have  arisen  over 
the  possession  of  Sir  Walter's  estates  in  the  barony  of  Clare ;  or 
regarding  the  wardship  of  his  daughters,  if  they  were  under  age. 

The  murder  of  Sir  Edmond  forced  a  clearing  up  of  the  position. 
The  king  did  not  punish  it,  treating  it  as  matter  for  compromise,  and 
neglecting  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  Earl's  daughters,  his  wards. 
The  great  absentee  lords  of  estates  within  the  lordship  of  Connaught 
were  too  busy  fighting  with  each  other  to  spend  their  forces  in 
attempts  to  subdue  Connaught.  Thus  all  Ireland  realised  the  truth 
that  Clann  William  Burke  and  their  allies  and  the  Irish  chiefs  could 
hold  their  own. 

All  the  settlers  wei-e  not  on  Clann  William's  side.     Clann  Maurice 


ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE    MACWILLIAMSHIP.  143 

and  Olaun  Fheorais  and  Clann  Ricaii-d  opposed  them  at  first.  From 
1342  onwards  the  supremacy  of  Clann  William  was  acknowledged  in 
the  person  of  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh.  The  great  English  lords  who 
held  directly  from  the  lord  of  Connaught  divided  their  allegiance 
between  the  two  Mac  Williams,  and  in  course  of  time  paid  rent  and 
military  service  to  the  ]\Iac Williams  in  several  cases.  In  the  division 
the  Mayo  lords  went  with  MacWilliam  Eighter,  except  Prendergast ; 
the  de  Berminghams  and  all  the  Galway  lords  went  with  MacWilliam 
Oughter.  The  great  Irish  lords  like  O'Kelly,  O'Madden,  the  MacDer- 
mots,  MacDonoghs,  and  O'Conors  became  really  independent,  but 
O'Heyne,  O'Shaughnessy,  and  O'Malley  became  dependents  of  the 
Burkes. 

MacDavid  had  not  been  included  in  the  lordship  of  Connaught  in 
respect  of  Clanconway,  and  consequently  claimed  independence  in 
1576,  but  in  fact  did  pay  head  rent  to  the  Earl  of  Clanricai'd. 

The  garrisons  of  castles  in  Corran,  Leyny,  Tireragh,  and  Carbury 
seem  to  have  been  withdrawn,  save  that  the  Bourkes  for  a  long  time 
held  Ardnarea  and  Castleconor  and  the  lands  along  the  Moy.  The 
O'Haras  became  lords  of  Leyny,  O'Gara  lord  of  Coolavin  ;  MacDonogh 
took  possession  of  Corran,  if  he  was  not  already  in  possession  as  tenant; 
MacDermot  Gall  remained  in  Airteach,  and  O'Flynn  in  Sil-Maelruain. 
The  O'Conoi's  seized  the  rest  of  the  de  Burgo  possessions  in  Ros- 
common. 

The  O'Kellys  seem  to  have  been  always  in  possession  of  nearly 
all  the  barony  of  Tiaquin,  and  they  occupied  as  tenants  of  absentee 
English  owners  the  parts  of  the  cantreds  of  Tirmany  and  Omany  not 
occupied  by  O'Murrays  and  O'Fallons.  The  Annals  do  not  show 
grounds  for  supposing  that  the  castles  were  taken  by  force,  except 
Roscommon.  The  English  townsmen  and  fai-mers  had  to  abandon 
town  and  country  as  soon  as  the  conditions  necessary  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  civil  life  disappeared,  or  else  they  sank  into  the  mass 
of  Irish  population.  Aughrim  Castle  was  longer  in  English  occupa- 
tion, but  was  at  last  made  over  to  the  O'Kellys  by  the  Earl  of 
Ormond.  There  was  no  occasion  for  fighting,  as  the  absentees  did 
not  attempt  to  recover  possession. 

Histories  usually  tell  us  that  the  king  lost  Connaught  because 
Edmond  and  Ulick  rebelled,  renounced  English  law  and  dress  and 
adopted  Irish  customs  and  dress,  and  seized  the  estates  of  the 
Countess  of  Ulster,  which  they  divided.  This  seems  to  be  a  con- 
fusion with  the  action  of  Ulick  and  John,  sons  of  the  Earl  of  Clanri- 
card,  who  broke  their  pai'ole  in  1577.  The  records  show  no  sign  of 
rebellion  against  the  king.  The  king's  pardon  in  1340  shows  that 
Sir  Edmond  was  not  held  to  be  in  rebellion,  possibly  because  the  king 
found  it  inconvenient  to  call  him  a  rebel.     His  action  legally  affected 


144       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

the  lordship  of  Connaught,  not  the  sovereignty.  But  he  was  in  fact 
a  rebel  against  the  king  and  his  law.  He  and  his  descendants,  the 
MacWilliams,  were  always  ready  to  acknowledge  the  king's  supremacy, 
but  what  they  had  they  kept,  and  the  acceptance  of  their  submissions 
served  only  to  acknowledge  their  possessions. 

No  contemporary  authority  refers  to  a  formal  adoption  of  Irish 
customs  and  renunciation  of  English  law.  The  change  was  gradual 
and  of  necessity,  and  was  complete  in  Mayo  at  the  close  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  But  the  succession  to  the  MacWilliamship  of 
Clanricard  followed  the  law  of  primogeniture  until  the  beginning  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  court  of  the  king  and  the  court  of  the 
Lady  of  Connaught  could  not  work,  as  no  force  was  behind  them  after 
1340.     They  were  withdrawn. 

An  attitude  of  rebellion  is  inconsistent  with  the  pardon  of  1340, 
and  with  the  king's  letter  of  13-1:4  asking  Edmond  de  Burgo  to  bring 
twenty  men-at-arms  and  fifty  hobelers,  and  with  his  letter  of  1347 
asking  Edmond  and  his  brother  Reymond  to  bring  ten  men-at-arms 
and  sixty  hobelers  for  the  war  against  the  King  of  France. 

From  time  to  time  the  king  tried  to  assert  himself  in  Connaught. 
Ulick  of  Clanricard  rebelled  in  1388.  In  1390  the  Bishop  of  Clon- 
macnoise  and  T.  Hill  held  a  sessions  at  Ballinrobe  as  justices  in 
Connaught.  This  is  probably  the  circuit  referred  to  by  the  bishop, 
who  reported  to  the  Council  that  the  sheriff,  Lord  Athenry,  refused 
him  an  escort,  that  he  had  to  pay  £10  in  silver  to  O'Kelly's  son  for 
an  escort,  that  he  had  to  live  at  his  own  expense,  besides  the  refresh- 
ment that  Thomas  Bourke  gave  him,  for  more  than  half  a  year.  The 
Council  allowed  him  ten  marks.  Hence  it  seems  that  he  was  in  Con- 
naught only  upon  suffei'ance.  Thomas  was  made  Justice  of  the  Peace 
and  knighted  at  the  close  of  his  life. 

In  1403  "William,  or  Ulick,  of  Clanricard,  being  then  senior 
MacWilliam,  was  made  deputy  for  Connaught,  and  empowered  to 
receive  for  the  king  the  customs,  &c.  during  the  minority  of  Edmund, 
Earl  of  March.  Thus,  by  abstaining  from  treating  the  MacWilliams 
as  rebels,  the  king  kept  up  the  form  of  supremacy  until  the  lordship 
of  Connaught  merged  in  the  Crown  in  the  person  of  Edward  TV. 

It  is  clear  that  Edmond  and  Ulick  did  not  at  once  divide 
Connaught.  Edmond  and  Clan  William  beat  down  resistance  in 
1342.  Clanricard  rose  again  in  1349  in  support  of  Richard,  son 
of  Sir  Edmond  the  Earl's  son,  and  suffered  serious  defeat  by  Edmond 
Albanagh  and  Bermingham.  In  1355  the  English  of  West  Connaught 
defeated  Edmond,  and  Richard  Og  defeated  him.  In  1366  Clan  Ricard 
took  up  the  cause  of  Clan  Maurice,  who  were  driven  out  by  Edmond, 
who  brought  a  great  force  into  Upper  Connaught,  spent  three  months 
there,  and  thoroughly  subdued  Clan  Ricard,  who  gave  him  hostages. 


ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE    MACWILLIAMSHIP.         145 

Sir  EdmonJ  constantly  fought  for  and  maintained  supremacy  over 
the  English  settlers.  He  and  his  son  Thomas  are  alone  allowed  the 
title  "  Mac  William  "  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce.  In  the  Annals  of 
Clonmacnoise,  in  the  year  1380,  Thomas  and  Richard  Og  are  called 
MacWilliam  Inferior  and  Superior.  In  1386  the  Annals  of  Loch  Cu 
allow  to  Richard  Og  the  title  "  MacWilliam  of  Clanricard."  Two 
MacWilliams  were  created  on  the  death  of  Sir  Thomas  in  1401  ;  but 
Walter  admitted  the  superiority  of  Ulick  of  Clanricard  as  the  senior. 
In  1508  the  union  of  chui^ches  with  the  wardenship  of  Gal  way  was 
confirmed  by  Theobald  Bourke,  as  chief  of  his  nation,  being  then 
senior  of  the  two  MacWilliams. 

The  lordship  of  MacWilliam  seems  to  have  been  truly  one  as  long 
as  Edmond  Albanagh  lived,  and  to  have  been  ostensibly  one  up  to 
the  death  of  Thomas. 

Sir  Edmond's  claims  rose  as  his  position  became  stronger.  They 
seem  at  first  to  have  gone  no  higher  than  something  in  the  nature  of 
claim  to  succession,  and  to  have  grown  into  a  claim  of  superior  lord- 
ship over  the  English  of  Connaught,  which  he  made  good. 

The  Bourkes  and  the  other  great  barons  of  Connaught  were  still 
Anglo-Normans  by  education,  and  so  were  their  descendants  in  a 
lessening  degree  until  they  became  fully  hibernicised,  as  appears 
from  the  history  of  the  Bourkes  and  of  their  O'Conor,  O'Kelly, 
MacDermot,  and  O'Brien  neighboui-s.  The  former  kept  as  much  as 
they  could  to  themselves,  fighting  only  to  suppress  rebellion  or  to 
help  their  allies — that  is,  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Con- 
naught— and  abstained  from  raids  having  no  object  but  plunder,  and 
succeeded  each  other  in  the  lordship  peaceably  according  to  rule  of 
succession  ;  which  was,  among  the  Lower  Bourkes  from  the  fourteenth 
century,  that  the  eldest  surviving  son  of  a  MacWilliam  should  succeed, 
and  among  the  Upper  Bourkes  until  the  sixteenth  century  the  rule  of 
primogeniture. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  they  were  so  thoroughly 
hibernicised  that  they  fought  for  the  succession  like  their  neighbours. 

The  establishment  of  the  MacWilliamship  and  of  the  palatine  juris- 
dictions of  Ormond  and  Desmond  coincide  in  time  and  were  similar  in 
results,  namely,  the  disappearance  of  the  authority  of  the  king's  courts 
and  the  general  adoption  of  Irish  customs,  with  the  consequent  absence 
of  administration  of  law  and  steady  impoverishment  of  the  people. 
In  the  former  case  the  king's  courts  were  set  aside  by  force ;  in  the 
latter  he  covered  his  weakness  by  granting  his  jurisdiction  to  the 
great  lords.  He  gave  Ormond  and  Desmond  what  MacWilliam 
took. 


K 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

THE    FIRST    MAC\YILLIAMS. 

EdmoxXD  I.,  1340-1375. 

The  MacWilliamship  may  be  most  conveniently  dated  as  commencing 
with  this  year,  because  it  had  then  become  apparent  that  Sir  Edmond 
need  not  fear  that  the  royal  power  would  interfere  with  his  plans. 
All  the  Anglo-Norman  lords  in  Mayo  seem  to  have  accepted  his 
supremacy,  which  may  be  considered  as  a  continuation  of  the  power 
which  his  brother  and  his  father  had  wielded  under  the  authority 
of  the  chief  lord,  except  the  Clan  Maurice.  This  family  did  not  submit 
without  fighting,  and  carried  down  to  the  sixteenth  century  the  memory 
of  this  contest,  for  they  then  asserted  that  by  right  their  allegiance 
was  due  to  the  Earl  of  Clanricard. 

How  the  quarrel  broke  out  does  not  appear,  but  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  they  sided  against  Sir  Edmond  in  some  more  general  quarrel, 
such  as  that  of  the  O'Conors  in  the  following  year.  All  that  is 
known  is  in  the  following  notice  :  "A  great  defeat  was  inflicted  by 
MacWilliam  Burk  on  the  Clann-Maurice,  on  which  occasion  Thomas 
MacMaurice,  and  Maurice  son  of  Seonac  Ruadh,  and  seven  score 
persons  along  with  them,  were  slain  "  (L.C.,  1341). 

During  this  century  and  for  some  time  longer  Connaught  politics 
were  much  affected  by  the  rivalry  between  the  descendants  of  King 
Felim,  who  was  slain  at  the  battle  of  Athemy,  and  his  brother.  King 
Torlogh,  and  his  descendants,  who  from  this  time  forth  were  almost 
always  fighting  for  the  kingship,  which  they  divided  in  1385,  without 
securing  permanent  peace.  Four  strong  factions  of  O'Conors  were 
now  divided  into  two  parties — that  of  King  Torlogh,  ancestor  of 
O'Conor  Donn,  who  was  supported  by  the  Clann  Andrias  of  Sligo ; 
and  that  of  Aedh,  son  of  Felim  and  nephew  of  Torlogh,  ancestor  of 
O'Conor  Roe,  who  was  supported  by  the  Clann  Murtough  Mweenagh, 
which  was  now  settled  in  Brefne,  but  afterwards  quarrelled  with 
O'Rourk  and  disappeared  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

Torlogh's  party  was  supported  by  MacDonogh  and  INIacDavid,  and 
often  by  Clanricard. 

Aedh's    party    was    supported    by    MacDermot   and    by    Edmond 

146 


THE    FIRST    MACWILLIAMS.  147 

Albanagh  and  the  Lower  Mac  Williams,  and  generally  by  0' Kelly. 
Aedh's  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Walter  Burk. 

This  ai'ray  lasted  in  a  general  way  for  many  years,  and  was 
mainly  the  source  of  the  political  relations  of  the  great  powers  of 
Connaught.  Walter  Burk  began  the  quarrel  with  Torlogh  which 
Edmond  carried  on. 

The  war  broke  out  in  1342.  In  the  course  of  it  "  An  ugly  act  of 
treachery  was  committed  on  the  Clann-William-Burk  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  O'Conchobhair,  when  Thomas  Burk  was  slain  by  the  Clann- 
Maurice  while  in  their  own  assembly  ;  ^  and  Seonin  Burk  was  slain  in 
the  same  way  by  the  Clann-Rickard  "  (L.C.).  The  result  of  much 
fighting  in  the  O'Conor  country  was  that  Torlogh  was  deposed  by  the 
Silmurray  and  MacWilliam,  wdio  made  Aedh,  son  of  Aedh  Breifnech, 
king  on  the  first  Monday  of  winter,  and  made  Felim's  son  Aedh  the 
Tanist. 

This  result  was  reversed  in  1343.  Torlogh  returned,  resumed  the 
sovereignty,  and  passed  it  on  to  his  son  Aedh  at  his  death  in  1345. 

In  1348  Edmond  drove  out  the  de  Berminghams,  who  repaired  to 
O'Conor.  But  they  must  have  submitted,  as  they  helped  Sir  Edmond 
when  Richard,  son  of  Edmond,  son  of  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  invaded 
Connaught  in  the  south,  assisted  by  the  Clanricard.  Sir  Edmond 
took  Richard  prisoner  and  killed  some  of  his  Burke  allies.  Richard 
died  of  the  plague  in  the  same  year. 

In  1355  Richard  Og,  who  was  afterwards  the  first  called  MacWilliam 
of  Clanricard,  comes  into  action  in  a  quarrel  with  the  O'Maddens,  who 
were  helped  by  Sir  Edmond,  whose  household  was  defeated  in  a  battle 
in  which  Stephen  MacJordan,  Henry  MacPhilpin,  and  sixteen  O'Mad- 
dens were  slain.  Sir  Edmond  and  Cathal  Og  burnt  Tuam.  This  was 
but  a  temporary  alliance,  if  Cathal  Og  was  the  Sligo  O'Conor  who  in 
1360  invaded  Tirawley  and  destroyed  many  houses  and  churches. 
Cathal  Og's  raid  was  well  punished  in  the  following  year,  when  Sir 
Edmond  and  Bermingham  brought  up  an  arm)'  which  wasted  Leyny 
and  Tireragh. 

In  1366  Sir  Edmond  again  came  into  conflict  with  the  Clan  Maurice, 
who  fled  to  Clanricard,  where  their  cause  was  taken  up.  Edmond 
and  Aedh,  son  of  Felim,  who  was  now  King  of  Connaught,  and 
O'Kelly  invaded  Clanricard,  which  was  subdued  after  three  months 
of  warfare,  and  gave  hostages. 

In  1367  he  intervened  in  the  O'Conor  Sligo  quarrels.  Donnell  and 
Teige  were  the  rivals.  Donnell  had  the  help  of  MacWilliam  and 
MacDermot  and  MacDonogh  and  O'Rourk.  Edmond  operated  in 
Leyny,  where  he  captured  John  O'Hara  and  William  O'Malley.  Other 
forces  dealt  with  Teige,  whom  they  pursued  to  the  Strand  of  Ballysa- 
1  And  William  Burk  (A. CI.). 


148       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

dare,  where  they  killed  150  of  his  Gallowglasses  under  ]\[acDonnells 
and  MacSweenys  and  MacSheehys.  Donnell  and  Teige  now  divided 
the  country. 

After  the  decay  of  English  power  the  bands  of  Gallowglasses  be- 
came an  important  Irish  institution.  Tliey  originated  in  bodies  of 
mercenary  Scots  brought  in  by  the  MacDonnells  of  Antrim,  who  were 
hereditary  constables — the  name  given  by  the  Irish  to  commanders  of 
these  bands.  These  men  were  carefully  chosen,  well  drilled,  and  well 
armed,  and  being  under  strict  discipline,  fought  with  great  determina- 
tion, often  refusing  to  flinch,  and  being  killed  to  the  last  man. 

The  maintenance  of  such  a  body  very  much  increased  the  power  of 
an  Irish  chieftain  over  his  sub-chiefs  and  his  relations.  Owing  to  the 
difliculty  of  making  punctvial  payments,  lands  were  in  time  assigned 
as  pay  to  the  constables,  whose  forces  in  these  circumstances  soon  fell 
to  the  average  Iiish  standard  of  eiiiciency.  The  MacDonnells,*called 
Clandonnell  Gallowglass,  and  their  relations  the  MacDougalls  were 
the  great  Gallowglass  family  of  Ulster  and  Connaught  and  Leinster. 
MacSweenys  took  up  the  business  in  Ulster  and  Connav;ght,  and 
MacSheehys  in  Munster.  In  later  times  Clandonnells  were  engaged 
by  the  Lower  MacWilliam. 

In  1371  Donnell  O'Dubhda  attacked  the  English  of  Tireragh  and 
took  Castleconor  and  Ardnarea  Castle.  He  is  said  to  have  parcelled 
the  land  out  among  his  people,  but  this  is  an  exaggeration.  Ardnarea 
was  always  a  Bourke  castle. 

Sir  Edmond  died  in  1371.  He  was  a  man  of  unusual  ability  and 
determination,  who  acquired  supremacy  over  all  the  English  settlers 
of  Connaught  and  took  a  leading  part  in  the  quarrels  of  his  Irish 
neighbours  ;  he  was  too  strong  to  be  much  troubled  by  his  enemies, 
who  could  do  no  more  against  him  than  a  small  raid. 


Thomas  I.,  1375-1401. 

The  succession  of  Thomas  to  his  father,  Sir  Edmond,  marks  the 
declension  from  English  law.  His  elder  brother,  William  Saxonagli, 
left  a  son  whose  right  according  to  English  law  was  ignored  in  favour 
of  Thomas.  He  succeeded  only  partially  to  his  father's  position. 
Though  he  seems  to  have  been  acknowledged  as  the  one  MacWilliam, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  in  his  time  Richard  Og  became  an  independent 
MacWilliam  and  lord  of  the  parts  of  the  county  of  Galway  commonly 
called  Clanricard.  Thomas's  dominions  weie  the  county  of  Mayo  and 
the  barony  of  Ross,  and  some  land  about  Ardnarea  and  along  the  east 
bank  of  the  ^loy.  From  want  of  ability  to  control  his  people  and  the 
barons  who  held  under  him,  and  from  the  general  weakening  of  his 


THE    FIRST    MACWILLIAMS.  149 

country  caused  by  the  absence  of  that  fairly  good  administration  of 
law  which  had  made  his  grandfather  and  uncle  and  father  so  powerful, 
and  which  died  with  the  separation  from  the  king's  courts  and  autho- 
rity, and  by  the  wars  which  his  father  had  been  obliged  to  wage  in 
his  new  position,  he  failed  to  protect  his  country  efficiently  from  his 
enemies,  who  repeatedly  entered  and  destroyed  and  plundered  to  the 
heart  of  it.  Though  he  could  I'etaliate,  that  was  no  compensation  for 
the  loss  of  security  which,  during  this  and  the  following  century, 
reduced  the  lands  of  the  English  lords  to  the  level  of  those  of  their 
Irish  neighbours  in  poverty  and  disorder. 

The  lesser  lords  becoming  equally  independent  in  their  own  sphere, 
the  dissolution  of  authority  progressed  rapidly.  They  began  to  fight 
with  each  other  and  in  their  own  families.  The  absence  of  superior 
authority  rendered  this  inevitable  ;  there  was  no  other  way  of  settling 
a  dispvxte  when  one  of  the  parties  was  unwilling  to  refer  to  an 
arbitrator. 

In  one  important  point  the  Bourkes  and  the  English  lords  differed 
from  their  Irish  neighbours.  Those  neighbours  were  not  called  in  to 
help  against  members  of  their  own  family  in  family  quarrels.  For  a 
long  time  they  managed  to  settle  them  without  fighting. 

In  1377  Thomas  and  O'Kelly  joined  MacDermot  against  Ruaidhri 
O'Conor,  King  of  Connaught,  who  defeated  them  when  they  attacked 
him  at  Roscommon  Castle,  killing  Thomas's  brother  Richard  and 
Hubert  MacPhilpin  and  Henry  MacPhilpin. 

A  war  now  broke  out  between  the  Sligo  and  Mayo  chieftains,  which 
seems  to  have  originated  in  O'Conor  quarrels.  But  as  usual  we  have 
only  fragments  of  information,  notes  of  important  events.  Jordan  de 
Exeter,  lord  of  Athleathan,  and  John  de  Exeter  were  killed  in  a 
battle  at  Athleathan,  in  which  the  Lower  MacWilliam  defeated  the 
Upper  MacWilliam.  The  people  of  Gallen  killed  Mui'tough  O'Hara. 
This  was  in  1380. 

In  the  following  year  Donnell  O'Conor  of  Sligo,  MacDonogh, 
O'Dowda,  and  O'Hara  burnt  Mac  William's  country  up  to  Carnglas  and 
Belantondaigh,!  and  fi'om  Ballinrobe  to  Shrule  and  Killeenbrenin, 
and  Cormac  MacDonogh  carried  off  the  preys  of  John  Bourke's  sons 
up  to  Umhall.  Carnglas  must  be  on  the  Moy,  whose  estuary  was 
called  Inverglas.  The  Clan  Donogh  also  broke  down  the  castle  of 
Athleathan  and  carried  its  gate  away  to  Ballymote.  The  Clan 
Costello  killed  Teige  MacDermot  Gall. 

In  1382  Clan  Maurice  plundered  Corcamoe,  and  killed  O'Concannon 
who  pursued  their  prey.  Conor  Og  MacDermot  invaded  Clan  Maurice, 
who  had  notice  and  were  ready.  Nevertheless  MacDermot  reached 
the  town  (of  the  Bree?),  where  he  burnt  the  buildings  and  corn  and 

^  Not  identified. 


150       THE    EAlfLV    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTV    OF    MAYO. 

slew  many,  and  returned  safely.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Thomas 
Bourke  looked  on  quietly,  but  none  of  his  actions  are  recorded. 

At  the  death  of  Ruaidhri  O'Conor  in  1384,  Torlogh  Roe  was  set  up 
by  the  chiefs  of  Silmurruy,  Clan  Murtough  Mweenagh,  MacDermot, 
and  Mac  William  Burke.  Torlogh  Og  was  set  up  by  O'Kelly,  Donnell 
MacMurtough  of  Sligo,  MacDonogh,  and  MacWilliam  of  Clanricard. 
This  is  the  usual  array  of  parties,  except  that  O'Kelly  has  changed 
sides,  perhaps  because  his  second  wife  was  a  daughter  of  the  late 
King  Torlogh,  uncle  of  Torlogh  Og,  and  Torlogh  Og  was  himself 
married  to  Grainne,  O'Kelly's  daughter.  But  it  is  not  quite  certain 
that  this  king  is  the  Torlogh  Og  who  was  that  Grainne's  husband. 
Thus  a  general  war  broke  out.  It  is  impossible  to  make  out  the 
sequence  of  events,  but  all  Connaught  suffered  from  raids.  The 
attacking  party  made  preparations  as  quietly  as  possible.  If  successful 
they  got  off  with  their  plunder  before  the  enemy  assembled  in  force, 
or  cari'ied  off  the  plunder  in  spite  of  opposition.  When  they  got 
home  and  dispersed  a  similar  raid  was  made  on  them,  or  a  neighbour 
raided  their  country  during  their  absence.  Cattle  were  driven  back- 
wards and  forwards.  An  invader  in  sufficient  force  might  secure  sub- 
mission and  payment  of  cattle.     But  no  one  was  effectively  subdued. 

The  year  1385  was  disastrous  to  Mayo  men.  MacWilliam  invaded 
Tireragh  and  marched  up  to  Sligo  Castle.  Donnell  MacMurtough 
O'Conor  of  Sligo  invaded  and  burnt  Tii-awley  and  carried  off  prisoners 
and  plunder. 

Cormac  MacDonogh  wasted  Clann  Cuain,  but  MacWilliam  came 
against  him  and  turned  his  men  out  of  Castlebar.  The  MacDonoghs 
who  went  to  plunder  Carra  were  defeated,  and  lost  many  men  at  the 
hands  of  the  Stauntons  and  others  and  the  sons  of  Cathal  Og.  They 
diove  their  preys  as  far  as  the  mountain  of  Carra,  which  I  take  to  be 
Knockspellagadaun  or  Slieve  Carna,  where  they  killed  them,  and  were 
themselves  driven  into  Kilconduff  and  surrounded.  But  they  escaped 
in  the  night. 

The  result  of  the  fighting  was  that  the  Silmurray  were  divided 
under  two  O'Conors.  Torlogh  Roe  adopted  the  name  of  O'Conor  Roe. 
The  chief  castle  of  this  branch  was  at  Tulsk.  Ballintubber  Castle 
appears  to  have  been  in  after  times  held  by  whichever  O'Conor  was 
strongest.  Torlogh  Og  took  the  name  of  O'Conor  Donn.  Roscommon 
was  his  chief  castle,  but  in  this  partition  he  got  also  that  of  Ballin- 
tubber. O'Donovan  thought  that  "  Donn  "  was  the  old  Irish  word 
meaning  Lord,  and  that  it  wns  adopted  to  mark  his  claim  to  be  con- 
sidered as  the  head  of  the  chief  line  of  the  family.  The  peace  was  but 
temporary. 

In  1386  Donnell  MacMurtough  O'Conor,  the  MacDonoghs,  the 
O'Haras,  and    O'Dowda   invaded   Tirawley.     They   killed    Robert    of 


THE    FIRST    MACWILLTAMS.  151 

Dun  Domnainn  (or  MacRoberfc,  A.U.),  a  Barrett,  and  Maigeog  Gallda 
and  MacMeyler  of  Corran,  who  was  probably  a  Bourke  of  Curraun 
Achill.  They  took  Lynot's  Castle  and  cut  down  the  orchards  of 
Iniscoe  and  Caerthanan,  now  Castlehill.  O'Conor  Roe  and  his  men 
came  to  Mac  William's  help  and  plundered  all  Tireragh.  They  then 
went  to  plunder  Clanricard.  O'Brien  brought  an  army  to  help  Mac- 
William  of  Clanricard,  and  they  came  up  with  O'Conor  Roe,  who 
turned  on  them  and  defeated  them. 

The  result  of  the  war  was  that  the  two  O'Conors  made  peace,  and 
that  Thomas  Bourke,  Mac  William  Bourke,  submitted  to  Mac  William 
of  Clanricard  so  far  as  to  acknowledge  his  superiority  as  senior. 
MacFheorais,  Lord  Athenry,  also  acknowledged  his  supremacy. 
Thomas  had  been  losing  power  since  his  accession,  when  he  seems 
to  have  succeeded  to  Sir  Edmond's  position  so  far  as  to  be  acknow- 
ledged as  sole  Mac  William,  or  to  have  assumed  the  position.  Thomas 
now  resigned  this  pretension,  accepting  Richard  Og  as  a  Mac- 
William  and  as  head  of  all  the  Burkes,  in  virtue  of  the  fact  that 
Richard  had  been  acknowledged  as  a  MacWilliam  by  his  portion  of 
the  lordship  from  a  date  before  Thomas's  accession.  This  submission 
regulated  the  superiority  in  future.  The  superiority,  however,  seems 
to  have  been  only  formal  and  titular,  but  the  settlement  probably 
involved  the  abandonment  of  claims  to  anything  more  on  either  side. 

The  death  of  Richard  Og  in  1387  made  Thomas  the  senior  Mac- 
William. 

The  O'Conors  being  at  war  as  usual  in  1388,  MacWilliam  advanced 
to  Glendaduff  in  the  mountains  to  act  against  MacDonogh.  Teige 
O'Dowda  carried  off  plunder  from  Addergoole.  This  must  have  been 
the  Addergoole  in  the  Coolcarney  country,  and  the  affair  was  pro- 
bably only  a  petty  skirmish  and  seizure  of  a  few  cattle.  We  know 
no  more  of  Thomas's  operations.  For  a  few  years  the  peace  of  Mayo 
was  broken  only  by  petty  internal  disturbances. 

In  1393,  the  narrow  neck  which  joined  Dunros  in  Tirawlej-  with 
the  mainland  being  broken  away  by  the  sea,  the  men  were  brought 
off  by  means  of  ships'  cables.^  This  may  have  been  the  Ross  forming 
the  eastern  side  of  Rathfran  Bay. 

When  Richard  II.  came  to  Ireland  in  this  year,  Thomas  Bourke 
made  a  formal  submission  to  him  and  was  knighted. 

In  1394  John  de  Exeter's  sons  killed  Mac  Jordan  treacherously  in 
his  castle.  In  the  following  year  MacJordan  was  taken  prisoner  by 
his  own  clan,  and  was  put  in  the  hands  of  Sir  Thomas.  Donnell 
O'Conor  of  Sligo  came  to  Mac  William's  country  with  an  army,  and 
MacJordan  was  released,  and  peace  was  made.  From  the  meagre 
entry  made  by  the  Four  Masters,  we  may  infer  that  the  family 
1  MacFirbis,  quoted  by  O'Donovan  ;  F.M.,  1893. 


152       THE    EAJtLV    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

quarrel  among  the  de  Exeters  was  referred  to  Sir  Thomas,  and  that 
Donnell  thought  it  a  good  opportunity  to  attack  Sir  Thomas.  But  as 
O'Donnell  also  thought  it  a  suitable  time  to  invade  Sligo,  Donnell 
made  peace  Avith  Sir  Thomas. 

As  MacWilliam  had  taken  up  the  cause  of  Cathal  Og's  sons,  Donnell 
was  opposed  to  him  during  his  warlike  and  successful  life,  which  ended 
a  week  before  Christmas.  From  him  his  descendants,  the  O'Conor 
chieftains  of  Sligo,  took  the  name  of  MacDomhnaill  Mic  Muirchear- 
taigh,  used  until  1536,  when  the  name  of  O'Conor  was  used  instead. 

The  O'Conor  quarrels  kept  all  the  country  in  a  turmoil.  It  is 
impossible  to  make  out  the  course  of  events  certainly,  but  they  seem 
to  have  gone  as  follows  in  the  year  1396.  Robert  Barrett  was  a 
rebel,  but  it  does  not  appear  why.  The  sons  of  John  de  Exeter 
were  also  in  exile,  pi"obably  on  account  of  the  murder  of  the  late 
MacJordan. 

The  Clan  Donogh  and  Robert  Barrett  and  John  O'Hara's  sons  went 
to  plunder  INIacWilliam's  country,  and  were  joined  by  the  Clan  Maurice. 
MacWilliam  and  MacFheorais  came  up  with  them  at  Knockoconor, 
and  killed  two  of  John  O'Hara's  sons  and  Maghnus  Fionn  O'Conor. 
Richard  MacMaurice's  sons  were  plundered,  and  one  of  them  was 
taken. 

Having  dealt  with  this  raid  and  rising,  a  larger  effort  was  made. 
MacWilliam,  O'Kelly,  MacFheorais,  O'Conor  Roe,  O'Conor  Donn,  and 
Clanricard  marched  into  the  Sligo  country  against  Murtough  O'Conor 
and  in  behalf  of  Cathal  Og's  sons.  This  was  during  a  peace  between 
O'Conors  Donn  and  Roe.  The  first  four  went  through  Gallen  and 
plundered  around  Ardnarea.  Bishop  O'Hara  was  wounded  by  John 
de  Exeter's  son  in  an  unsuccessful  attack  made  by  MacWilliam  on 
John  O'Hara.     The  bishop  died  within  the  year. 

The  other  party  attacked  Ballymote,  where  they  lost  a  Clan  David 
Burke  and  others,  and  many  horses,  in  burning  the  place,  but  killed 
some  of  their  enemies. 

The  result  of  this  attack  in  great  force,  and  perhaps  also  of  the 
burning  of  >Sligo  by  O'Donnell,  was  that  Murtough  O'Conor  submitted 
to  O'Conor  Donn  and  gave  his  son  as  a  hostage,  and  that  O'CMnor 
Donn  built  a  fortress  at  Tobercurry.  The  object  of  the  exj^edition 
was  attained,  the  reduction  of  the  power  of  Murtough.  But  the 
ari-angement  was  not  permanent. 

O'Flaherty  has  recorded  a  curious  incident  under  this  year,  that 
William  Bourke,  a  great-grandson  of  Sir  Redmond,  attacked  Bishop 
Barrett  at  Anachdubhan,  and  killed  his  son  Richard,  and  burnt  the 
whole  town.  The  place  is  the  island  called  Annagh  in  the  east  of 
L.  Con,  which  had  been  a  seat  of  the  O'Dowda  kings.  A  Thomas 
Barrett  was  Bishop  of  Elphin  at  this  time.     If  we  read   "  Edmond  " 


THE    FIRST    MACWILLIAMS.  153 

for  "  Redmond,"  this  William  would  be  the  grandson  of  William 
Saxonagh  who  died  at  Iniscoe. 

Sir  Thomas  joined  with  O'Conor  Roe  in  the  battle  of  Kinnitty  in 
the  following  year,  when  the  O'Conor  Roe  forces  surprised  Mac- 
Donogh,  who  had  come  to  join  the  O'Conor  Donn  party.  MacDonogh 
and  his  Tanist  were  killed,  with  many  others.  Murtough  O'Conor 
was  much  weakened  by  this  affair. 

In  the  two  following  years  Sir  Thomas  again  attacked  Murtough, 
advancing  to  Sligo  and  Carbury  in  the  interests  of  Cathal  Og's  sons. 

Sir  Thomas  died  in  1401. 

The  county  of  Mayo  may  be  said  to  have  acquired  definite  shape 
in  Sir  Thomas's  reign  as  the  lordship  of  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh's 
descendants,  which  was  neither  increased  nor  diminished  until  the 
lordship  was  made  a  county  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. By  later  arrangements  the  barony  of  Ross  was  transferred  to 
O'Flaherty,  and  to  the  county  of  Galway,  and  the  Ardnarea  Bourke 
estate  was  thrown  into  the  county  of  Sligo. 

The  county  of  Sligo  also  took  shape  in  this  period  as  the  lordship 
of  the  Clan  Andrias  O'Conor,  whom  O'Dowdas,  O'Haras,  O'Garas,  and 
MacDonoghs  acknowledged  as  chief. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

TIIJ-:    MACWILLIAMS,    SONS    AND    GRANDSONS    OF    SIR    THOMAS 
BOURKE 1401    TO    1503. 

This  period  is  marked  by  a  greater  amount  of  internal  fighting 
among  the  English  of  Mayo,  and  by  a  repetition  of  quarrels  with 
Clanricard,  for  which  cause  does  not  appear.  It  is  convenient  first 
to  summarise  the  principal  actions  of  this  period. 

The  two  MacWilliams  went  into  Munster  to  help  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  against  the  Earl  of  Desmond.  Edmond  Bourke  attacked  the 
Western  O'Haras  in  1411,  and,  apparently  by  way  of  retaliation, 
Brian  O'Conor  made  a  raid  through  the  middle  of  Mayo.  Edmond 
was  fighting  with  MacFheorais  in  1417,  and  in  1419  Mac  William 
and  his  allies  invaded  Clanricard,  but  suffered  defeat.  Petty  internal 
quarrels  only  are  noted  until  Ulick  of  Clanricard  and  his  Sligo  allies 
came  into  Kilmaine  in  1430.  In  1443  Edmond,  then  MacWilliam, 
procured  the  submission  of  Ulick  of  Clanricard. 

In  1446  O'Donnell  comes  into  Roscommon  and  into  Kilmaine. 
Henceforth  he  interferes  often  and  with  great  effect  in  Roscommon, 
Mayo,  and  Galway. 

In  1449  the  sons  of  Walter  and  of  Edmond  were  defeated  when 
invading  Clanricard.  Richard  was  defeated  in  his  invasion  of 
Clanricard  in  1467,  but  O'Donnell  came  and  enforced  peace  in  his 
interest. 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  fighting  between  the  subordinate  lords, 
which  measures  the  decadence  of  the  country. 


Walter,   1401-1440. 

Walter  became  MacWilliam  Bourke  in  succession  to  his  father, 
and  acknowledged  the  superiority  of  Ulick,  ]\lacWilliam  of  Clanricard. 
In  the  following  year,  1402,  they  went  into  Munster  to  help  the  Earl 
of  Ormond  against  the  Earl  of  Desmond. 

Edmond  Bourke  attacked  the  sons  of  John  O'Hara,  the  western 
O'Haras,  in  1411,  probably  on  behalf  of  his  brother,  as  Brian  O'Conor 
led  a  force  through  Gallen,  Clann  Cuain,  Carra,  and  Kilmaine,  burn- 
ing Castlebarry,  and  Lehinch,  and  Lough  Mask.     The  Clan  Maurice 


THE    MACWILLTAMS 1401    TO    1503.  155 

were  with  him.  Though  the  Bourkes  assembled  their  adherents  and 
O'Flaherty,  he  is  said  to  have  got  away  safely,  and  to  have  sent  home 
the  Clan  Maurice  and  obtained  a  peace  without  fighting.  As  Brian's 
brother  Eogan  is  said  to  have  plundered  O'Conor  Roe,  this  raid  seems 
to  have  been  an  incident  in  a  much  wider  war. 

Richard  Barrett  went  to  plunder  Coolcarney,  and  was  driven  into 
the  Moy  by  the  people  of  the  country  and  was  drowned.  There 
seems  to  have  been  now,  and  even  earlier,  a  Barrett  family  ready  to 
take  arms  against  the  Bourkes.  These  incidents  may  have  been  the 
cause  of  the  Bourkes  eventually  oppressing  the  Barretts  to  some 
extent.  In  the  following  year  MacWattin  took  Henry  Barrett  pris- 
oner in  the  church  of  Errew. 

In  1417  Edmond  Bourke  plundered  and  captured  MacFheorais 
and  carried  him  off  to  Lough  Mask  Castle. 

In  1419  Mac  William  Bourke  joined  O'Kelly  and  his  Roscommon 
allies,  with  MacDavid  on  their  side  on  this  occasion,  in  an  expedition 
into  Clanricard.  They  had  two  bands  of  Gallowglasses,  one  under 
Torlogh  MacDonnell,  which  was  probably  in  Mac  William's  service,  and 
one  under  MacDowell,  which  was  probably  in  O'Conor's.  Mac  William 
secured  the  help  of  Teige  O'Brien,  and  had  the  Gallowglass  Donnell 
MacSweeny  with  him.  The  armies  met  in  battle  at  Ath  Lighen, 
somewhere  in  the  south  of  Clanricard.  Marlborough  dates  it  as  on 
the  28th  July.  Clanricard  won  a  great  victory.  MacDowell  and  his  two 
sons  and  all  their  Gallowglasses  were  slain.  Torlogh  MacDonnell 
survived,  but  all  his  men  were  slain.  O'Kelly  and  MacDavid,  called 
William  Garbh,  were  taken  prisoners.  The  result  was  peace  for  ten 
years  between  the  MacWilliams.  It  seems  to  have  been  made  in 
1420,  as  the  MacWilliams  released  prisoners  in  exchange.  Walter 
released  Cathal  O'Conor,  whom  he  held  as  a  pledge  for  the  castle  of 
Roscommon,  and  Ulick  released  O'Kelly.  O'Conor  Donn  was  released 
by  one  of  them,  probably  Walter,  as  O'Conor  Donn  was  a  friend  of  Ulick. 

In  1428  MacJordan  and  John  MacCostello  made  a  raid  into  Tirawley 
upon  Thomas  Barrett  and  the  sons  of  MacWattin.  John  Finn  MacC. 
and  Richard  Barrett  were  slain. 

In  1430  MacWilliam  of  Clanricard  and  his  allies  are  recorded  to 
have  triumphantly  invaded  Conmaicne  Cuile.  This  seems  to  have 
been  an  incident  in  the  O'Conor  Donn  and  Roe  wars. 

There  was  such  a  famine  in  1433  that  it  was  called  the  Summer  of 
Aberration,  "  for  nobody  recognised  a  dear  one,  or  friend  then,  for 
the  greatness  of  the  famine"  (A.U.).  In  the  following  year  a  great 
frost  set  in  five  weeks  before  Christmas  and  lasted  for  twelve  weeks. 
Horses  and  cattle  went  on  the  great  lakes,  and  there  was  a  great 
loss  of  birds. 

In    1435    "  MacWattin,   i.e.    Robert  Barrett,  lord   of    Tirawley,  a 


15G       THE    EAKLY    IllSTOMY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

charitable,  humane,  and  truly  hospitable  man,  who  protected  his  patri- 
monial teri'itory  in  despite  of  the  English  of  Connaught,  died  "  (F.M.). 
This  entry  points  to  the  quarrel  of  the  Bourkes  and  the  Barretts,  to 
which  is  attributed  the  settlement  of  Richard  O'Cuairsci's  descendants 
in  Ti  raw  ley. 

In  1439  O'Conor  Donu's  son  plundered  MacCostello  Roe. 

Walter  Bourke  died  of  the  plague  a  week  before  the  festival  of  the 
Holy  Cross  in  autumn.  To  him,  or  to  his  father,  is  asci'ibed  the 
foundation  of  the  small  Franciscan  friary  at  Annagh  on  the  shore  of 
Lough  Carra.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  brother. 

Edmond  II.  (na  Fesoige),   1440-1458. 

Edmond  seems  to  have  been  the  leading  spirit  and  the  most  war- 
like of  his  family,  as  his  name  has  been  already  specially  mentioned. 
In  1443  he  gathered  his  allies  to  attack  the  other  MacWilliam,  who, 
being  unable  to  raise  sufficient  forces,  submitted  without  fighting,  and 
accepted  from  Edmond  400  cows  and  a  horse  and  armour,  whereby 
he  made  a  real  submission  according  to  Gaelic  ideas.  This  was  an 
act  of  aggression  on  Edmond's  part,  as  Ulick  Ruadh  was  then  the 
senior  of  the  two  Mac  Williams.  But  there  may  have  been  unrecorded 
reasons  for  hostilities  between  the  two  great  factions. 

A  great  famine  in  the  spring  of  1447  was  followed  by  a  great 
outbreak  of  plague. 

In  1449  Walter  Bourke's  sons  made  a  raid  as  far  as  Claregalwa}', 
where  they  were  met  by  Ulick  Ruadh's  forces,  aided  by  O'Conor 
Donn's  son  and  his  forces,  and  suffered  a  serious  defeat.  Two  of 
Edmond's  sons  were  slain.  Edmond,  son  of  William  Bourke,  and 
Meyler,  son  of  MacSeonin,  and  Mej-ler's  own  son  were  taken 
prisoner.     They  lost  fifty-five  men  killed  and  taken. 

The  Barrett  and  Bourke  quarrel  went  on.  Walter,  son  of  Theobald, 
son  of  Edmond  Bourke,  was  killed  by  Thomas  Barrett  in  1453. 

Edmond  na  Fesoige  (of  the  Beard)  died  at  the  end  of  1458. 

In  his  time  Henry  Reagh  O'Kelly,  head  of  the  sept  called  the 
Clann  an  Airchinnigh,  settled  in  Carra.  It  was  probably  somewhat 
later  than  this  date  that  the  castle  of  Donamona  was  built.  Henry 
was  ninth  in  descent  from  King  IJonnell  Mor,  who  died  in  1224. 

The  clan  name  came  from  John,  sixth  in  descent,  who  was  Erenagh 
of  Tuam.  Henry's  nephew  William  is  said  to  have  made  the  Bothar 
na  Faine  (Road  of  the  Fane),  in  connection  with  the  Togher  Patrick 
in  Drum  parish.  This  name  survives  in  Burnafania  townland.  The 
term  "  Parson  of  Donamona,"  applied  in  the  composition  of  1585  to 
Shane  MacHubberte,  seems  to  be  a  translation  of  Airchinnech.  The 
family    spread    in    Carra   and    Tirawley  and    Burrishoole,   where   it 


THE    MACWILLIAMS — 1401    TO    1503.  157 

appears  under  the  name  MacEnerhiny,  and  other  renderings  of  Mac 
an  Airchinnigh,  in  the  English  records. 

The  cross  near  the  castle,  put  up  in  1633  by  David  O'Kelly  and 
his  wife  Gate  Bourke  in  memory  of  his  father,  Meyler,  who  died  in 
1627,  whereof  only  the  pedestal  remains,  must  be  one  of  the  last  of 
the  kind. 

Thomas  Og,  1458-1460. 

He  was  Edmond's  brother,  and  was  also  known  as  Thomas  of  Moyne. 
The  latter  description  is  probably  taken  from  the  castle  of  Moyne, 
which  may  well  have  been  built  by  him,  and  which  was  in  the 
hereditary  estate  in  Kilmaine  assigned  to  him  and  his  descendants. 
He  was  founder  of  the  Abbey  of  Moyne  in  Tirawley.  No  more  is 
known  about  him.  He  died  in  1460,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
brother. 

Richard  I.,  U60-U69. 

In  1461  a  quarrel  in  the  O'Conor  Roe  family  caused  Mac  William 
to  lead  his  army  into  Silmurray,  where  the  matter  seems  to  have 
been  arranged  without  fighting.  But  there  was  unrecorded  fighting 
about  this  time  in  the  Co.  Sligo.  We  are  told  by  MacFirbis  that 
Richard's  son  William  marched  against  the  castle  of  Muilenn  Adam, 
which  may  have  been  near  Knockmullen,  in  revenge  for  the  loss  of 
his  eye,  which  the  sons  of  O'lSTeill  had  put  out  at  that  castle  some 
time  before.  The  sons  of  O'lSTeill  and  some  MacDonogh  forces  pursued 
him  to  Ballymote,  where  he  turned  on  them  and  killed  fifteen,  among 
them  O'Neill's  sons  and  Manus  MacDonogh.  The  petty  fighting  all 
over  the  country  was  incessant  about  this  time. 

Mac  William  Bourke  attended  upon  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  the  new 
Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland. 

In  1466  he  marched  into  Roscommon  and  burnt  Ballintubber  in 
support  of  Felim  Finn  in  a  quarrel  in  the  O'Conor  Roe  family.  The 
great  Connaught  parties  seem  to  have  taken  sides  as  usual.  The 
invasion  of  Clanricard  in  1467  may  be  taken  as  part  of  the  same 
dispute. 

Richard  and  O'Kelly  suddenly  invaded  Clanricard  and  plundered 
about  Loughreagh  and  Tuluban.  As  they  heard  that  the  forces  of 
the  country  had  been  assembled,  they  began  their  retreat ;  but  Ulick 
Ruadh  and  some  O'Brien  allies  came  vip  with  them  at  Crosmacron,  in 
the  west  of  Grange  parish,  and  gave  them  a  serious  defeat.  Mac- 
William  Bourke"s  son,  William  Gaech,  and  two  sons  of  O'Kelly  were 
slain.  The  constable  of  MacWilliam's  Gallowglasses,  Aedh  Buidhe, 
son  of  Torlogh,    son   of   Marcus   MacDonnell,  and   his   two  sons  and 


158       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

three  brothers,  and  eleven  nobles  of  his  party,  and  160  Gallowglasses 
were  also  slain.  In  consequence  of  this  grave  defeat,  O'Donnell 
came  down  into  Connaught  on  MacWilliam's  behalf  and  forced 
Clanricard  to  make  peace.  At  this  time  O'iJonnell,  Aedh  Roe,  was 
an  ally  of  MacWilliam,  This  was  some  return  for  help  given  in 
1464,  when  Richard  liourke,  probably  O'Cuairsci,  had  taken  seven 
ships  to  Tirconnell  to  help  O'Donnell. 

In  1468  there  was  some  fighting  in  the  neighbourhood  as  usual, 
and  Richard  led  an  army  into  Roscommon  to  support  his  ally,  and 
probably  vassal,  Felim  Finn.  But  age  and  illness  seem  to  have 
disabled  him.  He  resigned  the  lordship  in  1469,  and  retired  into 
the  monastery  of  Burrishoole  which  he  had  founded. 

The  Graxdsoxs  of  Sir  Thomas,  1469-1503. 

This  period  is  of  much  the  same  character  as  the  preceding. 
Incessant  petty  wars  of  minor  chieftains  among  themselves  and 
family  quarrels  continued.  MacWilliam  Eighter  was  sometimes  in 
alliance  with  and  sometimes  fighting  against  O'Donnell,  who  on  the 
whole  gained  power  in  Sligo.  The  MacWilliams  were  generally  at 
peace  wdth  each  other.  At  the  close  of  the  century  Gerald,  the  great 
Earl  of  Kildare,  as  Lord  Deputy  began  to  interfere  in  Roscommon 
and  Galway. 

Richard  II.,   1469-1479. 

Richard  I,  was  succeeded  by  the  son  of  his  brother  Edmond.  This 
Richard  is  known  as  Ricard  O'Cuairsci  (Richard  of  the  Bent  or  Round 
Shield).  MacFirbis,  in  his  great  "  Book  of  Genealogies,"  gives  him 
also  the  description  "of  the  Ruag  Thimchell,"  and  asserts  that  he  con- 
quered the  Barretts  and  took  from  them  Iniscoe,  Ballycastle,  Ard- 
narea,  and  various  places  in  Tirawley.  He  also  attributes  to  Richard 
the  carrying  off  of  the  Lord  of  Howth,  whom  he  released  on  con- 
dition that  the  door  of  Howth  Castle  be  kept  open  at  dinner-time. 
He  must  have  been  an  able  man,  for  he  kept  his  hereditary  lordship 
free  from  invasion,  and  made  head  against  O'Donnell  in  Sligo  to 
some  extent. 

He  signalised  the  year  of  his  accession  by  an  invasion  of  Clanricard, 
in  company  with  O'Donnell,  by  way  of  revenge  for  Crosmacron. 
They  advanced  to  the  south  of  Claregalway,  and  spent  some  days  in 
plundering  and  wasting  the  country.  In  the  meanwhile  Ulick 
Ruadh,  MacWilliam  Oughter,  collected  his  forces,  and  in  company 
with  his  allies,  the  sons  of  O'Brien,  came  up  with  the  northern 
armies  as  they  were  retiring.  The  cavalry  of  Ulick  and  of  the 
O'Briens    attacked    their    rear   at    Ballinduff.       O'Donnell's    cavalry 


THE  MACWILLIAMS 1401  TO  1503.       159 

defeated  them.  The  southei'n  forces  were  rallied  and  continued  the 
pursuit.  The  noithein  army  turned  and  gave  battle  at  the  river 
Clanog,  and  wholly  defeated  the  southerners,  who  ceased  to  pursue. 
The  battle  was  probably  fought  near  Cloghanower, 

This  year  is  marked  by  the  first  record  of  quarrelling  among  the 
Bourkes  themselves,  in  the  Annals  of  Ulster :  "  Ricard,  son  of 
Thomas  de  Burgh,  was  slain  by  the  sons  of  John  de  Burgh."  It  is 
most  likely  that  he  was  a  son  of  Thomas  of  Moyne,  and  that  his 
slayers  were  the  sons  of  John  of  Muinter  Crechain. 

The  alliance  with  O'Donnell  was  soon  broken.  In  1470  O'Donnell 
made  the  sons  of  Owen  O' Conor  of  Sligo  submit  to  him,  and  in  the 
following  year  came  to  make  the  chieftains  of  Sligo  submit  to  his 
nominee,  Donnell,  son  of  Owen,  and  operated  in  Carbury  and  against 
the  MacDonoghs.  MacWilliam  Bourke  came  to  assist  Rory,  son  of 
Brian  O'Conor.  Donnell  went  into  Sligo  Castle.  MacWilliam  laid 
siege  and  broke  down  the  gate-tower,  whereupon  they  made  peace. 
It  seems  that  MacWilliam  came  up  after  O'Donnell  had  gone  home. 

In  1472  Richard  went  to  assist  Teige  Caoch  O'Kelly.  When  the 
latter  had  secured  hostages  from  the  country  west  of  the  Suck, 
Richard  suffered  a  defeat  which  is  described  obscurely  by  the  Four 
Masters.  They  seem  to  mean  that  a  son  of  MacWalter  Burke,  the 
sons  of  MacMaurice,  the  sons  of  MacJordan,  and  a  son  of  MacEvilly 
and  others,  twenty-six  in  all,  went  off  privately  by  themselves  and 
were  surrounded  by  the  hostile  O'Kellys,  who  captured  or  killed  all 
but  MacJordan,  who  fought  his  way  out  though  wounded. 

In  1476  the  Sligo  quarrel  was  taken  up  again.  O'Donnell  and 
MacDonogh  came  to  Cuilcnamha,  the  extreme  eastern  part  of 
Tireragh.  MacWilliam  and  MasDermot  came  to  Coillte  Luighne, 
cutting  O'Donnell  off  from  his  own  country.  O'Donnell  lost  some 
men  and  horses  in  crossing  the  Strand  into  Carbury,  whither 
MacWilliam  followed  him.  The  armies  faced  each  other  for  a 
while,  and  then  peace  was  made  by  cession  of  O'Dowda's  country, 
Leyny,  and  half  of  Carbury  to  MacWilliam,  and  the  rest  to 
O'Donnell.     This  was,  of  course,  but  a  temporary  arrangement. 

In  1478  MacWilliam  interfered  in  a  dispute  between  MacDermot 
and  his  Tanist,  and  went  on  to  Sligo,  where  he  is  said  to  have  left 
his  son  in  charge  of  the  castle. 

Richard  O'Cuairsci  was  killed  by  a  fall  in  1579.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  cousin  Theobald,  son  of  Walter  Bourke. 

Theobald  I.,  1479-1503. 

The  following  year  was  marked  by  a  family  quarrel  of  the 
Bourkes.     The  sons  of  Richard  Bourke  defeated   Edmond  Bourke's 


1()0       THE    EARLY    ITTSTORY    OK    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

sons,  A  MacDowell  ami  J)avid  Mac  in  Oircliinnigb  ai-e  said  to  have 
been  killed.  The  latter  was  pi'obably  an  U'Kelly  of  Donamona,  and 
the  quarrel  was  most  likely  between  the  sons  of  Richard  I.  and  of 
Edmond  II, 

In  1485  there  was  quarrelling  over  O'Conor  affairs  in  Roscommon. 
It  is  not  clear  how  Theobald  intervened,  but  a  quarrel  broke  out, 
and  O'Donnell  and  Ulick  Finn,  the  new  MacWilliam  Oughter,  were 
engaged  in  it,  and  O'Donnell  carried  Felim  Finn  U'Conor  off  to 
Tirconnell  as  a  hostage.  This  interference  may  have  been  the  cause 
of  the  war.  O'l^onnell  invaded  Tirawley.  Theobald  gave  battle,  and 
seems  to  have  been  defeated,  as  it  is  recorded  that  100  of  his 
men  were  slain,  and  John  MacJordan  and  Ulick,  son  of  Richard 
I.,  and  many  others  were  taken  prisoner.  According  to  the  Annals 
of  Ulster,  it  was  fought  at  Ardnarea, 

The  Bouike  and  Barrett  quarrel  was  kept  up.  Richard's  son 
Edmond  was  treacherously  taken  prisoner  by  the  Barretts,  but 
was  rescued,  in  1487.  This  was  but  an  incident  in  the  general 
disorder  of  the  time.  O'Donnell  ravaged  Moylurg  twice.  O'Conor 
Donn  and  MacWilliam  Oughter  ravaged  O'Conor  Roe's  country. 
The  O'Kellys  fought  among  themselves.  The  O'Conors  of  Sligo 
attacked  the  MacJordans,  Theobald's  allies  and  dependants  were 
all  at  war,  but  save  for  the  attack  on  the  MacJordans,  it  does  not 
appear  that  his  territories  suffered,  nor  does  it  appear  what  he 
was  doing.  It  may  be  inferred  that  he  was  successful  on  the 
whole,  because  O'Donnell  made  peace  with  him  in  the  following 
year,  and  his  ally,  Felim  Finn,  was  made  O'Conor  Roe  and  chief 
of  all  the  O'Conors  of  Roscommon,  in  succession  to  Donough,  by 
O'Donnell  and  MacWilliam  and  MacDermot  in  due  form. 

The  plague  was  very  bad  in  1489,  and  a  famine  followed  in  1493. 

In  1494  Richard  O'Cuairsci's  son  William  was  killed  while  helping 
O'Donnell,  now  an  ally,  to  besiege  Sligo  Castle  in  the  interest  of 
Rory  O'Conor,  who  had  become  chief  when  his  sons  killed  Donnell 
in  a  night  attack  on  Bunfinne  Castle  on  14th  March. 

In  1497  Richard  O'Cuairsci's  son  Walter  went  with  ships  to 
Ulster  to  help  Conn  O'Donnell,  in  whose  favour  his  father  Aedh 
Ruadh  had  resigned  the  chieftainship,  against  his  brother  Aedh. 
Aedh  met  the  fleet,  and  "took  the  greater  part  of  their  arms  and 
their  apparel  and  their  stores  from  them  "  (A.U.),  But  Aedh  was 
himself  immediately  afterwards  taken  by  Conn,  and  sent  into  Con- 
naught  in  charge  of  Walter ;  Conn  himself  was  killed  by  Henry 
O'Neill  on  the  19th  October,  Aedh  therefore  was  released  on  the 
7th  November,  and  Walter  went  with  him  to  Ulster.  Aedh  refused 
to  take  up  the  chieftainship,  and  his  father  resumed  it.  There  was 
a  great  famine  in  this  year. 


THE    MACWILLIAMS — 1401    TO    1503.  IGl 

Eicliard  O'Cuair.sci's  son  Richard  Og  and  Cormac  O'Higgin  were 
killed  by  Clann  Fheorais  on  the  Wednesday  after  Whitsuntide  in 
U99. 

The  Earl  of  Kildare,  who  was  now  Lord  Deputy,  had  interfered 
in  Ulster  affairs  in  the  year  before  by  acting  against  O'Neill.  He 
now  intervened  in  Connaught.  He  took  the  castle  of  Athleague 
from  William  O'Kelly's  sons,  and  drove  them  to  the  west  of  the 
Suck,  in  favour  of  Conor  O'Kelly.  He  took  up  the  cause  of  Hugh 
O'Conor  Donn  against  O'Conor  Roe.  O'Oonor  Roe  had  for  some 
time  been  able  to  keep  the  position  of  chief  of  the  O'Conors  of 
Roscommon.  The  Lord  Deputy  now  took  the  castles  of  Roscommon 
and  Castlereagh  and  Tulsk,  in  which  were  the  hostages  of  O'Conor 
Roe,  handed  over  to  O'Conor  Donn  the  castles  and  hostages  of  the 
O'Conor  Roe  sept,  and  went  away  leaving  O'Conor  Donn  as  chief. 
As  soon  as  he  left,  MacDermot  and  the  Silmurray  turned  on  O'Conor 
Donn  and  drove  him  across  the  Shannon.  MacWilliam  Bourke 
now  intervened.  The  annalists  tell  their  story  in  a  concise  and 
far  from  clear  manner,  but  on  consideration  of  the  facts  it  appears 
that  Theobald  did  not  come  to  set  up  O'Conor  Donn  again,  but 
to  undo  the  Lord  Deputy's  work  and  re-establish  his  friend  O'Conor 
Roe,  Aedh,  son  of  Aedh,  as  chief  of  his  own  sept  and  as  superior 
of  O'Conor  Donn.  MacDermot  and  O'Conor  Roe  were  always  of 
his  party.  There  was  also  at  this  time  a  split  in  the  family  of 
O'Conor  Roe.  He  took  Tulsk  Castle  from  the  branch  of  the  family 
put  in  possession  in  the  interest  of  O'Conor  Donn,  and  handed  it 
over  with  the  hostages  of  O'Conor  Roe's  sept  to  O'Conor  Roe,  and 
put  him  in  possession  of  his  castles.  He  made  peace  between 
MacDei-mot  and  O'Conor  Donn.  He  also  restored  the  castle  of 
Athleague  to  William  O'Kelly's  sons.  In  it  he  captured  Conor 
O'Kelly,  the  second  lord  of  Hy  Many,  whom  he  handed  over  to 
his  own  ally,  Melaghlin  O'Kelly,  who  thus  became  sole  O'Kelly. 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  last  war  of  his  life.  He  died  on  the 
5th  March  1503  at  a  great  aee. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

FROM    1503    TO    1550. 

This  period  is  marked  as  a  whole  by  freedom  from  invasion  and 
plundering  by  outside  enemies  on  a  lai'ge  scale.  The  silence  of  the 
Annals  agrees  with  the  general  course  of  events.  On  the  other 
hand,  we  may  feel  equally  sure  that  a  considerable  amount  of  border 
warfare  and  of  internal  fighting  has  been  ignored. 

It  is  marked  also  by  less  interference  in  external  affau-s  by 
MacWilliam  Bourke,  which  is  perhaps  the  cause  of  freedom  from 
invasion. 

As  he  left  his  neighbours  to  settle  their  own  quarrels,  no  one 
wanted  to  interfere  with  him.  His  imme<liate  neighbours  on  the 
east  and  north  were  too  weak.  O'Donnell  continued  his  interference 
in  Sligo,  and  strengthened  his  influence.  Mac  William's  abstention 
was  in  his  interest.  At  a  later  time  the  marriage  of  his  daughter 
to  Oliverus  Bourke  accounts  for  his  giving  the  Bourkes  help  in 
Tirawley.  The  occasions  when  he  came  into  collision  with  Mac- 
William  did  not  lead  to  prolonged  warfare.  The  Bourkes  had 
considerable  power  over  the  parts  of  Tireragh  which  lie  along  the 
3Ioy.  The  castle  of  Enniscrone  could  not  be  held  against  them. 
But  they  themselves  occupied  only  the  castle  of  Ardnarea  and  the 
lands  attached  thereto. 

O'Donnell's  power  in  Connaught  was  increased  by  constant  raids 
on  O'Conors,  O'Haras,  and  MacDermots. 

During  the  first  few  years  the  other  MacWilliam  was  much 
weakened  by  the  effects  of  the  battle  of  Knocktoe.  Later  on  the 
power  of  the  king's  Government  began  to  be  felt  in  South  Con- 
naught.  The  grant  of  the  Earldom  of  Clanricard,  and  the  disjiutes 
which  arose  in  consequence  of  the  determination  of  the  Government 
to  secure  for  the  young  Earl  the  succession  to  the  rights  of  the 
MacWilliamship,  claimed  by  Sir  William  Burke,  prevented  the 
Burkes  of  Clanricard  from  acting  as  a  body  in  external  affairs 
until  the  young  Earl  came  of  age  and  took  up  without  further 
contest  the  position  of  MacWilliam  Oughter. 

The  Bourkes  came  to  blows  amongst  themselves,  killing  or 
murdering  each  othei',  but  without  persistent  warfare  or  wasting 
of  each  other's  estates.     A  certain  amount  of  fighting  between  the 


FROM  1503  TO   1550.  163 

minor  lords  and  their  neighbours,  especially  between  MacCostellos 
and  MacDermots,  is  recorded  in  the  Annals. 

I  have  closed  this  period  with  the  year  1550  because  the  Earl 
of  Clanricard,  Richard  Saxonagh,  was  put  in  possession  of  his  estates 
and  became  a  power  in  Connaught  on  the  side  of  the  Government. 

The  Reformation  was  not  yet  felt  much  in  Connaught.  The 
Government  was  able  to  make  Bodkin  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  and 
to  make  some  minor  appointments.  The  dissolution  of  the  monas- 
teries was  carried  out  to  some  extent.  The  estates  wei-e  surren- 
dered in  case  of  some  of  the  richer  houses,  and  in  at  least  one 
case  let  on  lease  to  the  abbot  for  life.  In  other  cases  grants  were 
made  to  laymen.  It  is  evident  that  the  great  lords  regarded  the 
religious  houses  with  indifference.  They  were  glad  enough  to  take 
gi-ants  of  lands.  The  monks  were  let  live  in  their  houses,  which 
were  useless  to  laymen,  who  must  live  in  defensible  castles  if  rich 
enough  to  occupy  large  dwellings.  Their  lands  in  Mayo  seem  to 
have  been  left  in  possession  of  the  monks.  Owing  to  loss  of  records, 
it  is  not  easy  to  see  what  actually  occurred  at  this  early  period. 
It  may  be  said  that  there  was  no  real  and  apparent  change  for  a 
good  many  years.  It  is  likely  that  many  of  the  early  grants  to 
local  lords  were  taken  in  the  interest  of  the  monks  who  remained 
undisturbed,  but  would  have  to  pay  rent  if  the  grantee  should  be 
obliged  to  pay  any  to  the  Government.  This  would  not  occur  until 
much  later  days,  when  the  newly  formed  counties  were  subjected 
to  an  effective  administration  of  the  law.  For  many  years  the 
Government  of  Ireland  had  only  influence  over  the  lords,  no  con- 
tinuous local  control.  It  seems  to  have  been  contented  where 
really  powerless,  as  here,  to  leave  things  alone  until  the  legal  rights 
could  be  enforced  without  difficulty. 


Edmond  III.,  1503-1513. 

Theobald  was  succeeded  by  Edmond,  son  of  Richard  O'Cuairsci.  In 
this  year  occurred  the  events  which  led  directly  to  the  battle  of 
Knockdoe.  Ulick  of  Clanricard  demolished  three  of  O'Kelly's  castles 
and  defeated  O'Kelly  in  the  battle^  of  Bel  Atha  na  nGarbhan,  in 
which  O'Kelly  had  the  help  of  MacWilliam  Bourke's  forces  under 
Walter  Bourke,  a  grandson  of  Thomas  of  Moyne,  described  as  a 
distinguished  captain,  who  was  slain.  Many  of  the  Gallowglasses  of 
Clan  Donnell  and  Clan  Sweeny  were  slain  around  their  constables. 
O'Kelly  applied  to  the  Loi-d  Deputy  for  help,  who  came  next  year 
with  great  forces.  Lord  Kildare  had  some  English  barons  of  the 
Pale  with  him,  but  the  fight  was  really  between  the  English  and 
Irish  of  North  Connaught  aided  by  some  great  Ulster  lords  and  the 


1G4      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Lord  Deputy  on  one  sitle,  and  MacWilliam  of  Claniicaid  and  the 
Irish  of  Thoniond  and  Ormond  and  Ara  and  Ely  on  the  other  side. 
No  doubt  it  was  the  Lord  Deputy's  power  and  influence  that  brought 
down  such  great  forces  from  Ulster  as  made  the  northern  side 
irresistible  in  battle.  Where  the  allies  met  does  not  appear.  The  two 
armies  engaged  on  the  19th  September  1504  at  Knockdoe — according 
to  local  ti'adition,  between  the  top  of  the  hill  and  the  townland  of 
Turloughmore.  Musket  balls  and  a  cannon  ball  are  said  to  have 
been  found  on  the  hillside. 

Both  sides  fought  with  determination,  until  the  southern  was 
completely  defeated,  with  very  great  loss  on  both  sides.  Ware  puts 
the  Olanricard  losses  at  2000  men.  The  Four  Masters  and  Annals 
of  Ulster  give  the  survivors  as  one  broken  battalion  out  of  nine. 
The  Lord  Deputy  is  said  to  have  taken  Ulick's  two  sons  and  two 
daughtei's  prisoners.  The  daughters  would  not  be  taken  in  battle, 
so  it  is  probable  that  they,  and  perhaps  the  sons,  were  afterwards 
given  uj)  as  hostages.  The  defeat  was  decisive.  The  victors  went 
next  day  to  Galway,  and  afterwards  took  possession  of  Athenry. 

The  result  enhanced  the  power  of  MacWilliam  Bourke  and  of  his 
ally,  O'Conor  Roe,  as  against  their  rivals,  MacWilliam  of  Clanricard 
and  O'Conor  Donn.  Peace  was  kept  between  the  MacWilliams  for 
many  years. 

"  John,  the  son  of  Richard  Bui'ke,  was  treacherously  slain  by  the 
sons  of  Uliek  Burke  in  the  monastery  of  Toberpatrick "  (F.M.). 
John  is  the  son  of  Richard  I.  The  Ulick  meant  cannot  be  identified. 
This  murder  survives  in  tradition,  but  under  other  names.  John  and 
Ulick  are  long  forgotten.  It  was  lately  told  that  Tibot  na  Long, 
coming  fi'om  Castlebourke,  was  met  by  his  brother-in-law,  who  had 
come  from  Sligo,  and  was  murdered  near  the  abbey. 

In  1512  O'Donnell  and  Edmond  came  into  collision.  The  cause 
is  not  clear,  but  we  may  infer  it  to  have  been  due  to  O'Donnell's 
interference  in  the  part  of  Tireragh  over  which  the  Bourkes  claimed 
rights.  The  story  is  told  thus  in  the  Annals  of  Ulster :  "  O'Domnaill 
proceeds  from  Derry  [with]  a  few  horsemen  and  takes  the  castle 
of  Bel-in-clair  ^  in  the  counti'y  of  Galenga,  and  leaves  warders  in  it 
and  goes  back  into  Tir-Fiachrach.  MacWilliam  musters  and  goes 
towards  the  town,  and,  on  that  being  learned  by  O'Domnaill,  he 
attacks  the  town  again,  and  MacWilliam  abandons  the  town  to  him 
and  goes  to  put  provision  and  warders  into  the  castle  of  Escir- 
abhann^  in  Tir-Fiachrach.  On  that  being  learned  by  O'Domnaill, 
O'Domnaill  pursues  him  across  Sliabh  Gamh.  On  this  being  notified 
to  MacWilliam,  he  leaves  his  son  and  other  warders  in  the  town  and 
goes  forward  himself  to  Ard-na-riag.  O'Domnaill  catches  sight  of 
^  Aclare  in  Levnv.  ^  Enniscrone. 


FROM  1503  TO   1550.  165 

him,  and  he  is  pursued,  and  they  come  between  Mac  William  and  the 
ford.  And  MacWilliam  by  swimming  escapes  [despite  them]  from 
it  [with]  a  few,  and  the  [escaped]  part  of  his  people  is  followed 
beyond  [the  river]  Muaidh  and  many  horses  and  much  armour 
were  Avrested  from  them,  and  they  went  themselves  in  plight  of 
defeat.  O'Domnaill  sits  under  the  castle  of  Escir-abhann,  and  takes 
the  place  at  end  of  four  days,  and  breaks  it  down  straightway, 
and  takes  the  son  of  MacWilliam  [namely,  Ulick]  and  the  other 
warders  and  comes  safe  to  his  house."  The  Four  Masters  add  that 
MacWilliam  followed  O'Donnell  to  Donegal  and  gave  him  all  his 
demands. 

It  is  evident  that  there  was  little  more  than  skirmishing.  O'Donnell 
was  weak,  and  MacWilliam  had  but  a  handful  of  men.  He  man- 
oeuvred to  provision  and  strengthen  Enniscrone.  Having  done  that, 
he  was  caught  on  his  way  to  Ardnarea,  and  Enniscrone  Castle  fell 
before  he  could  collect  forces  to  relieve  it.  O'Donnell  was  not  strong 
enough  to  hold  the  castle,  and  hurried  away  with  his  hostage  in 
order  to  secure  a  ransom,  which  MacWilliam  had  to  pay  to  save  his 
son's  life. 

Edmond  was  treacherously  murdered  on  the  23rd  February  1513, 
in  the  monastery  of  Rathfran,  by  Theobald  Reagh  and  Edmond 
Oiocai'ach,  sons  of  his  brother  Walter.  His  brother  John  suc- 
ceeded him. 

John  I.,   1513-1514. 

John  was  murdered  treacherovisly  by  his  kinsmen  in  the  year  after 
his  accession.  The  murderers  are  not  named,  but  we  may  guess  at 
his  brother's  murderers. 

In  this  year  O'Donnell  made  a  small  raid  into  Gallen  as  far  as 
Croghan  Gaileng,  and  killed  O'Ruadhain  and  others. 

Meyler  L,  1514-1520. 

No  events  affecting  Mayo  are  recorded  during  his  reign.  He  was 
on  friendly  terms  with  O'Donnell,  and  his  neighbours  were  too  weak 
to  attack  him. 

He  was  killed  on  the  28th  April  1520,  treacherously,  by  the  sons 
of  Seonin  Mor,  son  of  MacSeonin. 

Edmond  IV.,  1520-1527. 

This  Edmond  was  a  son  of  Ulick,  son  of  Edmond  II. 
In  1521  a  war  broke  out  between  O'Donnell  and  O'Neill.     O'Neill 
got  help  from  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  who  gave  him  his  Gallowglasses, 


166       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

and  from  some  of  the  English  of  Meatli,  and  from  the  Mac-Donnells. 
O'Neill  arranged  an  alliance  with  the  two  Mac^Villiams,  MacDermot, 
O'Conors  Roe  and  Donn,  O'Brien,  O'Kennedy,  and  O'Carroll,  who 
agreed  to  meet  him  in  Tirhugh  about  the  15th  August.  They  reached 
Sligo  on  the  Friday  before  and  stopped  to  take  the  castle.  O'Neill 
was  encamped  at  Knockavoe  in  Ilaphoe.  O'Donnell,  having  far 
inferior  forces,  made  a  night  attack  on  O'Neill's  camp  with  picked 
men,  and  cut  O'Neill's  army  to  pieces.  He  marched  at  once  to 
Carrownamaddoo  near  Grange  in  Carbury.  The  Connaught  lords  heard 
of  O'Neill's  defeat  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  and  resolved  to  make 
peace.  They  sent  Teige  O'Brien  to  O'Donnell's  camp,  but  broke  up 
their  own  and  marched  away  with  such  haste  that  their  envoy,  after 
agreeing  with  O'Donnell,  did  not  come  up  with  them  until  they 
reached  the  Curlews.  Teige  agreed  with  O'Donnell  that  the  differences 
between  O'Donnell  and  the  MacWilliams  should  be  referred  to  the 
arbitration  of  Manus  O'Donnell  and  O'Carroll.  This  retreat  without 
fighting  raised  O'Donnell's  reputation  very  high.  Next  year  he  made 
peace  with  O'Neill. 

In  1526  O'Donnell  was  obliged  to  come  down  to  Sligo  in  force 
against  the  O'Conors  and  MacDonoghs,  and  took  the  opportunity  of 
helping  the  Tirawley  Bourkes  against  the  Barretts,  whereof  the  only 
record  is  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  C6  :  "  O'Donnell  then  marched  his 
army  into  Tirawley,  where  he  took  the  castles  of  Caerthanan  and 
Cros  Maoiliona,  in  wliich  he  found  hostages  and  many  spoils  ;  he 
then  threw  down  and  totally  demolished  these  castles,  so  that  they 
were  no  longer  habitable.  He  afterwards  established  peace,  amity, 
and  concord  between  the  descendants  of  Richard  Burke  and  the 
Barretts  so  that  they  were  friendly  towards  one  another." 

In  the  following  year  O'Donnell  brought  a  large  army  into  Moy- 
lurg,  where  he  destroyed  three  castles.  "They  afterwards  proceeded 
to  Castlemore-Costello  for  the  purpose  of  taking  it.  This  was  an 
impregnable  fortress,  for  it  contained  provisions  and  every  kind  of 
engines,  the  best  to  be  found  at  that  time  in  Ireland,  for  resisting 
enemies,  such  as  cannon  and  all  sorts  of  weapons.  These  chieftains 
nevertheless  proceeded  to  besiege  the  castle ;  and  they  placed  their 
army  in  order  all  around  it,  so  that  they  did  not  permit  any  person 
to  pass  from  it  or  towards  it,  till  at  last  they  took  it."  (F.M.)  This 
means  that  the  garrison  was  starved  out.  The  attack  on  the  castle 
seems  to  have  been  due  to  the  alliance  of  MacCostello  with  some 
of  the  MacDermots,  not  to  a  quarrel  with  the  Bourkes. 

Edmond  lY.  died  on  the  30th  October  1527.  He  was  succeeded 
by  John. 


FROM  1503  TO   1550.  167 


John  II.,  1527-15—;  Ulick  II.,   15 1534. 

He  is  known  as  John  of  the  Termon.  The  Termon  of  Balla  has  been 
supposed  to  have  given  him  the  name,  but  I  think  he  is  as  likely  to 
have  taken  it  from  the  Termon  in  the  barony  of  Kilmaine  in  which 
his  family  was  chief.  The  Termon  is  the  name  of  a  townland  in 
Strafford's  Survey,  wliich  lay  close  to  Ballyglass.  It  does  not  appear 
how  long  he  reigned.  No  events  are  recorded  as  having  occurred  in 
his  time.  The  succession  of  the  Lower  MacWilliams  is  very  obscure 
for  some  years.     I  give  the  names  which  I  find. 

In  the  year  1530  O'Donnell  is  said  to  have  plundered  Gallen  in 
the  middle  of  the  summer,  and  to  have  made  an  expedition  against 
MacWilliam  in  harvest,  when  he  plundered  some  of  his  country. 
Then  they  made  peace. 

In  1532  the  O'Dowdas  took  the  castle  of  Ardnarea  from  John 
Bourke's  son,  but  Thomas  Bourke's  sons  recovered  it  the  following 
year.  Hence  an  Irish  proverb  arose  in  that  country — "  Like  the 
expectation  of  O'Dowda  to  regain  Ardnarea"  (H.F.,  p.  308). 

Ulick  died  on  the  27th  October  1534. 


Theobald  II.,   1534-1537. 

Theobald's  accession  is  not  recorded,  and  I  assume  him  to  have 
succeeded  Ulick.  In  his  time  the  O'Dowdas,  with  help  of  O'Conor 
Sligo  and  MacDonoghs,  made  a  raid  into  Tirawley  against  the 
Bourkes  at  the  instigation  of  Bishop  Bai'rett,  and  carried  off  cattle 
which  had  been  driven  into  the  Termon  of  Errew  for  protection.  It 
seems  to  have  been  but  a  petty  raid  in  the  course  of  the  local  quarrel 
of  Bourkes  and  O'Dowdas,  probably  one  of  many  on  both  sides,  the 
one  which  by  chance  has  been  recorded.  This  was  in  1536,  the 
year  in  which  Teige  Og  O'Conor  assumed  the  title  "  O'Conor " 
instead  of  "  MacDonnell  Mic  Murtough."  He  made  an  attack  on 
MacCostello  also,  who  came  out  of  his  castle  and  surrendered  to 
O'Conor  MacFheorais's  coat  of  mail  as  a  hostage,  which  he  afterwards 
redeemed.  This  coat  must  have  had  some  very  great  value  as  a 
trophy  of  an  unrecorded  victory  over  MacFheorais. 

O'Conor's  pretensions  brought  O'Donnell  down  on  him.  O'Donnell 
came  into  Tireragh  and  plundered  it.  A  party  of  horsemen,  160 
to  180,  was  sent  across  the  Moy  in  pursuit  of  O'Dowda's  cattle, 
which  it  captured,  together  with  O'Dowda's  wife,  a  daughter  of 
Walter  Bourke,  They  took  the  opportunity  of  helping  John  Bourke's 
family  against  Bishop  Barrett. 

Theobald  died  in  1537.     It  does  not  appear  who  succeeded  him.     A 


1G8       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

war  ensued  respecting  his  property.  I  cannot  ascertain  the  name  of 
any  MacWilliam  from  this  until  Oliverus  appears  as  MacWilliam  in 
1558. 

From  15.37  to  1550. 

The  English  power  was  now  making  itself  felt  again  in  Connaught. 
In  1538  the  Lord  Deputy,  Lord  Leonard  Gray,  made  a  tour  in 
Munster,  when  he  received  the  submission  of  Tibbot  Burke,  the 
MacWilliam  of  Clan  William  in  Munster,  and  of  other  lords.  Ulick 
na  gCeann  of  Clanricard  met  him  there  and  submitted.  The  Lord 
Deputy  came  into  (Jlanricard,  and  on  the  10th  July  took  the  castle 
of  Claregalway  from  Richard  Og  Burke,  who  had  done  much  harm  to 
the  town  of  Oalway,  and  made  it  over  to  Ulick,  whom  he  calls  a  great 
friend  of  the  town.  On  the  11th  July  he  went  to  Galway  and  re- 
ceived the  submission  of  O'Flaherty,  O'Madden,  and  Thomas  Mac- 
Yoris.  He  left  Galway  on  the  19th.  He  took  the  castles  of  Derry 
Maclaghney  and  Lackagh  from  Richard  Og's  sons  and  made  them 
over  to  Ulick.  When  he  was  on  the  border  of  O'Kelly's  country  on 
the  21st,  O'Conor  Roe  came  and  submitted.  The  Lower  MacWilliam 
is  not  recorded  to  have  submitted,  but  it  is  said  that  the  Lord  Deputy 
was  preparing  to  march  against  him. 

It  was  made  a  charge  against  Lord  Leonard  Gray  that  he  displaced 
Richard  Og  from  the  MacWilliamship  of  Clanricard  and  put  Ulick  na 
gCeann  in  his  place.  There  had  been  much  quarrelling  since  1536, 
and  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  any  one  was  fully  established  as 
MacWilliam.  Richard  Bacagh  and  Ulick,  son  of  the  Richard  Og  who 
died  in  1519,  were  then  set  up,  and  Ulick  na  gCeann  had  then 
supported  the  former.  But  the  Richard  Og  displaced  by  Gray  is 
described  by  Darcy  as  an  vmcle  of  Ulick. ^ 

The  result  of  this  tour  was  a  distinct  advance  of  the  royal  power. 
Several  of  these  lords  entered  into  indentures  to  pay  rent  and  supply 
forces. 

At  a  Parliament  held  in  1541  Lord  Athenry  was  the  only  Con- 
naught  lord  present ;  but  Ulick  of  Clanricard,  and  other  Irish  lords 
not  yet  of  Parliament,  attended. 

In  1543  the  two  Mac  Williams  and  the  three  O'Conors  and  Mac- 
Dermot  attended  the  Council  of  Ireland.  A  result  of  this  general 
submission  was  that  MacWilliam  of  Clanricard,  O'Brien,  and  O'Neill 
surrendered  their  Irish  titles  and  agreed  to  hold  their  territories 
from  the  king.  They  were  made  Earls  of  Clanricard,  Thomond,  and 
Tyrone.  The  two  Connaught  earls  were  henceforth  generally  strong 
supporters  of  the  king's  authority,  on  which  they  relied  for  the  in- 
heritance of  their  estates  according  to  English  law. 

»  Carew  MSS.  I. 


FROM  1503  TO   1550.  1G9 

It  does  not  appear  why  the  Lower  Mac  William  was  left  out  of  this 
arrangement.  He  was  more  powerful  than  Ulick.  Either  he  would 
not  make  the  necessary  surrender,  or,  as  probably,  the  existing  lord 
was  not  so  firmly  in  possession  as  to  be  able  to  risk  a  change  in  his 
position. 

In  1545  according  to  the  Annals  of  Loch  Oe,  or  in  1549  according 
to  O'Flaherty,  Walter  Fada,  son  of  David  Bourke,  who  was  then  or 
later  Mac  William,  was  murdered  in  the  castle  of  Inveran  in  Moy- 
cullen,  to  the  west  of  Galway,  by  Donnell  O'Flaherty,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  his  sister  Finola,  wife  of  David  Bourke,  in  order  to  secure 
the  succession  to  the  MacWilliamship  for  her  own  son  Ilichai'd  an 
larainn. 

In  1548  O'Conor  Donn  and  the  MacDermots,  with  some  Gallow- 
glasses  of  the  MacSweenys  and  MacDowells,  invaded  Olann  Maurice 
and  killed  Richard  MacMaurice,  "  the  young  Abbot."  They  took 
Castlekeel,  and  probably  also  Castlemacgarrett,  and  killed  between 
100  and  200  people,  and  carried  off  900  or  1000  cows  and  10  horses. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

FKOM   1550  TO   1568. 

The  beginning  of  this  period  coincides  with  the  direct  assumption 
of  Government  duties  in  Connaught,  though  to  a  very  small  extent. 
Sir  Thomas  Cusack,  the  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  was  left  for  a  time  at 
Athlone  as  the  representative  of  the  Lord  Deputy,  and  was  employed 
in  collecting  information  which  led  afterwards  to  the  formation  of 
counties.  In  a  letter  of  the  8th  May  1553  on  the  state  of  Ireland, 
he  writes  that  when  the  Earl  of  Clanricard  came  of  age  a  war  broke 
out  between  the  Earl  and  Ulick  Burke,  and  that  he  with  a  small 
force  reduced  them  to  peace  in  a  fortnight,  and  that  "  MacWilliam 
Bourke,  second  captain  of  most  power  in  Connaught,  is  of  honest 
conformity,  and  doth  hinder  none  of  the  King's  Majesty's  subjects, 
and  is  ready  to  join  with  the  Earl  of  Clanricard,  and  every  other 
captain,  to  serve  the  King's  Majesty  in  every  place  in  Connaught" — 
and  that  these  two,  with  a  captain  and  a  few  men  at  Galway  or 
Athenry,  will  be  able  to  rule  all  Connaught. 

All  Connaught  seems  to  have  been  now  under  tribute,  or  at  least 
under  agreement  to  pay  something.  Though  I  do  not  find  positive 
record  of  it  for  each  chief  lord,  yet  the  incidental  references  to  certain 
cases  justify  the  belief  that  the  statement  is  true.  Thus  I  find  no 
evidence  of  a  specific  agreement  between  MacWilliam  Bourke  and 
the  Lord  Deputy,  but  I  do  find  a  Fiant,  undated,  of  the  year  1553, 
for  a  pardon  to  Edmund  de  Burgo  of  Caslanevarre — that  is,  Castlebar 
— and  all  his  servants.  Such  a  pardon  is  inconceivable  in  the  circum- 
stances of  twenty  years  earlier,  but  agrees  with  the  existing  condi- 
tions of  gradual  extension  of  royal  power,  which  seems  to  have  been 
on  the  whole  welcome  to  the  great  loi'ds,  though  they  were  unable 
to  keep  the  peace  entirely,  because  of  want  of  control  over  their 
principal  subjects  and  the  more  powerful  branches  of  their  own 
families.  Unfortunately  the  king's  power  was  not  always  present 
in  irresistible  force,  and  was  allowed  occasionally  to  disappear 
altogether. 

The  Annals  give  but  few  notes  of  Mayo  affairs  at  this  time,  pro- 
bably because  of  peace,  as  they  record  little  else  than  fightilig  and 
deaths.  In  1553  the  sons  of  Thomas  Bacagh  Bourke  and  the  people 
of  Gallen  defeated  Ilicard  an  larainn,  took  him  prisoner,  and  killed 


FROM  1550  TO   15G8.  171 

150  of  his  men.  In  1555  Edmond  Boy,  son  of  Thomas  Bacagh,  was 
killed  by  Oliver  Bourke's  sons. 

When  peace  was  made  in  1553,  on  the  submission  of  Leix  and 
Ofifaly,  Lord  Clanricard  was  at  Athlone  with  100  horsemen,  200 
Gallowglasses,  100  shots,  200  kerne,  and  six  weeks'  provisions.  The 
war  with  O'Neill  was  in  progress.  The  Bourkes  seem  to  have  moved 
in  alliance  with  O'Neill,  for  Lord  Clanricard  wrote  that  he  heard 
that  Shane  MacOliverus  was  advancing  into  the  plains  of  Con- 
naught  with  a  large  body  of  Scots,  that  he  went  to  meet  them,  and 
encountered  them  late  on  the  second  day's  march  in  the  Curlews, 
where  he  overthrew  them,  killing  many  of  the  Scots  and  of  Bourke's 
men.  This  may  have  been  only  a  private  adventure  of  John  Bourke, 
as  MacWilliam  is  not  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  affair. 

In  1558  a  somewhat  similar  incident  occurred,  in  which  David 
Bourke,  who  was  then  MacWilliam,  must  have  been  concerned,  as 
his  own  son  took  a  leading  part.  In  the  late  summer  1200  Scots 
under  Donnell  and  Dowell  MacAillin,  cousins  of  the  Earl  of  Argyle, 
who  are  said  by  the  Four  Masters  to  have  served  long  in  Tirconnell, 
were  induced  by  Ricard  an  larainn  to  come  to  Connaught.  They 
plundered  especially  MacMaurice  and  Lord  Athenry,  adherents  of 
Clanricard.  Lord  Clanricard  met  them  after  two  days'  march  and 
defeated  them  on  the  third  day,  8th  September,  at  Cloonee,  killing 
the  two  MacAillins  and  about  700  Scots.  He  pursued  them  for  four 
days,  so  that  few  escaped.  This  Cloonee  must  have  been  somewhere 
on  the  borders  of  Mayo  and  Galway. 

At  the  close  of  this  year  David  Bourke  died.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Richard,  son  of  John  of  the  Termon. 

RicHAKD  III.,  1558-1570. 

The  king's  power  made  another  step  in  advance  in  1558,  when  the 
castle  of  Roscommon  was  given  up  by  O'Conor  Donn.  But  it  was 
not  occupied  for  the  king  until  1569. 

Sir  Henry  Sidney  being  Lord  Deputy  in  1566,  and  fearing  that 
O'Neill  would  intrigue  with  the  Connaught  lords,  "  sent  for  the  Earl 
of  Clanricard  and  MacWilliam  Lighter,  upon  whose  Factions  all  the 
intestine  Wars  in  Connaught  hath  grown,"  and  brought  them  to  agree- 
ment for  settlement  of  their  dispvites,  and  to  promise  support  against 
O'Neill.  He  says  that  though  he  was  assured  that  MacWilliam  had 
never  before  repaired  to  any  governor,  yet  he  found  him  very 
well  disposed  and  faithful  to  his  engagement,  although  the  Earl  of 
Thomond  had  invaded  his  country  and  had  wounded  two  of  his 
brothers  during  his  absence. 

The  Council  Book,  under  the  13th  August,  156G,  shows  that  there  was 


172       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

also  a  meeting  for  a  general  pacification  and  settlement  of  disputes 
between  the  Earl  and  MacWilliam  and  Donogh  Rengh  O'Kelly  and 
Walter,  son  of  John  Boiuke,  and  Lord  Bermingham  of  Athenry, 
and  between  Walter  Bourke  and  James  Bermingham  of  the  sept  of 
Thomas  Bermingham.  The  principal  points  in  dispute  are  shown. in 
the  following  sununary. 

1.  i\Jac William  Eighter  made  his  humble  submission  to  the  queen, 
and  agreement  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  Council. 

2.  The  Council  ordered  the  parties  to  keep  the  peace  towards  each 
other  and  towards  Morogh  ne  Doe  O'Flaherty,  O'Conor  Roe,  Mac- 
Costello,  MacJordan,  O'Kellv. 

3.  Mac  William  complained  that  O'Conor  JJonn  had  seized  and 
imprisoned  O'Conor  Roe  at  a  time  when  peace  had  been  concluded 
between  !MacWilliam  and  the  Earl  of  Clanricard  at  Loughreagh, 
before  William  Tirrell,  envoy  of  the  Lord  Deputy,  O'Conor  Roe  being 
under  MacWilliam's  peace.  The  Earl  denied  it.  Order  was  made 
for  inquii-y.  If  the  complaint  is  true  the  Earl  must  prosecute  O'Conor 
Donn  for  O'Conor  Roe's  liberty. 

4.  A  dispute  regarding  Garbally  between  Donogh  Reagh  O'Kelly 
and  the  Earl. 

5.  MacWilliam  claimed  Moyne  as  his  hereditary  right  and  in  his 
territory.  The  Earl  replied  that  his  father  Ulick  held  it — it  came  to 
himself  as  heir.  Ordered  that  the  castle  be  surrendered  to  the  deputy 
pending  trial. 

6.  Since  Thomas  Bourke,  son  of  MacWilliam,  Thomas  MacRichard 
Boye  MacJohn,  Meiler  MacRichard  MacJohn,  and  Edmund  Mac- 
Richard  Boye  ]MacJohn  are  held  by  the  Earl  for  certain  debts  due 
under  their  composition,  they  are  to  be  made  over  to  the  Council, 
to  be  made  over  to  the  custody  of  the  Constable  of  Athlone,  to  be 
released  by  order  of  Council. 

7.  "  And  whereas  Cahir  MacDonyll  MacConyll  ^  was  taken  in  flight 
by  Edmund  the  Earl's  brother,  and  released  on  bail,  and  John 
MacRichard  MacMeilor  escaped  from  prison,  as  the  Earl  alleges, 
we  order  that  the  fine  or  ransom  be  paid  to  the  Earl  if  we  or  our 
commissioner  see  fit,  and  that  the  escaped  prisoner,  if  he  be  shown 
to  have  come  within  MacWilliam's  government,  be  by  MacWilliam 
made  over  to  the  said  Constable  as  is  prescribed  about  the  others." 

8.  Lord  Birmingham  of  Athenry  complained  that  Walter,  son  of 
John  Bourke,  withheld  the  castle  of  Dunmore  from  him.  Walter 
denied  and  said  it  belonged  to  other  Birminghams.  Arrangement 
was  made  for  trial. 

Other  disputes  between  the  Earl  and  ]^LacWilliam  were  to  be 
settled  hereafter  by  the  Council. 

1  MacDomnaill. 


FROM   1550  TO   1568.  173 

Commissionei'S  wei-e  appointed. 

The  parties  were  bound  in  =£2000  to  abide  by  this  agreement. 

The  nature  of  the  quarrels  of  the  great  lords  is  shown  here.  Such 
quarrels  can  be  settled  only  by  war  unless  both  parties  are  vei^y 
anxious  for  a  peaceful  arrangement.  Some  of  them  are  such  as  the 
parties  could  not  easily  be  brought  to  refer  to  arbitration.  In  Con- 
naught  there  was  no  one  who  could  be  called  in  as  an  arbitrator. 
Ever  since  the  disappearance  of  the  courts  of  the  chief  lord  of  Con- 
naught  and  of  the  king  after  1333,  such  disputes  must  have  been 
a  constant  cause  of  war,  and  explain  many  things. 

Though  this  dispute  regarding  Moyne  seems  to  have  been  settled 
as  between  the  Earl  and  Mac  William,  another  survived  between  the 
Earl  and  Walter  FitzJohn,  which  was  not  decided  until  November 
1571.  The  castle  belonged  to  the  Earl  in  1.585,  so  he  may  be  assumed 
to  have  won  all  through.  It  does  not  appear  who  this  Walter 
FitzJohn  Bourke  was.  John  of  the  Termon's  son,  Walter  Cluas  le 
Doinin,  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Shrule.  He  may  be  a  descendant 
of  Thomas  Og  of  Moyne. 

The  position  of  Richard  Boy  MacJohn  in  the  genealogy  is  not 
determined. 

In  connection  with  this  dispute,  and  in  illustration  of  the  arrange- 
ments made  from  time  to  time  among  the  Connaught  Bourkes,  a 
recital  of  claim  which  appears  in  an  inquisition  of  the  4th  April  1609, 
taken  regarding  titles  to  lands  in  Mayo,  is  of  some  interest.  It 
recites  that  Eraght  Thomas  consisted  of  eighteen  towns  of  four 
quarters,  divided  between  five  brothers,  whereof  two  conveyed  their 
shares  to  the  first  Earl  of  Clanricard,  who  entered  into  the  castle 
of  Moyne  and  four  quarters  and  all  the  territory  except  a  mill  and 
four  acres  at  Moyne ;  that  David  MacEdmund  MacUlick,  being  Mac- 
William  Eighter,  granted  the  Earl  a  rent  charge  of  9s.  on  440  quarters  ; 
that  Ptichard,  the  second  earl,  entered  into  possession  of  Eraght 
Thomas,  and,  by  purchase,  of  castle  of  Moycharra  and  of  the  castle 
of  Carha  in  Moyntercreighan.  Many  rents  are  recited  as  granted 
by  MacJonyns,  MacMeylers,  MacGibbons,  and  others,  and  are  said 
to  have  been  paid  to  the  second  earl's  sergeant,  who  went  round  with 
MacWilliam's  sergeant  for  two  years  until  Richard,  son  of  John  of 
the  Termon,  went  into  rebellion  and  prevented  payment  to  the  Earl. 

It  is  very  likely  that  this  claim  was  truly  based  on  some  old  trans- 
action, whereby  David  paid  for  help.  But  if  the  Earl  ever  had  any 
claim  on  Eraght  Thomas,  there  is  no  evidence  of  the  fact.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  two  of  the  brothers  did  enter  into  some  such  bargain 
to  secure  help  in  a  family  quarrel.  But  whether  they  had  any  sale- 
able interest  is  another  question. 

This  appearance  of  the  de  Burgo  lords  was  a  great  advance  towards 


174       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

the  restoration  of  government.  Sidney  came  to  (4ahvay  in  the  follow- 
ing spring.  He  deplores  the  miseiable  condition  of  the  country, 
having  but  one-twentieth  of  the  population  needed  to  inhabit  it. 
He  describes  the  Clanricard  country  as  quiet  and  well  tilled.  He 
left  the  country  by  Athenry  and  Athlone,  seeing  only  a  part  of  the 
south.  As  the  inhabitants  were  never  within  the  memory  of  man  in 
worse  case,  so,  he  says,  they  were  never  in  more  forwardness  for 
reformation. 

Having  procured  submission  of  the  chief  lords  and  made  peace 
between  those  of  English  descent.  Sir  Henry  now  undertook  to  pro- 
vide for  the  direct  government  of  Connaught  by  the  appointment  of 
Commissioners  to  act  in  the  place  of  the  Lord  Deputy  during  his 
absence  from  Connaught.  Hitherto  the  Lord  Deputy  procured  a 
show  of  submission  by  his  appearance  in  the  country  at  the  head  of  a 
considei'able  force,  but  when  he  went  to  Dublin  the  old  state  of  things 
arose.  But  these  appearances  of  the  royal  avithority  accustomed  the 
lords  to  its  recognition  as  more  than  an  empty  form,  and  Sidney 
rightly  judged  that  a  delegate  with  a  moderate  force  at  his  command 
would  be  able  to  exercise  a  good  deal  of  power,  and  would  have  a 
sufficient  amount  of  support  from  those  lords  who  really  desired  to 
enjoy  peace  and  quiet. 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

FROM    THE    FORMATION    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO    TO 
THE    DEATH    OF    SIR    N.    MALBIE. 

Sir  Edward  Fitton  was  appointed  Governor  of  Connaught  in  July 
1569,  with  the  title  of  President  of  the  Council,  which  consisted  of  a 
Justice,  an  Attorney,  a  Provost-Marshal,  and  several  men  of  rank 
belonging  to  the  province.  The  sheriflfs  of  counties  seem  to  have 
been  usually  on  it.  The  normal  constitution  does  not  appear.  It 
probably  varied  from  time  to  time.  All  the  chief  provincial  officers 
were  on  it,  besides  officers  in  command  of  companies  of  soldiers  at 
times. 

The  President's  powers  were  great.  In  important  matters  he  was 
required  to  get  the  consent  of  one  of  his  assistants,  but  he  had  a 
large  measure  of  independence,  as  in  the  control  of  the  military  forces, 
which  vested  in  him  alone.  He  exercised  the  powers  of  the  Lord 
Deputy  to  a  great  extent  when  the  Lord  Deputy  was  not  present  in 
person.  The  distribution  of  authoi'ity  between  President  and  Council 
is  not  defined  in  the  records.  It  is  inferred  from  remarks.  The 
business  as  a  rule  was  carried  on  by  the  provincial  officers,  as  the 
sheriflfs  and  unofficial  members  were  usually  absent  from  the  head- 
quarters. 

The  President  was  afterwards  called  Chief  Commissioner  and 
Governor. 

The  sheriflfs  at  first  were  authorised  to  use  martial  law  in  deal- 
ing with  disturbances,  but  when  Sir  R.  Bingham  became  Governor 
the  power  was  reserved  to  the  Governor.  The  sheriflfs  were  the 
Governor's  lieutenants  within  their  counties. 

Sir  Henry  Sidney  made  a  journey  into  Connaught  to  establish  the 
President  and  Council  in  office.  He  took  up  the  castle  of  Roscom- 
mon, and  placed  a  garrison  in  it  under  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange  as 
Constable. 

The  first  duty  of  these  Commissioners,  as  they  were  also  called, 
was  to  lay  down  definite  boundaries  of  counties  in  Thomond  and 
Connaught,  excepting  Brefne  O'Reilly  and  Annaly.  They  laid  out 
the  counties  of  Clare  or  Thomond,  Galway,  Mayo,  Roscommon,  and 
Sligo,  formed  by  grouping  territories  of  chieftains.  The  county  of 
Mayo  as  then  laid  down  was  not  altered  except  by  transfer  of  the 


17(i       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

barony  of  Ross  to  Galway,  and  later  by  the  transfer  of  Ardnarea  to 
Sligo,  and  a  little  south  of  the  river  Lung  to  Roscommon. 

Edmund  FitzAlexander  is  the  first  sheriff  of  Mayo  whose  name 
appears,  and  probably  was  the  first.  But  it  does  not  appear  who 
he  was. 

The  first  difficulty  of  the  Government  was  the  custom  of  cessing 
officers  and  soldiers  on  the  country.  The  Government  hated  it,  but 
could  not  do  without  it.  The  queen  had  no  revenue  from  Connaught. 
Sir  Edward  writes  on  the  20th  February  1570:  "The  army  must  be 
kept  here  and  must  be  cessed,  so  that  it  is  as  hard  for  subjects  as  for 
rebels." 

"  Shane  Bourke  MacOliverus,  who  now  standeth  to  be  MacWilliam 
Ewter,  being  exclaimed  upon  to  his  face  by  a  poor  widow  of  his 
country  being  undone  by  his  rebelliovis  practices  in  maintaining  the 
Scots,  he  fell  in  a  stud}',  and  after  some  pause,  said  openly  :  '  I  am  in 
a  miserable  case.  If  we  stand  out  altogether  and  maintain  Scots  for 
our  own  defence,  I  see  the  destruction  of  the  country.  Again,  if  I 
shall  take  upon  me  the  name  of  MacWilliam,  I  shall  be  driven  for 
maintenance  thereof  to  spoil  it  myself.  And  if  we  shall  submit 
ourselves  to  the  English  nation,  they  will  be  as  burthensome  as 
MacWilliam  or  Scots.' " 

Again,  on  20th  May  1571  :  "The  cess  is  very  heavy,  but  soldiers 
must  be  kept,  as  they  are  always  wanted  on  a  sudden.  If  the  queen's 
victualler  would  furnish  supplies  for  soldiers  in  every  province,  the 
service  would  be  no  worse  and  the  people  would  be  less  oppressed, 
and,  as  men  of  experience  think,  their  good  will  might  be  soon 
obtained.  Yet  they  will  not  for  a  time  really  consent  to  abandon  old 
customs,  but  must  be  kept  in  fear."  ^ 

As  a  revenue  was  raised  by  degrees  by  tributes  or  rents  imposed 
on  the  chieftains,  the  cess  must  have  become  less  and  less,  used  only 
on  occasion,  and  thus  return  was  given  for  payments,  until  at  last  the 
whole  province  was  brought  to  agree  to  the  annual  rents  needed  as  a 
substitute  for  the  cess.     But  this  took  time. 

Lord  Thomond's  rebellion  in  February  1570  forced  Fitton  to  retire 
into  Galway  and  ask  for  help.  The  course  of  events  is  obscure,  but 
Fitton  remained  there  for  some  time,  and  the  Lower  Bourkes  rose 
in  rebellion.  They  did  not  submit  when  Lord  Thomond  fled.  Fitton 
marched  against  them  in  June,  and  began  by  laying  siege  to  the 
castle  of  Shrule.  With  him  were  Lord  Clanricard  and  others  of 
Galway,  about  five  hundred  Gallowglasses  of  Clan  Donnell  of  Leinster, 
of  Clan  Sweeny,  and  of  Clan  Dowell,  some  artillei-y,  three  hundred 
cavalry,  and  some  English  foot  bands.  Feragh  MacDonnell  of 
Clooneen  and  Richard  Barrett  of  Kyrennan  were  with  him.  The 
1  i-.I'./.E.,  XXXI.  (i,  XXXI.  89. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.        177 

latter  probably  joined  him  rather  fioin  hate  of  the  Tirawley  Bourkes 
than  from  love  of  the  queen  and  her  government. 

MacAVilliam  assembled  his  forces,  in  which  were  the  sons  of  Oliverus, 
Sleight  Meyler  Bourke,  the  Clan  Donnells,  and  some  O'Flahertys. 
Though  Sir  Morogh  is  mentioned,  he  is  not  likely  to  have  been  with 
them,  as  he  had  been  set  up  by  the  queen  as  O'Flaherty  in  1569. 
The  lawful  O'Flaherty  or  another  may  have  been  mistaken  for  him. 
MacWilliam's  brother,  \^^alter  Cluas  le  Doinin,  "  Ear  to  Storm,"  was 
the  principal  commander  of  the  Bourkes. 

The  English  and  Irish  accounts  of  the  battle  agree  substantially. 

On  the  21st  June  the  Bourkes  occupied  a  hill  near  the  English 
camp,  and  formed  themselves  into  compact  bodies  for  the  assault, 
dismounting  their  cavalry. 

Fitton  drew  vip  his  men  with  the  Gallowglasses  in  one  body,  and 
the  cavalry  in  reserve. 

The  charge  of  the  Bourkes  was  received  with  a  volley  of  shot,  which 
did  not  stop  them.  In  the  close  fighting  Sir  Edward  Fitton  and 
Captain  Bassenet  were  unhorsed  and  wounded.  Patrick  Cusack  and 
Calvagh  MacDonnell,  constable  of  the  queen's  Gallowglasses,  those  of 
Leinster,  and  others  were  slain.  The  Bourkes  were  driven  back  by 
the  English  companies,  but  the  Gallowglasses,  except  one  hundred  of 
Clan  Sweeny,  broke  and  fled,  pursued  by  the  Bourkes  for  about  two 
miles.  Fitton's  cavalry  and  some  infantry  fell  on  the  rear  of  the 
Bourkes,  whose  commanders  stopped  the  pursuit  and  faced  the  English; 
they  did  not  attack  again,  but  diew  off  their  forces. 

Fitton  lost  about  twelve  Englishmen  and  forty  Irish.  The  Boui^kes 
lost  about  three  hundred,  including  Walter  Bourke,  Randall,  son  of 
MacDonnell  Gallowglass,  two  constables  of  the  Clan  Donnell  of 
Scotland,  and  two  sons  of  John  Erenagh,  O'Kelly  of  Donamona." 

Owing  to  want  of  powder  Fitton  could  not  pursue  the  Bourkes  into 
their  country,  whereby  they  were  encouraged,  instead  of  being 
depressed  by  defeat,  for  they  had  in  fact  saved  their  country  from 
invasion.  He  was  not  molested  again,  took  the  castle,  and  put  the 
garrison  to  the  sword.  A  guard  of  ten  horsemen  was  left  in  it  under 
Alexander,  a  Gallowglass,  but  Lord  Clanricard  soon  undertook  to 
guard  the  castle  at  his  own  expense.  This  affair  relieved  the  pressure 
on  Fitton's  forces,  which  had  been  so  great  that  Captain  Collyer  and 
others  sent  to  help  him  had  been  reported  to  be  little  better  than 
besieged  in  Galway. 

MacWilliam  soon  submitted  and  made  peace.  An  undated  Fiant 
grants  pardons  to  him  and  to  his  sons  Richard  Og  and  Thomas  Roe 
and  others,  including  three  O'Flahertys,  on  payment  of  fines  of  ,£3 
each ;  and  another  gives  pardons  to  Walter  and  William  Bourke 
MacShane  of  Cloghans  and  to  Walter's  son  Meiler  and  to  Edmond 

M 


178       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

MacThomas  an  Machaire  ou  payment  of  fines  of  £1  each,  for  whom 
Edmund  FitzAlexander,  the  sheriff  of  the  county,  was  security. 
Edmond  Bourke  of  Castlebar  had  a  pardon  in  December.  All  had  to 
give  security  within  six  months  for  keeping  the  peace  and  attending 
sessions. 

This  rebellion  was  wound  up  by  an  agreement  of  the  Lower 
Bourkes  to  pay  a  yearly  rent  of  200  marks  to  the  queen. 

Richard  Bourke  died  at  the  end  of  the  year.  When  he  became 
MacWilliam  he  was  an  independent  prince,  owning  but  a  nominal 
subordination  and  submission  to  the  queen,  whose  laws  were  not 
enforced  in  his  territories.  Before  he  died  the  English  law  was  intro- 
duced with  his  consent,  and  was  administered  to  a  small  extent  by 
the  queen's  representative  independently  of  him.  The  queen's  power 
afterwards  fluctuated,  occasionally  disappeared,  but  on  the  whole 
grew  steadily. 

Now  follows  a  period  of  transition  from  the  local  sovereignty  of 
the  chief  lords  to  that  of  the  queen  and  the  establishment  of  her 
government  as  the  source  of  law  and  the  maintainer  of  order.  As 
regards  Mayo,  it  may  be  described  as  a  period  of  unrest,  but  generally 
peaceful.  It  was  known  that  the  government  intended  to  make 
great  changes,  and,  as  it  became  known  that  those  changes  might 
involve  changes  in  ownership  of  lands  and  ignoring  of  existing 
tenures,  the  minds  of  all  landowners  must  have  been  affected  by 
grave  suspicions,  creating  a  readiness  to  join  in  any  enterprise  that 
might  relieve  them  of  this  danger.  Most  of  the  chief  lords  seem  to 
have  desired  the  introduction  of  a  strong  government  capable  of 
steady  administration,  but  many  of  less  importance,  their  subjects, 
resented  any  change.  The  chiefs  could  not  control  those  who  chose 
to  join  in  a  rebellion  on  their  own  account.  They  could  only  abstain 
and  keej)  back  those  who  chose  to  act  with  them,  who  were  the 
majority  in  most  cases.  The  forces  at  the  disposal  of  the  governor 
of  Connaught  were  not  enough  to  enable  him  always  to  act  at  once 
and  crush  out  the  beginning  of  rebellion.  The  rebels  made  war  by 
plundering  those  who  did  not  join  them.  MacWilliam  and  other 
lords  therefore  acted  upon  a  sound  judgment  of  the  interests  of  the 
mass  of  their  subjects  in  joining  rebels  who  made  head,  whereby  they 
saved  their  territories  from  injury.  When  the  governor  came  in 
force  they  could  submit  immediately,  and  gain  paidons  at  the  cost  of 
small  sums,  far  less  than  the  losses  which  would  have  been  incurred 
in  holding  out  against  the  rebels  and  suffering  the  destruction  which 
would  have  been  caused  by  the  rebels  before  forces  were  collected  to 
<lrive  them  out  of  the  country,  losses  which  would  not  have  been 
made  good  to  them  afterwards.  The  sympathies  of  many  of  their 
subjects,  if  not  their  own,  would  be  with  the  rebels. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.        179 

Moreover,  the  uncertainty  regarding  the  succession  of  the  seigniories 
was  another  cause  of  unrest.  The  government  was  natui-ally  anxious 
to  secure  a  friendly  successor.  The  Tanist  did  not  feel  sure  that  he 
would  be  allowed  to  succeed  without  interference.  The  country  had 
seen  the  queen  set  up  Murrough  ne  Doe  O'Flaherty  as  chief  of 
lar-Connaught  against  the  lawful  chief,  ])onnell  Crone  O'Flaherty, 
in  1569. 

Through  all  this  the  government  was  making  way.  Mayo  was 
fully  organised  as  a  county,  and  a  separate  sheriff  was  established. 
Seigniories  were  surrendered,  and  taken  back  from  the  Crown.  The 
chief  gentlemen  were  induced  to  enter  into  agreements  called  com- 
positions, under  which  they  consented  to  pay  a  fixed  rent  based  on 
the  acreage  of  cultivated  land  to  mitigate  the  weight  of  cess,  which 
was  a  necessity,  until  a  revenue  should  be  provided.  As  Fitton  says, 
it  was  intolerable,  but  soldiers  could  not  be  maintained  without  it. 
It  was  a  custom  of  the  country,  but  no  longer  suitable. 


John  II.,  1571-1580. 

About  the  8th  February  1571,  John,  known  as  Shane  MacOliverus, 
was  made  MacWilliam.  It  was  reported  then  that  he  was  engaging 
Scots.  It  was  a  natural  course  to  maintain  his  succession  and  the 
position  of  his  subjects  and  allies  in  view  of  the  action  which  Fitton 
soon  reported,  and  which  had  probably  become  well  known.  On  the 
9th  March  Fitton  wrote  that  they  had  indicted  all  the  gentlemen  of 
Eighter  Connaught  and  all  their  freeholders,  and  O'Conor  Donn  and 
MacDermot,  and  expressed  a  hope  to  have  half  Connaught  at  the 
queen's  disposal  in  Easter  term.  This  design  was  brought  to  naught 
by  the  rebellion,  which  was  probably  in  some  measure  due  to  it. 

In  May  the  Lower  Bourkes  agreed  to  pay  200  marks  yearly  as  a 
fine  for  their  late  great  rebellion. 

Operations  in  Roscommon  occupied  Fitton  during  the  summer. 
MacWilliam  and  bis  people  held  aloof,  but  his  sons  invaded  Galway 
at  the  end  of  September,  and  were  hunted  out  by  the  sheriff,  who 
pursued  them  to  a  ford  beyond  Shrule,  and  killed  five  or  six  score. 

Fitton  went  into  South  Mayo,  and  was  there  for  five  days,  at  the 
end  of  October  and  beginning  of  September.  He  had  his  own  band. 
Captain  Collier's  band  of  foot,  and  Malbie's  horse,  and  was  accom- 
panied by  Lords  Clanricard  and  Thomond.  One  castle  was  defended, 
but  being  taken  and  the  ward  of  twelve  men  being  slain,  the  wards 
of  the  other  castles  abandoned  them  and  the  Bourkes  themselves  fled 
from  the  country.  Fitton  therefore  laid  it  waste  over  an  extent  of 
about   sixteen   miles   long  and   as   many  or   more  broad,   destroying 


180       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

about  c£500  worth  of  corn.  Kineteen  towns  and  ciistles  are  said  to 
have  been  taken,  whereof  a  list  is  given.  Those  which  are  known 
for  certain  are  given  in  modern  spelling — Ballinrobe,  Ballenemask, 
JNIanegerrelough,  Cloonagashel,  Robeen,  Bellanalube,  Cregduff,  Balla- 
kinoshine,  Cloghan  (warded  by  the  Earl  of  Clanricard),  Killernan 
(warded  by  John  Boui-ke),  Downerage,  The  Neale,  Donka,  Athard, 
Liskillen,  Cloghan-Erle  (warded  by  the  Earl  of  Clanricard),  Ballene- 
kinie,  Kilnanardra.^  The  list  is  very  roughly  written.  Manegerre- 
lough  seems  to  be  Rathnegarlogy  or  llanegarlogy,  name  of  land  held 
by  Bourke  of  Cloghan  in  seventeenth  century,  which  was  in  a 
bally  called  Cloongawnagh.  It  may  be  a  name  of  the  castle  of 
Garrymore  or  Carras  ;  it  was  certainly  thereabouts.  Fitton  then  gave 
out  that  he  would  go  home,  and  sent  away  all  but  his  English  forces. 
With  these  he  made  a  forced  mai-ch  into  the  country  of  the  Mac- 
Dermots,  whom  he  handled  sevei'ely. 

This  scourging  bi'ought  about  a  submission.  The  indictments  were 
abandoned.  Lord  Clanricard  and  his  sons,  Ulick  and  John,  and 
]\Iac\\'illiam,  and  the  gentlemen  of  Clare  and  Galway  and  Mayo, 
attended  a  sessions  at  Galway  in  March  1572. 

Unfortunately  suspicions  arose  in  the  minds  of  the  earl's  sons, 
who  fled  from  the  town,  summoned  their  adherents,  and  went  into 
rebellion.  Fitton  carried  Lord  Clanricard  away  to  Dublin.  He  was 
not  able  to  take  the  field  until  May.  He  reached  Galway  on  the 
10th,  where  he  hanged  four  pledges  of  the  rebels.  On  the  14th  he 
attacked  the  castle  of  Clare  Galway,  which  he  describes  as  the  castle 
of  those  who  betrayed  Shane  MacOliverus.  He  lost  four  men  and  a 
mason  killed,  but  the  garrison  surrendered  and  the  castle  was  seized 
on  the  17th.  The  garrison,  sixteen  men,  besides  women  and  children, 
were  put  to  the  sword  except  one.  He  sent  to  Shane  MacOliverus 
the  head  of  his  betrayer,  and  arranged  payment  of  his  ransom.  The 
inference  to  be  drawn  from  this  is  that  the  occupiers  of  the  castle 
had  joined  in  seizing  John  when  he  was  going  home  after  the  sessions, 
and  held  him  until  he  paid  a  ransom. 

At  this  time  Fitton  expected  that  the  Lower  Boui'kes  would  not 
go  against  him.  The  expectation  was  no  doubt  just.  But  Fitton 
was  too  weak  to  prosecute  the  rebels  under  the  earl's  sons,  who 
destroyed  all  Connaught  that  did  not  join  them.  The  earl's  sons 
therefore  obtained  MacWilliam's  adhesion  in  June,  and  they  and 
MacWilliam  and  Justin  MacDonnell  went  to  Munster  to  help  James 
FitzMauiice  in  his  rebellion.  The  lord  deputy  made  a  hosting,  and 
drove  them  out  of  Munster. 

In  the  autumn  Lord  Clanricard  was  released  to  act  against  his 
sons,  who  begged  for  mercy  on  9th  November.  MacWilliam  also 
1  S.P.I.E.,  vol.  XXXIV.  No.  15. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.       181 

desired  to  submit.  In  the  middle  of  December  the  rebel  forces  dis- 
persed. The  earl's  sons  and  their  adherents  had  attained  their  chief 
object,  their  own  safety  and  his  release,  and  immunity  from  punish- 
ment for  themselves  and  their  adherents.  John  had  saved  his 
country,  which  was  left  in  peace  until   1576. 

This  peace  was  utilised  to  further  the  county  organisation.  The 
results  are  embodied  in  a  paper  called  the  Division  of  Connaught 
and  Thomond,  dated  27th  March  1574. i  It  is  said  to  have  been 
made  partly  by  the  president  and  council  of  Connaught,  where  they 
had  travelled,  and  partly  by  Sir  Thomas  Cusack  and  other  com- 
missioners. It  embodies  the  results  of  the  rough  surveys  which  had 
been  made  from  time  to  time.  As  might  be  expected,  the  county  of 
Galway  is  dealt  with  in  most  detail.  The  part  relating  to  Mayo  is 
less  full,  and  the  description  of  the  county  of  Sligo  is  a  mere  sketch 
of  territories.     It  is  but  a  development  of  the  division  of  1570. 

Thomond  became  the  county  of  Clare.  Galway  was  much  as  it  is, 
save  that  it  included  Ballymoe  in  Roscommon  as  part  of  MacDavid's 
lands,  and  Moycarn  as  part  of  Clanmacnowen,  and  did  not  include 
the  barony  of  Ross.  Roscommon  was  as  it  is,  less  Ballymoe  and 
Moycarn.  Mayo  comprised  the  territories  which  were  under  Mac- 
William  Eighter.  The  county  of  Sligo  comprised  the  present 
county  and  the  O'Rourk  territory,  the  present  county  of  Leitrim  ; 
but  Ardnarea  estate  was  in  Mayo. 

The  following  extract  shows  how  the  baronies  of  the  Co.  Mayo 
were  now  formed.  The  spelling  is  modernised,  or  put  in  Irish  form 
as  far  as  possible. 

"The  County  of  Mayo — containing  Eighter  Connaught  and  such 
other  countries  as  are  under  MacWilliam  Eighter,  and  are  divided 
into  baronies  to  be  named  as  foUoweth,  but  the  same  county  is  not  yet 
divided  into  ploughlands,  by  reason  whereof  the  parishes  could  not 
be  put  in  order  of  the  baronies,  but  are  written  by  themselves. 

"  Baronies  :  Crossboyne,  containing  MacMaurice's  country  ; 

"  Kilmaine,  containing  Conmacnecuile  and  lochtar  Thire,  in  which 
William  Burke  Fitzjohn,  Edmond  Burke  MacThomas  Yaghery,  and 
the  clan  Jonyns  are  chief  ; 

"  Ross,  containing  the  Joyes',  the  Walshes',  and  Partriches'  lands, 
MacThomas  and  MacTybod  chief  ; 

"Murrisk,  containing  Owle  Imale  and  the  lands,-  viz.,  Inishturk  and 
Inishark,  Cliara  and  Aukilles,^  O'Malley  chief  ; 

"  Burris,  containing  Owle  Clan  Philipin,  Owle  Eighter,  and  Sliocht 
MacTybbot's  lands,  Richard  an  larainn  chief  ; 

"  Invermore,  containing  Erris  and  Dundonnell,  MacWattin  chief; 

1  Lambeth  Library,  Carew  MSS.  voL  611,  f.  234. 

2  Islands!?).  ^  Clare  Island  and  Achill. 


18:2       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

"  Moyne,  containing  TiruAvley  and  the  Cusucks'  country,  John 
MacOliverus,  otherwise  Mac  William,  and  MacWattin,  called  Baron 
Barrett,  chief ; 

"  Burriscarra,  containing  C'lancuan,  Carra  and  ^Nluinter  Crechain, 
MacWilliam  Burke,  and  MacPhilipin,  chief  ; 

"  Bellalahen,  containing  Gallenga,  MacJordan,  otherwise  Baron 
Dexeter,  chief  ; 

"  Bellahaunis,  containing  Clan  Costello,  MacCostello,  otherwise 
Baron  Nangle,  chief." 

The  barony  of  Iloss  was  treated  as  part  of  lar-Connaught  in  the 
composition,  as  in  the  lordship  of  O'Flaherty,  to  whom  the  castle  and 
lands  of  Ross  had  been  given  as  an  eric.  The  "  Historia  et  Genealogia 
Familije  de  Burgo  "  omits  it  from  the  territories  owing  allegiance  and 
tribute  to  MacWilliam.  The  arrangement  was  made  before  1570, 
but  the  barony  was  considered  to  be  in  MacWilliam's  country,  held 
under  him  by  O'Flaherty.  The  Partry  portion  was  still  earlier 
transferred  to  Carra. 

Sir  H.  Sidney  came  again  as  lord  deputy  at  the  end  of  1575,  to 
endeavour  to  induce  the  lords  to  receive  sheriffs  and  to  surrender 
their  Irish  tenures  and  take  back  their  lands  by  the  queen's  patent, 
to  descend  by  hereditary  succession  according  to  English  law.  This 
object  was  attained  in  Connaught  by  degrees. 

A  letter  ^  of  Sir  E.  Fitton  shows  the  state  of  Connaught  at  this 
time,  and  explains  the  willingness  of  the  country  to  accept  Sir  H. 
Sidney's  proposals,  which  gave  a  hope  of  peace  and  ease  : — 

"  I  may  (after  the  common  manner  of  Ireland)  say  it  is  quiet, 
because  we  hear  of  no  professed  rebellion  against  the  State ;  but  if 
universal  oppression  of  the  mean  folk  by  the  great ;  if  murders, 
robberies  and  burning  make  an  ill  Commonweal,  if  extorting  of 
Government  into  subjects  hands  by  violent  plaguing  of  such  as  be 
both  willing  and  of  ability  to  live  vipon  themselves  without  seeking  to 
any  but  Her  Majesty  and  the  Laws  ;  to  conclude,  if  contempt  and  not 
performance  of  all  orders  sent  either  by  the  Lord  Deputy  or  us  Com- 
missioners there,  and  if  ill,  or  not  answering  at  all  of  any  revenue  due 
to  Her  Majesty  be  proofs  of  disobedience :  then  I  cannot  say  Con- 
naught is  in  good  case.  But  leaving  both  the  time  and  manner  of 
amendment  to  God  and  Her  Majesty,  I  cease  to  trouble  your  Lordship 
any  further  therewith,  omitting  to  say  anything  at  all  of  God  or  good 
life.  Only  the  Kellys  yet  stick  as  well  as  they  may,  and  as  Kicodemus 
came  to  Christ  by  night,  so  do  those  Kellys  which  dwell  by  west  the 
Suck,  most  of  them  come  to  us  as  privily  as  they  can,  for  fear  both  of 
displeasure  and  trapping  by  the  way.  But  those  between  Suck  and 
Shannon,  neighbours  to  Athlone,  are  in  meetly  good  case,  and  the 
1  S.PJ.E.,  XL.  11  ;  uth  Jau.  1575. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF   MALBIE.       183 

better  for  that  some  part  of  the  Garrison  hath  lien  at  Athlone  good 
part  of  the  Summer,  which  hath  both  feared  them  from  doing  so  much 
ill  as  they  would,  and  also  preserved  them  from  others  :  which  two 
points,  till  both  they  and  others  taste  of  at  full,  as  they  (God  wot) 
feel  yet  but  a  little,  obedience  can  in  no  reason  be  looked  for." 

Sidney  came  to  Galway  in  March  1576,  and  left  on  the  22nd  for 
Athlone.  Though  he  was  not  long  in  Connaught,  he  had  prepared 
the  Connaught  lords  by  sending  Thomas  Jones,  afterwards  Bishop 
of  Meath,  to  sound  them  regarding  his  proposals  while  he  was  in 
Munster. 

Sidney's  account  of  the  state  of  things  in  Connaught  makes 
intelligible  the  readiness  of  the  chieftains  to  accept  a  supremacy 
which  promised  them  peace.  Unfortunately  the  Pi'ovincial  Govern- 
ment was  not  made  strong  enough  to  hunt  down  and  hang  rebels  at 
once.  The  country  was  ruined  by  petty  rebellions  of  men  like  Lord 
Clanricard's  sons,  who  could  rob,  burn,  and  destroy  until  additional 
forces  were  collected.  In  extremity  they  got  pardons  on  terms  of  bare 
submission.  The  rebellions  were  never  general,  and  were  suppressed 
very  much  with  the  help  of  the  local  gentry  as  soon  as  a  force  came 
into  Connaught  strong  enough  to  enable  them  to  act.  The  Governors 
of  Connaught  always  had  willing  assistance.  But  the  leaders  of  the 
mischief  were  not  punished.  Sidney  hanged  many  malefactors  at 
Galway  on  this  occasion,  but  later  on  the  great  rebels,  whose  execution 
would  have  quieted  the  counti-y  and  protected  honest  men,  were  gently 
dealt  with. 

As  regards  Mayo  chiefs,  his  own  words,^  in  modern  spelling,  are  as 
follows : — 

"Out  of  the  county  of  Mayo,  came  to  me  to  Galway,  first  seven 
principal  men  of  the  Clandonnells,  for  every  of  their  several  Lineages 
one,  of  that  surname,  and  inhabiting  that  County,  all,  by  profession, 
mercenary  Soldiers,  by  the  name  of  Galloglas  ;  they  are  very  strong, 
and  much  of  the  wealth  of  the  country  is  under  them ;  they  are  able 
to  go  where  they  will,  and  with  the  Countenance  of  any  mean  Lord 
of  Force,  to  make  war  with  the  Greatest.  These  humbly  submitted 
themselves,  and  their  several  Lineages  to  her  Majesty,  protesting,  by 
oath,  and  binding  themselves  by  Indenture  and  Hostage,  never  to 
serve  any,  but  with  Allowance  of  the  Governor.  Troth  it  is,  I  was 
informed  by  Divers  Advertisements,  that  MacWilliam  Ewghter  would 
not  come  to  me ;  and  therefore  I  drew  this  Plot,  that  I  won  his  chief 
Force  from  him,  in  getting  these  Clandonnells  :  But  it  fell  out  other- 
wise in  the  End,  for  MacWilliam  very  willingly  came  himself  ;  and 
much  the  rather,  by  the  good  Persuasions,  and  Means  of  the  Dean  of 
Christchurch,  one  of  this  council,  whom  I  sent  into  Connaught,  when 
1  Carew  MSS.  II.,  No.  P.8  of  1576;  S.P.I.E.,  LV.  34,  27th  April  157ti. 


184       THE    KARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

I  went  into  ]Munster,  only  to  sound  the  Disposition  of  the  Potentates, 
and  great  ones  of  that  Province  ;  and  therein  lie  did  good  service,  and 
surely  so  he  is  well  able,  both  for  his  own  skill,  and  the  credit  that 
others  repose  in  him  ;  if  it  please  your  Lordships  to  bestow  a  thankful 
letter  upon  him,  it  will  be  very  comfortable  to  the  old  ]\Ian,  which  I 
humbly  beseech  your  Lordships  to  do.  I  found  M;icWilliam  very 
sensible,  though  wanting  the  English  tongue,  yet  understanding  the 
Latin  ;  a  lover  of  Quiet  and  Civility,  desirous  to  hold  his  Lands  of  the 
Queen,  and  suppress  Irish  Extortion,  and  to  expulse  the  Scots,  who 
swarm  in  those  quarters,  and  indeed  have  almost  suppressed  them  ;  in 
some  Proof  whereof  he  tarried  with  me,  most  of  the  Time  I  remained 
at  Galway,  and  thence  went  with  me  to  Athlone,  and  departed  not  till 
I  went  from  thence,  when  very  reverently,  by  Oath,  he  shewed  his 
fealty,  and  did  his  Homage,  as  Humbly  binding  himself,  as  well  by 
Oath  or  Indenture,  ever  hereafter  to  hold  his  Lands  of  her  Majesty, 
and  her  Crown,  and  to  pay  yearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  Marks 
Sterling,  and  to  find  two  hundred  Soldiei-s,  Horsemen  and  Footmen, 
for  two  Months  by  the  Year ;  and  to  give  them  Food  in  that  Propor- 
tion, as  I  trust,  in  Time,  shall  suifice  both  for  their  Meat  and  Wages. 
In  one  of  his  Petitions  exhibited  unto  me,  he  humbly  besought 
(doubting  that  I  would  have  taken  away  the  Bonnaught  from  the 
Clandonnells,  which  they  have  of  him  and  his  counti'y)  that  they 
might  (withdrawing  it  from  him)  hold  it  of  the  Queen.  This  Device 
was  underhand  practised  by  me,  and  they,  very  glad  of  this  Overture 
made  by  him,  humbly  desired  to  hold  it  of  her  Majesty,  and  so,  by 
Indenture  passed  between  the  Galloglas  and  the  Queen,  they  presently 
do.  This,  my  Lords,  is  an  entrance  of  no  small  Consequence,  both  for 
the  reducing  of  the  Country  to  her  Majesty's  Obedience,  and  no  small 
Increase  may  be  made  besides  to  her  Commodity,  and  the  Augmenta- 
tion of  her  Pvevenue.  He  received  his  Country  at  my  Hands,  by  Way 
of  Seneschalship,  which  he  thankfully  accepted.  The  Order  of 
Knighthood  I  bestowed  upon  him,  whereof  he  seemed  very  joyous, 
and  some  other  little  Trifles  I  gave  him,  as  tokens  between  him  and 
me,  wherewith  very  well  satisfied,  he  departed.  This  is  all  I  thought 
necessary  to  write  of  MacWilliam,  saving  that  he  was  desirous  I 
should  send  thither  an  English  sheriff,  as  I  have  likewise  done  in  all  the 
other  Counties  within  that  Province,  which,  of  late,  hath  been  omitted  : 
MacWilliam  pi-otested  he  would  obey  him  I  sent,  and  give  him  Find- 
ing for  a  sufficient  Strength  of  Men  on  Horseback  and  Foot ;  which  I 
accomplished  according  to  his  Desire,  and  sent  one  with  him.  Surely, 
my  Lords,  he  is  well  won,  for  he  is  a  great  man  ;  his  Land  lieth  along 
the  West  North  West  Coast  of  this  Realm,  wherein  he  hath  many 
goodly  Havens,  and  is  a  Lord  in  Territory  of  tluee  times  so  much 
Land  as  the  Earl  of  Clanricarde  is. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF   MALBIE.       185 

"He  brought  with  him  all  his  Brethren,  MacPhillippiii,  who  in 
Surname  is  a  Bourke,  as  he  is ;  and,  besides  them,  a  great  Number  of 
Owners  of  Lands  and  Castles,  lying  in  the  same  counti-y  :  Omaylle 
came  likewise  with  him,  who  is  an  original  Irish  Man,  strong  in 
galleys  and  Seamen ;  he  earnestly  sued  to  hold  of  the  Queen,  and  to 
pay  her  Rent  and  Service.  At  that  instant  were  also  with  me 
MacPhaten,  of  English  surname,  Bai-rett ;  Maclvyle,  of  English  sur- 
name, Staunton  ;  MacJordan,  of  the  like  Dexter,  MacCustelo  of  the 
like  Nangle,  MacMorris,  of  English  surname,  Prendergast ;  and 
these  V  show  Matter  of  some  Record  and  Credit,  that  they  have  not 
only  been  English,  which  every  man  confesseth,  but  also  Lords  and 
Barons  in  Parliament,  as  they  themselves  affirm  ;  and  surely  they 
have  Lands  sufficient  for  Barons,  if  they  might  wield  their  own 
quietly  ;  but  so  bare,  barbarous  Barons  are  they  now,  as  they  V  have 
not  three  Hackneys  to  carry  them  and  their  Train  Home.  There 
were  with  me  many  more  of  lower  Degree,  and  no  deeper  of  Wealth, 
as  the  Chiefs  of  Cianandros,  and  MacThomyn  ;  both  they,  and  many 
more  Barretts,  Cusackes,  Lynches  (Lynots?),  and  of  sundry  English 
surnames,  now  degenerate,  and  all  lamenting  their  Devastation,  and 
with  one  Consent  crying  for  Justice  and  English  Government,  in  so 
miserable  (and  yet  magnanimous)  Manner,  as  it  would  make  an 
English  Heart  to  feel  Compassion  with  them  ;  and  thus  for  the  County 
of  Mayo." 

The  lords  and  gentlemen  of  Galway  and  Roscommon  are  described 
as  showing  a  like  desire  for  the  introduction  of  government  amongst 
them. 

Soon  after  this  Sir  John  was  made  seneschal  of  his  nation  and  of 
his  tenants  and  followers,  and  of  his  and  their  lands  in  Connaught, 
with  authority  to  call  the  inhabitants  to  arms  and  to  preserve  the 
peace  and  to  administer  justice ;  for  life  during  good  behaviour. 
This  was  followed  by  the  appointment  of  minor  and  subject  lords  to 
be  seneschals  of  their  own  lands,  as  Moyler  Burke  of  Cloghans  to  be 
seneschal  of  the  barony  of  Kilmaine,  O'Malley  to  be  seneschal  of  the 
barony  of  Oulymaley,  Thomas  Keaghe  Burke  to  be  seneschal  of  his 
country  called  Moyntercreghan.  Thus  it  was,  I  suppose,  thought  to 
accustom  them  to  the  idea  of  dependence  on  the  Crown. 

The  earl's  sons  wei'e  taken  to  Dublin  and  released  on  parole  not  to 
cross  the  Shannon.  At  the  end  of  June  they  broke  their  parole,  went 
into  Connaught  and  raised  a  rebellion.  At  the  end  of  July  Nicholas 
Malbie  was  sent  from  England  to  take  charge  of  Connaught.  On  the 
13th  August  Sidney  reported  that  2000  Scots  had  joined  them  and 
were  wasting  Connaught.  MacWilliam  stood  by  his  engagements. 
The  rebels  under  Ulick  Burke  therefore  invaded  his  country,  laid  it 
waste  and  took  his  castles.     But  he  continued  to  do  his  best  against 


186       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

them,  though  his  own  gallowghxsses  turned  against  him  and  spoiled 
his  counti y. 

Sidney  came  to  Connaught.  On  the  21st  September  he  left  Galway 
and  marched  by  Shrule  to  Castlebar,  which  was  already  besieged  by  a 
force  which  he  had  sent  in  advance.  The  castle  was  held  by  the  sons 
of  Edmund  Bourke.  Their  mother  came  to  get  terms  for  her  sons, 
which  Sidney  refused.  But  he  allowed  her  to  speak  with  them. 
They  escaped  in  the  dark.  Meanwhile  MacWilliam  had  surprised  the 
Scots,  who  had  collected  their  plunder  in  a  place  five  or  six  miles 
away.  They  ran  away  and  left  their  prey.  Mac\Villiam  then  joined 
Sidney,  who  put  him  in  possession  of  Castlebar,  to  be  kept  for  the 
queen's  use,  and  of  other  castles  of  which  he  had  been  dispossessed. 

Sidney  intended  to  go  on  to  Sligo,  but  the  Moy  was  in  flood,  and  he 
had  no  boats  and  his  soldiers  were  tired.  Moreover  O'Conor  and  his 
Clandonnells  came  thence  with  the  rest  of  that  country,  and  the  Scots 
had  fled,  abandoning  Ulick  Burke,  who  joined  his  brother  in  Galway. 
So  Sidney  returned  to  Dublin,  leaving  Sir  N.  Malbie  in  charge  of 
Connaught,  with  the  title  of  Colonel  and  Chief  Commissioner,  with 
certain  forces  and  the  castles  of  Athlone  and  Roscommon  as  garrisons. 
According  to  a  deposition  made  before  Malbie  by  Richard  Og 
Bourke,  son  of  Richard,  son  of  John  of  the  Termon,  Lord  Clanricard 
had  sent  him  to  engage  10,000  Scots,  if  possible,  for  this  rebellion. 
The  earl  was  sent  to  London.  His  sons  surrendered  in  March  1577, 
escaping  punishment. 

In  his  narrative,  written  in  1583,  Sidney  writes  that  when  he 
reached  Galway  on  this  occasion,  "  There  came  to  me  also  a  most 
famous  feminine  sea  captain  called  Grany  Imallye,  and  offered  her 
■service  unto  me,  wheresoever  I  would  command  her,  with  thi-ee 
galleys  and  200  fighting  men,  either  in  Ireland  or  Scotland ;  she 
brought  with  her  her  husband,  for  she  was  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land 
more  than  Mrs.  Mate  with  him ;  he  was  of  the  Xether  Burkes,  and 
now  as  I  hear  Mack  William  Enter,  and  called  by  nickname  Richard 
in  Iron.     This  was  a  notorious  woman  in  all  the  coasts  of  Ireland." 

She  went  to  the  south  in  the  following  year.  When  the  Lord  Justice 
Drury  went  into  Munster  in  November  1578,  he  wrote  that  when  he 
was  at  Leighlin,  "  To  that  place  was  brought  unto  me  Granie  ny 
Maille,  a  woman  of  the  province  of  Connaught,  governing  a  country 
of  the  O'Flaharteys',  famous  for  her  stoutness  of  courage  and  person, 
and  for  sundry  exploits  done  by  her  by  sea.  She  was  taken  by  the 
Earl  of  Desmond  a  year  and  a  half  ago,  and  has  remained  ever  since 
partly  with  him  and  partly  in  Her  Majesty's  gaol  of  Limerick,  and 
was  sent  for  now  by  me  to  come  to  Dublin,  where  she  is  yet  re- 
maining." ^  It  does  not  appear  what  she  had  done,  but  in  July  1578 
1  Cal.  Carew  MSS.  II.,  1.578,  Xo.  109. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF   MALBIE.       187 

she  was  called  a  notorious  offender.  This  is  her  first  appearance  in 
history. 

MacWilliam  joined  Malbie  in  an  expedition  in  1577,  in  which 
Bundrowes  was  taken  from  O'Donnell  and  given  to  O'Oonor  Sligo. 
O'Donnell  invaded  Sligo  and  killed  the  sheriff,  Richard,  son  of  Tibbot 
Boy  MacSeonin. 

In  1578  Meiler,  son  of  Walter,  son  of  John  of  the  Termon,  Sheriff 
of  Mayo,  was  killed  in  a  night  attack  on  the  Neale  Castle  by  his 
cousin  Edinond,  son  of  Thomas  an  Machaire,  in  consequence  of  a 
quarrel  the  day  before. 

The  queen's  instructions  to  Sir  N.  Malbie  in  March  1579  for  his 
government  of  Connaught  desire  him  to  persuade,  if  he  can,  but  not 
to  constrain,  the  people  of  each  county  to  build  a  walled  town  as  a 
safe  and  suitable  place  for  keeping  the  assizes  and  sessions,  and 
authorised  the  issue  of  a  charter  of  incorporation  with  the  liberties 
usually  granted  in  such  cases  elsewhere.  A  draft  in  Walsingham's 
hand  contains  clauses,  omitted  finally,  showing  an  intention  to  grant 
to  Sir  John  Bourke  an  earldom  for  life,  and  to  his  son  and  his  heirs  a 
barony  with  estates,  according  to  English  law,  of  so  much  as  was 
their  own. 

In  July  1579  Malbie  reported  Connaught  to  be  in  a  good  state. 
MacWilliam  attended  sessions  at  Galway,  thereby  showing  loyalty  and 
a  disposition  to  support  the  administration  of  the  law.  He  sent  his 
son  William  to  be  brought  up  under  Walsingham  at  the  Queen's 
Court,  with  a  letter  from  INIalbie,  who  described  William  as  Sir  John's 
only  legitimate  son. 

Sir  James  FitzMaurice  landed  at  Smerwick  on  the  18th  July,  and 
wrote  to  Justin  MacDonnell  and  to  Randall  MacColla  MacDonnell, 
asking  them  to  come  with  as  many  gallowglasses  as  they  can  get. 

In  August  Connaught  supplied  600  English  and  Irish  well  furnished, 
and  had  1000  more  ready  to  come  with  MacWilliam.  Even  in 
September  Malbie  was  able  to  report  that  none  in  Connaught  would 
promise  anything  to  Sir  James.  When  the  Earl  of  Desmond  re- 
belled he  also  sought  help,  but  got  none  except  from  Richard  an 
larainn,  whose  rising  made  Malbie  return  from  Munster.  His 
relation  of  his  proceedings  is  here  abstracted,  or  given  in  inverted 
commas,  as  it  is  one  of  the  very  few  detailed  accounts  v/e  have 
of  the  work  of  suppressing  a  petty  rising.  Richard  had  very 
little  help  except  from  the  weak  clans  of  the  mountainy  country 
and  the  Clandonnells. 

The  Earl  of  Desmond  sought  to  raise  up  trouble  in  Connaught,  and 
he  and  Dr.  Sandars  wrote  to  MacWilliam  and  to  Lord  Clanricard's 
sons,  to  Richard  an  larainn,  next  in  authority  to  IMacWilliam,  to 
Clandonnells  and  MacSwynes,  urging  them  to  join  the  rebellion  for 


188       THE    EARLY    H  [STORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

sake  of  church  and  country.  None  wouUl  join,  ami  some  even  sent 
Malbie  the  letters,  except  Richard  an  larainn,  who  trusted  to  the 
strength  of  his  remote  country  in  the  north-west  "  environed  with 
woods,  bogs,  and  mountains,  where  (to  any  man's  memoiy)  no  English 
Governor  hath  been  at  any  time,  and  encouraged  the  (Jlandonnells 
to  give  the  English  occupation.  These  Clandonnells  were  accounted 
always  an  invincible  people,  and  the  most  strongest  sept  of  Galloglas 
in  Ireland,  and  the  only  men  of  force  in  Connaught,  Richard  In 
Yeren,  having  thus  won  the  Clandonnells,  joined  unto  him  also  the 
O'Mayles,  Clangibbons,  Ulick  Bourke's  sept,  and  certain  of  the 
O'Flaherties,  whereby  he  thought  himself  very  strong." 

Richard  failed  to  hire  Scots  from  the  Isles,  but  got  100  bows  from 
Ulster.  He  took  his  forces  first  into  O'Kelly's  and  Lord  Athenry's 
countries,  and  then  with  1000  men  plundered  Moylurg.  Malbie, 
having  returned  from  Munster,  arranged  with  O'Conor  Sligo  and 
O'Rourk  that  they  should  prevent  Scots  from  landing  or  coming  from 
Ulster,  and  should  turn  them  out  of  their  countries.  He  did  not  call 
up  the  rising  out,  but  relied  on  the  two  bands  of  foot  who  were  in  the 
province,  and  on  100  horsemen  and  400  foot,  English  of  the  Pale  and 
others  who  had  served  before,  who  were  to  have  their  pay  and  expenses 
from  the  countries  of  the  rebels.  After  a  delay  of  three  weeks,  caused 
by  his  being  called  to  Dublin,  he  started  from  Athlone  on  the  6th 
February  1580,  and  went  to  Athenry,  whence  he  sent  on  the  captains 
of  his  forces  to  take  Richard's  plunder  before  his  arrival.  The  Arch- 
bishop of  Tuam  and  Lord  Athenry  met  him  at  Shrule  on  the  11th, 
and  accompanied  him  the  rest  of  the  way.  On  the  12th  he  marched 
to  Liskillen,  where  Thomas  Roe  Bourke  and  Justin  MacDonnell,  two 
of  Richard's  chief  confederates,  came  without  protection  and  sub- 
mitted. On  the  same  day  a  party  of  his  men  entered  MacDonnell's 
country,  and  brought  two  hundred  cows  to  camp. 

"The  13th  I  moved  from  Liskillen  to  MacDonnell's  castle  called 
Clooneen ;  I  caused  the  castle  to  be  sapped  by  masons  which  I 
brought  for  that  purpose,  and,  the  castle  being  ready  to  be  over- 
thrown, MacDonnell's  friends  entreated  that  he  might  be  received 
to  favour,  and  at  their  request  I  was  content  to  speak  with  him,  after 
which  conference  the  said  MacDonnell  delivered  one  of  his  sons  to 
my  hands  as  a  pledge  for  his  good  behaviour  and  observation  of  the 
peace  for  himself  and  his  sept,  and  for  satisfying  all  former  hurts  and 
spoils  by  him  and  his  men  committed  upon  all  or  any  of  Her  Majesty's 
subjects,  and  to  restore  unto  them  by  my  order,  all  such  goods  and 
cattle  as  they  took  from  them,  whereby  all  the  galloglass  of  the  Clan- 
donnells were  plucked  from  Richard  an  larainn.  After  this  conclusion 
I  rested  the  next  day,  being  the  14th  February,  at  MacDonnell's 
castle. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF   MALBIE.        189 

"The  15th  I  removed  to  the  fields  near  Ballintvibber,  where 
Mac  William  and  his  men,  with  the  chief  gentlemen  of  the  country, 
came  to  me  and  joined  their  forces  with  my  company. 

"  This  day  the  forces  which  I  have  entertained  took  the  strong 
castle  of  Donamona  from  Shane  McHubert,  called  Parson  of  the  same, 
chief  counsellor  to  Richard  an  lai-ainn,  and  put  the  ward,  both  men, 
women,  and  children,  to  the  sword,  wherevipon  all  the  other  castles  in 
the  enemy's  country  were  given  up  without  any  resistance. 

"The  16th  I  removed  to  Ballyknock,  whither  Grainne  ni  Maille 
and  certain  of  her  kinsmen  came  to  me. 

"The  l7th  I  removed  to  Burrishoole,  an  abbey  standing  very 
pleasant  upon  a  river  side,  within  three  miles  from  the  sea,  where  a 
ship  of  five  hundred  tons  may  lie  at  anchor  at  low  water.  It  hath 
a  goodly  and  large  lough  on  the  upper  part  of  the  i-iver,  full  of  great 
timber,  grey  marble,  and  many  other  commodities  of  all  -sides,  not 
without  great  store  of  good  ground,  both  arable  land  and  pasture. 
Specially  it  hath  a  very  plentiful  iron  mine  and  abundance  of  wood 
every  way.  Towards  the  sea  coast  there  lieth  many  fair  islands,  rich 
and  plentiful  of  all  commodities  ;  there  cometh  hither  every  year  likely 
about  fifty  English  ships  for  fishing  ;  they  have  been  before  this  time 
compelled  to  pay  a  great  tribute  to  the  O'Malleys,  which  I  have 
forbidden  hereafter  till  Her  Majesty's  pleasure  be  known.  It  is 
accounted  one  of  the  best  fishing  places  in  Ireland  for  salmon,  herring, 
and  all  kinds  of  sea  fish. 

"  Richard  an  larainn,  considering  that  the  Clandonnells  forsook 
him,  and  that  he  was  narrowly  persecuted  by  me  and  my  companions 
on  all  parts  of  the  country',  not  being  able  to  keep  the  field  nor  make 
any  other  resistance,  abandoned  the  country,  and  fled  into  the  islands 
with  his  Scots  and  some  gentlemen  of  his  retinue. 

"  This  day  I  took  order  that  the  abbey  of  Burrishoole  aforesaid 
should  be  fortified  and  strengthened,  and  that  all  the  castles  of  the 
country  standing  upon  straits,  should  be  warded  and  kept  for  Her 
Majesty,  and  that  a  captain  with  one  hundred  men  should  lie  in 
garrison  at  BuiTishoole  Abbey,  and  all  this  to  be  done  without  any 
charge  to  Her  Majesty.  MacWilliam  also,  and  his  brother  Richard 
MacOliverus  Bourke  and  the  chief  gentlemen  of  the  country,  having 
considered  the  great  benefit  and  commodity  which  might  grow  to  the 
whole  country  if  a  walled  town  were  built  and  erected  at  Burris,  made 
humble  request  unto  me  to  be  a  mean  for  them  to  Her  Majesty  for 
the  building  of  a  town  there,  as  by  their  petition  exhibited  unto  me 
doth  appear,  and  MacWilliam  not  only  promised  that  his  country 
should  contribute  to  the  same,  but  also  made  gift  to  Her  Highness 
of  seventeen  quarters  of  land  joining  to  it.  I  promised  to  move  the 
matter,  and  would  take  no  knowledge  upon  me  that  I  had  any  order 


190       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

for  it  before  from  Her  Majesty,  because   I   would  have  it  come  of 
themselves. 

"The  18th  llichard  an  larainn  sent  unto  me  to  receive  him  to 
favour,  and  that  he  would  \n\t  in  his  pledge  and  abide  my  order  in 
all  things,  whereupon  I  appointed  the  Baron  of  Athenry  to  go  and 
speak  with  him,  who  found  him  very  reasonable,  and  both  sorry  for 
what  he  hath  done,  and  willing  to  make  the  best  amends  he  could, 
so  as  upon  his  report  I  was  content  he  should  come  and  speak  with 
me,  but  the  wind  blew  so  great  as  in  six  days  he  could  not  come  out 
of  the  islands,  during  which  time  he  sustained  great  misery  by  hunger 
and  cold,  whereby  one  hundred  of  his  people  were  dead  and  starved 
within  the  islands. 

"  This  day  the  force  which  I  entertained  took  a  great  prey  out  of  the 
Owles  from  the  O'Malleys  and  Clangibbons,  whereupon  they  came  to 
me  immediately  and  submitted  themselves.  The  19th  I  sent  a  number 
of  men  to  the  isles  of  Achill  for  boats  to  set  upon  the  islands,  but  the 
tempest  was  so  great  as  they  could  do  nothing. 

"And  for  that  Ilichard  an  larainn's  chief  confederates  forsook  him, 
and  were  at  my  commandment,  and  that  he  himself  was  to  come  to 
me,  I  thought  good  to  return  home,  leaving  a  sufficient  force  in  the 
country  to  withstand  all  attempts.  I  left  oider  with  the  captain  of 
Burris  to  take  and  receive  Richard's  pledge  in  my  absence,  being 
provoked  the  rather  to  return,  for  that  the  Lord  Justice  commanded 
me  to  .  .  .  met  him  there  [Limerick]  about  the  beginning  of  March. 
"  And  so  leaving  the  country  in  meetly  good  quiet,  and  having 
thoroughly  suppressed  the  said  rebellion,  I  departed  Burrishoole  the 
20th  of  February  and  came  homeward.  This  day  the  storm  and 
tempest  was  so  great,  and  the  snow  fallen  in  such  abundance,  as 
scarce  any  soldier  could  travel,  the  vehemence  whereof  drew  swine, 
sheep,  lambs,  and  other  small  cattle  from  the  woods  to  the  camp  for 
succour  against  the  weather,  which  greatly  refreshed  us,  being  in 
some  want  of  victuals  a  day  or  two  before."  ^ 

Malbie  reached  Galway  on  the  2-l:th,  rested  two  days,  and  sent  by 
sea  provision  for  the  garrison  of  Burris.  On  the  18th  March,  being 
at  Quin  on  his  return  from  Limerick,  he  I'eceived  from  the  captain  of 
Burris  Richard's  letter  of  submission  and  a  report  that  Richard  and 
his  chief  confederates  had  given  their  best  pledges.  This  affair  was 
at  an  end  as  far  as  Mayo  was  concerned. 

In  June  Malbie  reported  that  MacCostello  had  given  Mr.  Theobald 
Dillon  Castlemore  and  a  great  portion  of  land,  with  the  consent  of 
his  clan,  as  a  free  gift  to  induce  him  to  settle  among  them,  and  on 
account  of  the  ancient  common  descent  of  the  Dillons  and  MacCos- 
tellos.  The  real  object  was  to  secure  the  help  of  an  Englisliman,  who 
1  S.P.I.E.,  vol.  LXXH.,  No.  39. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.       191 

would  V)iing  others  in  and  strengthen  the  clan.  Though  Dillon  by 
degrees  acquired  more  land  until  he  got  a  great  part  of  the  barony 
into  his  hands,  they  did,  I  think,  gain  strength  by  his  presence  and 
his  followers. 

MacWilliam  had  now  made  up  his  mind  to  go  to  England  to  do  his 
duty  to  the  queen.     But  he  never  went. 

When  O'Rourk  rebelled  at  the  end  of  August,  Walter  Fada's  sons 
joined  O'Conor  Roe  and  some  O'lvellys  in  an  attack  on  MacDavid's 
country,  which  was  repelled.  Otherwise  the  Mayo  men  kept  the 
peace. 

Sir  John  Bourke  died  at  the  end  of  November.  He  seems  to  have 
deserved  the  character  given  by  the  "  Four  Masters  " — "  A  munificent 
and  very  affluent  man,  who  preferred  peace  to  the  most  successful 
war,  and  who  always  sided  with  the  sovereign,"  save  that  he  did  not 
always,  but  nearly  always,  side  with  the  sovereign. 

Richard  an  larainn  was  Tanist,  but  Sir  John's  brother  Richard 
disputed  the  succession,  as  he  had  formerly  disputed  the  Tanistship. 
The  former  took  up  arms,  and  engaged  Scots  and  made  preparations 
to  defend  his  rights  against  the  queen  if  necessai-y.  Matters  came 
to  a  head  in  February,  when  Malbie  arranged  to  deal  with  the  affair. 
A  long  report  from  Sir  N.  Malbie  gives  the  particulars  of  the  expedi- 
tion. As  a  good  account  of  such  an  expedition,  and  the  dealings 
with  the  chieftains,  and  the  operations  of  war,  the  following  abstract, 
with  parts  in  full,  is  given. 

The  Earl  of  Clanricard's  sons  confederated  with  Richard  an 
lai-ainn.  John  Bui-ke  arranged  the  Hill  of  Doonlaur,  three  miles 
from  Shrule,  as  a  general  meeting -place  for  all  the  allies,  on 
the  1st  March.  Malbie  set  out  from  Athlone,  and  encamped  one 
mile  from  Doonlaur  on  the  appointed  day,  occupying  certain  fords  to 
keep  the  earl's  sons  from  joining.  Richard  and  his  forces  were  six 
miles  off.  Scouts  sent  to  ascertain  the  site  of  Richard's  camp  were 
seen  by  Richard's  men.  I  now  continue  the  abstract  in  the  first 
person,  as  Malbie  wrote. 

"  Richard's  Scots  thought  he  and  the  Clandonnells  had  betrayed  them 
to  me  as  I  had  come  so  near  unknown  to  them.  They  retired  to  a 
fastness  in  Clanmorris.  The  Clandonnells  and  Richard's  men  thought 
the  earl's  sons  had  betrayed  them.  They  all  scattered  to  shift  their 
cattle  and  goods  away  from  me. 

"  The  2nd  March  I  went  forward  to  camp  in  Richard's  country  to 
spoil  it.  By  the  way  Richard  Og,  son  of  late  MacWilliam,  came  to 
me  to  beg  me  to  spare  Richai-d's  country  until  Richard  should  come 
to  me,  and  asked  a  safe-conduct  in  writing  for  Richard,  which  I  gave. 
Next  morning  Richard  Og  came  again,  saying  Richard  Inyren  re- 
quired to  have  Captain  Brabazon  sent  to  him  as  a  pledge  for  his  safe 


192       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

return.  I  told  him  I  would  first  see  Richard  hanged  before  I  would 
do  that  dishonour  to  Her  Majesty,  and  that  if  he  did  once  utter  any 
word  again  in  any  such  matter,  he  should  have  no  peace  at  my  hands, 
but  all  extremity  with  fire  and  sword,  and  that  also  if  he  did  not 
assure  me  before  that  night  of  his  coming  to  me,  I  would  begin  the 
next  morning  with  the  town  ^  I  then  lay  in,  which  was  Marcus  Mac- 
Ynabbe's  town,  Chief  of  the  Clandonnells.  He  departed  in  haste, 
and  that  evening  returned  to  me  bringing  with  him  Feris  ^  Mac- 
Donnell,  chief  son  to  the  late  MacDonnell,  who  declared  unto  me  that 
Mac^Villiam  had  sent  them  to  assure  me  that  he  would  come  to  me  in 
the  morning  and  would  submit  himself  to  my  pleasure.  I  told  them 
there  was  no  Mac  William,  nor  none  should  be  but  through  Her 
Majesty's  assignment  and  authority,  and  if  they  had  anything  to  say 
from  Richard  Inyren  I  was  ready  to  give  them  audience. 

"  They  renounced  that  title,  and  proceeded  in  Richard's  name. 
They  asked  that  Captain  Brabazon  and  some  other  gentlemen  of  the 
camp  be  sent  to  conduct  Richard  to  the  camp,  for  fear  of  the  soldiers, 
which  I  did.  He  came  in  great  fear.  1  reassured  him,  and  required 
the  causes  of  his  raising  war,  levying  forces,  and  paying  Scots.  He 
answered  that,  when  MacWilliam  died  and  the  Lordship  of  right 
descended  to  him,  sundry  friends,  and  especially  the  earl's  sons, 
infoi'med  him  that  I  intended  to  set  vip  his  enemy  Richard  Mac- 
Oliverus.  I  told  him  he  should  have  ascertained  my  intentions  before 
making  war,  and  that  I  was  no  enemy  to  him,  but  my  duty  was  to 
uphold  every  man  in  his  right,  &c. 

"  He  said  he  really  had  hoped  for  mercy,  and  intended  to  submit. 
I  said  he  must  deserve  it  by  service  to  Her  Majesty.  He  said  he 
would  do  anything  in  his  power.  I  said,  expel  the  Scots.  He  asked 
my  help,  which  I  promised. 

"  He  sent  to  ascertain  their  camp,  which  was  in  a  fastness  under  a 
high  mountain.-^  Kext  morning  I  sent  on  about  one  hundred  horse- 
men to  discover  their  camp,  and  followed  with  the  foot  and  Captain 
Brabazon's  horsemen.  The  Scots  skirmished  with  the  horse  until  I 
came  up,  and  then  fled  to  the  woods.     We  killed  nine  or  ten. 

"Richard  Inyren's  son  joined  us  from  a  lake  in  the  neighbourhood. 
He  was  given  some  men,  who  drove  the  Scots  through  the  wood  as 
there  were  six  miles  of  plain  on  the  other  side.  I  and  the  rest 
pa.ssed  over  the  high  mountains.'*  When  the  Scots  were  passing  the 
plain  we  kept  them  in  sight,  but  lost  ground,  having  to  go  round  bogs 
which  they  crossed.     At  last  we  came  up  with  them  at  the  Moy,  where 

1  Probably  Moelle  Castle  at  Hollymount  House,  occupied  by  Marcus  in  1574. 

2  Feragh  (?). 

*  Prol)ably  on  the  west  side  of  Slieve  Carna. 

*  Either  ylieve  Carna  or  Knockspellagadaun. 


I 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.       193 

they  had  sent  over  a  foid,  up  to  the  chin,  their  baggage  and  half 
their  men  of  war.  I  was  first  up  by  goodness  of  my  horse,  and  with 
twenty  men  charged  them,  but  by  their  shot  and  arrows  they  beat  us 
back,  and  got  over  the  ford  and  over  a  piece  of  hard  ground  an 
arrowshot  wide,  to  a  great  bog  which  they  sought  as  their  pUice  of 
safety. 

"  As  they  left  the  river  we  entered  the  ford,  and  they  came  back 
and  we  retired,  and  they  fired  some  ai"rows  and  shot.  And  then, 
espying  Mac  William,  they  railed  upon  him  and  danced  up  and  down, 
which  was  the  thing  I  desired  to  continvie  until  the  loose  footmen 
might  come  in.  This  occurred  twice.  Then  they  seemed  to  under- 
stand what  I  meant,  and  made  off  into  the  bog  and  thence  to  the 
great  wood  before  my  foot  came  up.  They  abandoned  many  sculls 
and  bows,  which  my  men  picked  up  in  following  them. 

"  The  Scots  thereafter  marched  clean  out  of  the  province.  They 
were  about  600  men — 180  horsemen,  180  targets,  100  long  swords,  the 
rest  were  darts,  shot,  and  gallowglass  axes,  all  as  well  appointed  men 
as  ever  I  saw  for  their  faculty. 

"  I  retired  myself  to  the  Abbey  of  Strade,  which  was  about  two 
miles.     Here  abundant  supplies  of  food  came  in  from  the  country. 

"  Next  morning,  I  not  expecting  it,  Richard  Inyren  himself  came 
to  me,  and  fell  on  his  knees,  most  humbly  beseeching  the  queen's 
pardon,  and  presenting  his  submission  and  petition  in  writing.  I 
lectured  him  well  on  his  duty,  vSaid  the  queen  desired  to  give  mei*cy 
to  penitents,  and  told  him  to  rise  MacWilliam,  declaring  the  queen 
sought  only  to  maintain  them  in  their  rights,  &c, 

"  I  wrote  to  Richard  MacOliverus  to  come,  who  came  on  the  7th 
without  protection  or  any  word  from  me,  for  he  is  a  very  honest 
gentleman. 

"  The  two  Richards  began  quarrelling  at  once.  Richard  Mac- 
Oliverus called  Richard  Inyren  a  traitor.  Richard  Inyren  said 
Richard  MacOliverus  lied.  I  ordered  them  both  to  be  silent.  They 
then  argued  their  causes  fairly.  After  dinner  I  saw  Richard  Mac- 
Oliverus alone,  who  produced  a  letter  of  Sir  H.  Sidney  promising  him 
support,  but  it  contained  the  clause  Quousque.  I  explained  to  him 
that  the  right  lay  with  MacWilliam,  and  must  be  supported  by  the 
queen,  and  he  submitted  to  my  judgment,  and  asked  me  to  do  what  I 
could  to  save  his  credit.  After  consultation  with  Lord  Bermingham 
and  Teige  MacWilliam  O'Kelly,  who  were  assistants  with  me  in  com- 
mission, and  MacDavy  and  Richard  Burke  of  Derrymaclaughney, 
who  came  on  this  service,  Richard  MacOliverus  said  he  would  fully 
acknowledge  MacWilliam,  if  he  as  next  senior  were  given  the  <£40 
chief  rent  due  to  MacWilliam  out  of  Tirawley. 

"  MacWilliam  flatly  refused  to  give  more  than  £20,  which  Richard 

N 


104       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

MacOlivi-nis  flatly  refused.  Then  I  arranged  that  I  would  give 
MacWilliam  £20  of  the  queen's  rent,  and  that  he  should  give  the 
£40  of  himself  to  Richard,  keeping  my  £20  secret.  This  was 
greatly  approved  by  MacWilliam  and  my  advisers,  and  accepted. 
So  the  two  were  made  friends.  Richard  begged  to  be  made  sheriff. 
With  MacWilliam's  consent  I  made  him.  Richard  is  now  very  well 
contented. 

"  While  seeking  peace,  during  my  absence  the  earl's  son  TJlick 
took  O'Madden's  Longford  castle.     So  I  hanged  his  pledge. 

"MacWilliam  raised  1200  gallowglasses,  and  had  complete  800. 
Agreed  to  pay  for  700  Scots,  and  had  complete  600.  Loose  Kerne 
300.  Horsemen  20.  The  earl's  sons  and  O'Briens  reckoned  800 
foot,  80  horse.  I  had  not  above  460  foot  and  80  kerne,  and  between 
160  and  180  horse. 

'*  I  required  of  MacWilliam  as  a  fine  for  his  nomination  for  Her 
Majesty  100  marks  or  100  cows.  He  was  very  much  pleased,  and, 
though  I  refused  at  first,  insisted  on  giving  me  100  marks  for  myself, 
as  he  knew  I  was  at  charges  for  this  journey.  He  kept  one  of  my 
men  to  bring  the  money,  whom  I  ordered  to  leave  with  him  the  £20 
for  Richard  MacOliverus  out  of  it. 

"  The  charge  per  annum  on  MacWilliam's  country  for  the  Scots  he 
engaged  was  at  the  rate  of  £16,800.      They  had  to  fly  without  pay."  ^ 

jNIacWilliam  entered  into  a  formal  engagement  on  the  7th  March 
at  the  Togher  to  banish  Scots  and  rebels,  and  to  pay  the  100  marks 
before  the  12th  April.  He  made  a  good  bargain,  securing  the  suc- 
cession at  a  low  price,  and  getting  rid  of  his  Scots  without  payment. 

Richard  an  larainn  was  knighted  in  September. 

About  April  or  May  1582  a  fresh  disturbance  arose,  which  Malbie 
describes  in  a  letter  fi^om  Dublin  on  the  28th  May.^  "  Connaught 
is  well,  saving  lately  that  MacWilliam  sending  his  officers  with 
some  of  my  horsemen  to  Richard  MacOliverus,  brother  to  the  last 
MacW'illiam,  deceased,  and  to  the  sons  of  the  said  MacW^illiam, 
to  receive  Her  Majesty's  rents  in  arrear,  which  was  delivered  unto 
them  by  the  country  for  Her  Majesty,  the  said  Richard  MacOliverus 
and  his  nephews  quarrelled  with  the  officers  and  slew  some  of  them 
and  three  of  my  horsemen.  Whereupon  MacWilliam,  taking  the 
matter  in  grief,  entered  their  country  and  slew  a  son  of  Richard 
MacOliverus,  and  a  .son  of  Edmond  Bourke  of  Castlebar,  and  twenty 
more ;  certifying  Captain  Brabazon,  that  if  he  thought  that  not 
revenge  enough,  he  would  prosecute  them  more ;  upon  which  revenge 
Richard  MacOliverus  and  his  nephews  put  themselves  in  arms 
against  Her  Majesty.  MacWilliam  sent  to  Captain  Brabazon  to 
draw  down  towards  him  with  his  forces,  who,  calling  the  chief 
1  S.P.I.E.,  vol.  LXXXI.  Xo.  42,  i.  «  S.P.I.E.,  vol.  XCII.  No.  89. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.       195 

gentlemen  of  the  province  to  him,  was  also  advised  by  them  to 
make  head  against  the  others  in  time ;  and  so  most  willingly  of 
themselves,  with  their  forces,  accompanied  him."  Captain  Brabazon 
had  100  English  foot,  and  60  horse,  and  about  800  others,  "all 
gentlemen  of  the  country  and  their  rising  out."  "It  is  given  out 
that  the  evil  dealing  with  the  country  people  is  the  cause  of  their 
revolt ;  but  I  have  used  this  Richard  MacOliverus  and  his  nephews 
in  better  sort  than  any.  It  is  written  to  me  that  they  are  very 
well  chastised  already." 

"Walter  Kittagh  Bourke,  Sir  John's  eldest  son,  had  come  in  and 
submitted,  and  Brabazon  had  garrisoned  the  castles  of  Ardnarea 
and  Meelick.  Richard  MacOliverus  went  to  O'Donnell  to  get  Scots. 
He  failed,  and  returned  in  June. 

An  entry  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce  relates  to  this  affair,  and 
shows  how  it  was  regarded  by  the  Irish  Annalists.  It  seems  as 
if  Walter  Fada's  sons  had  invaded  Tirawley  on  their  own  account. 
I  take  it  that  they  were  acting  with  MacWilliam,  and  that  this 
is  a  note  of  a  skirmish  between  their  forces  and  those  of  a  party 
of  rebels.  "  The  sons  of  Walter  Fada  went  on  an  expedition  into 
Tir-Amhalghaidh,  and  committed  a  depredation.  The  young  men 
of  the  posterity  of  Rickard  Burk  overtook  them  in  pursuit,  and 
set  upon  them.  The  sons  of  Walter  Fada  turned  against  them, 
and  the  pursuers  were  routed  by  superior  numbers  at  Mam-an-ghair, 
in  Glenn-dubh,  on  the  southern  side  of  Xeimhfin.  Rickard,  son  of 
Edmond,  son  of  Ulick  of  Caislen-an-Bharraigh,  was  killed  there ; 
and  Edmond  Allta,  the  son  of  Richard,  son  of  Oliver,  was  also 
killed  there.  Ambrose,  son  of  David  Ban,  and  Oliver,  son  of  John, 
son  of  David  Ban,  and  a  good  many  of  their  followers  along  with 
them,  were  severely  wounded  there." 

Sir  N.  Malbie  was  rebuked  when  he  was  in  England  for  having 
spent  too  much  money.  Therefore  when  the  invasion  in  the  summer 
led  to  a  serious  wasting  of  the  country  and  increase  of  rebels,  he 
did  not  put  any  charge  upon  the  queen  or  the  country  to  enable 
him  to  cope  with  it  at  once,  but  contented  himself  with  using  the 
garrison  and  the  rising  out  of  the  loyal  men. 

Though  Richard  MacOliverus  returned  in  June  without  Scots,  he 
seems  to  have  made  some  arrangement  with  O'Neill.  Torlogh 
Lynagh  sent  Con  O'Donnell  to  Connaught  on  the  3rd  July  with 
1200  men,  of  whom  800  were  Scots.  They  came  as  far  as  the  walls 
of  the  Castle  of  Sligo,  where  an  English  garrison  under  O'Conor 
Sligo  slew  forty  of  them.  O'Donnell  plundered  O'Conor  Sligo's 
country  of  2000  cows,  and  Walter  Kittagh  at  the  same  time 
plundered  all  Tireragh.  Malbie  collected  all  the  rising  out  of  the 
country,   and   set  out   from  Athlone   soon   after  the   8th   July  with 


19G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

100  English  foot  and  70  horse,  and  was  back  again  on  the  19th. 
Con,  on  hearing  of  his  approach,  fled  in  such  haste  that  ten  or 
twelve  Scots  were  drowned  in  crossing  the  Erne,  and  most  abandoned 
their  baggage.  Malbie  had  the  country  on  his  side,  though  his  own 
force  was  small.  Richard  MacOliverus  and  Walter  submitted  on 
the  20th  July,  but  Mac  William  and  O'Conor  Sligo  warned  Malbie 
that  though  there  was  not  then  a  rebel  in  Connaught,  he  must 
expect  the  enemy  to  return  in  great  force. 

On  the  28th  October  Malbie  wrote  from  (lalway  that  there 
was  a  great  assembly  of  the  nobility.  "...  William  Burke, 
MacWilliam,  Richard  MacOliverus,  Walter  Bourke,  Murrough  ne 
Doe  O'Flaherty  .  .  .  MacMaurice  .  .  .  and  many  gentlemen  and 
their  wives,  among  whom  Greny  O'Mally  is  one,  and  thinketh  herself 
to  be  no  small  lady,  are  at  present  assembled  to  make  a  plat  for 
continuing  the  quietness."  ^ 

William  Bourke,  Sir  John's  son,  was  made  Sheriff  of  Sligo  at  the 
end  of  the  year.  According  to  the  Four  Masters,  "  Ulick  Roe,  son 
of  Sir  John,  "  was  slain  in  the  winter  of  this  year  by  Thomas 
Wideos,  a  gentleman  of  the  queen's  people  ;  and  all  said  that  he 
was  not  fairly  slain." 

In  January  of  1583  Theobald  Dillon  collected  the  composi- 
tion rents,  and  arrangements  were  made  for  payment  of  large 
arrears. 

Sir  Richard  an  larainn  died  on  the  3rd  day  of  Easter,  according 
to  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce.  The  Four  Masters  call  him  "  a  plundering 
warlike  unquiet  and  rebelliovis  man,  who  had  often  forced  the  gap 
of  danger  on  his  enemies,  and  upon  whom  it  was  frequently  forced." 

He  was  the  husband  of  Grainne  ni  Mhaille,  better  known  as 
Grace  O'Malley,  who  survived  him  for  many  years.  Though  she 
is  not  recognised  in  the  Annals,  the  English  records  show  that  she 
was  an  imperious,  courageous  woman,  who  went  plundering  upon 
the  seas,  and  had  acquired  a  great  reputation  on  the  sea-coasts, 
and  who  by  her  abilities  and  strength  of  character  exercised  a  very 
great  influence  in  Mayo  affairs  through  her  husband  and  her  rela- 
tions.    She  settled  at  Rockfleet  Castle,  near  Burrishoole. 

Her  son,  Tibot  na  Long,  inherited  the  courage  and  abilities  of 
his  parents,  and  became  the  principal  man  in  Mayo  at  the  close 
of  this  century. 

Richard  MacOliverus  succeeded  as  MacWilliam,  and  was  knighted 
in  November.  The  succession  seems  to  have  been  disputed  by  the 
Sliocht  Ulick,  as  the  Four  Masters  record  that,  "  A  great  army  was 
led  by  the  people  of  Sir  Nicholas  Malby,  and  the  sons  of  the  Earl 
of  Clanricard,  Ulick  and  John,  into  lochtar  Tire  and  Umhall  Ui 
1  i>.P.I.E.,  vol.  XCVI.  No.  37. 


FORMATION    OF    COUNTY    TO    DEATH    OF    MALBIE.       197 

Mhaille,  and  took  a  countless  number  of  cattle  spoils  on  that 
occasion,  and  also  burned  and  totally  destroyed  Cathair  na  Mart," 
which  was  in  the  demesne  of  Westport. 

Sir  Nicholas  Malbie  died  on  the  3rd  March  1584.  "There  came 
not  to  Erinn  in  his  own  time,  or  often  before,  a  better  gentleman 
of  the  Foreigners  than  he,  and  he  placed  all  Connacht  under 
bondage.  And  it  is  not  possible  to  count  or  reckon  all  that  this 
man  destroyed  throughout  Erinn  ;  and  he  executed  many  works, 
especially  on  the  courts  of  the  towns  of  Athluain  and  Ros  Comain." 
(L.C.). 

He  carried  the  queen's  policy  a  step  further.  8ir  E.  Fitton 
had  made  her  power  felt  as  a  permanent  authority  in  Oonnaught, 
far  stronger  than  any  single  lord,  and  had  accustomed  the  lords 
to  the  beginnings  of  administration.  In  the  western  counties  the 
petty  wars  among  the  minor  chiefs  were  put  down.  When  Sir 
Nicholas  came  they  were  ready  for  the  next  step,  the  payment  of 
a  small  composition  rent  for  their  territories,  the  beginning  of  a 
royal  revenue  to  enable  her  to  give  vip  the  right  of  cess.  They 
had  become  used  to  see  sessions  held  at  Galway  fi'om  time  to 
time,  and  to  see  malefactors  punished  by  her  judges.  He  prepared 
for  the  system  of  changing  Irish  tenures  into  English  tenures,  and 
consequent  abolition  of  irregular  exactions,  by  appointing  the 
principal  gentlemen  to  be  seneschals  of  their  own  territories  for 
life,  with  power  to  assemble  and  command  the  inhabitants  for  the 
defence  of  the  country,  the  suppression  of  rebels,  and  the  punish- 
ment of  malefactors.  They  were  to  attend  the  president  or  com- 
missioners of  Connaught  when  required  for  the  queen's  service,  and 
to  obey  their  directions. 

Thus  Moyler  Bourke  of  Cloghans  was  seneschal  of  the  barony  of 
Kilmaine ;  Melaghlin  O'Malley,  chief,  was  seneschal  of  Owl  Imally  ; 
Thomas  Keigh  Bourke  was  seneschal  of  Moynter  Creighan.  Similar 
grants  were  made  to  others. 

MacWilliam  Eighter  was  made  seneschal  of  all  his  territories. 
The  grant  to  Sir  Richard  on  8th  November  1.583  requires  him 
to  arrest  traitors  and  felons,  and  to  put  them  in  the  gaol  of  the 
county  of  Mayo  until  delivered  by  law ;  to  encourage  peace,  and 
to  administer  the  law  as  becomes  a  seneschal,  not  permitting  the 
Brehon's  law ;  with  power  to  raise  his  reasonable  expenses  when 
required  by  the  governor  of  the  kingdom  or  the  president  of  the 
province  to  appear  in  Dublin,  Athlone,  or  Galway. 

The  clause  regarding  the  Brehon  law  shows  the  intention  to  make 
English  law  general,  but  it  related  to  criminal  affairs,  not  to  the 
civil  I'ights  of  persons.  It  does  not  appear  where  the  gaol  of  the 
county   was,   if    there   was   any,   but    probably  it  was   kept   by  the 


198       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF   THE   COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

sherifT,  wherever  he  lived.  It  does  not  appear  that  sessions  were 
hehi  in  the  county  in  Sir  Nichohxs's  time. 

These  seneschalships  seem  to  have  been  of  little  real  use,  except 
in  accustoming  men  to  regard  the  queen  as  the  fountain  of  authority 
and  justice.  On  the  whole,  the  changes  were  very  slight  in  Mayo, 
and  directly  affected  only  the  chiefs.  The  great  boon  to  all  men  was 
the  protection  against  invasion  and  constant  petty  fighting,  whereby 
the  smaller  men  suffered  most. 

The  queen's  power  spread  slowly  from  Gal  way  over  Clare  and 
Mayo,  and  the  southern  part  of  Roscommon.  The  county  of  Sligo 
was  not  yet  affected  much,  and  O'Rourk's  and  O'Reilly's  countries 
hardly  at  all.  O'Conor  Sligo's  interests  were  bound  up  with  the 
queen's,  as  she  could  protect  him  from  O'Donnell,  and  no  one  else 
could  or  Avould.  Thus,  in  general,  Oonnaught  was  ready  for  the 
next  stage  towards  civilisation. 

Writing  to  Sir  F.  Walsingham  on  the  10th  June  1585,  Mr. 
John  Browne  gives  the  following  remarks  on  the  county :  "In 
the  baronies  of  the  three  Ovvles,  Ross,  and  MacCostello,  they 
have  but  little  corn,  and  live  chiefly  by  the  milk  of  their  cows. 
Tirawley  is  the  greatest  barony  in  the  county,  and  the  best  peopled, 
and  they  have  more  corn  and  more  cattle  in  that  barony  than  in 
any  other.  Gallen  and  Clanmorris  are  the  most  impoverished ; 
Gallen,  by  what  was  taken  there  in  Sir  Nicholas  Malbie's  time,  and 
by  the  passing  and  repassing  of  soldiers  there  then,  and  taken  by 
the  ,  and   by   exactions   of   MacWilliam   and   MacJordan  ; 

Clanmorris  by  MacMorris's  exactions." 


Sir    RICHARD    BINGHAM,  Knt. 

(Fr'tm  the  Portrait  in  possession  of  the  Earl  of  Lucan.) 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE    COMPOSITION    FOR    CESS    AND    THE    INTRODUCTION    OF 
THE    ENGLISH    LAW. 

Sir  N.  Malbie  began,  in  Connaiight,  the  s^-stem  of  making  engage- 
ments on  behalf  of  the  queen  for  services,  and  rents  to  be  rendered 
to  him  by  such  chieftains  as  he  could  persuade  thereto.  They  were 
not  one-sided;  the  chieftain  gained  acknowledgment  of  his  rights 
and  support  against  enemies.  A  list  of  1577  shows  only  one  agreement 
in  Mayo,  that  of  MacMorris  and  David  MacMorris  on  behalf  of  their 
country,  engaging  to  furnish  six  horsemen,  six  shot,  fifteen  kerne,  for 
hostings  in  the  province,  and  twenty  labourers  for  four  days'  work 
anywhere  within  it.  It  is  dated  July  22,  1577,  and  is  to  take  effect 
from  September  1  to  August  31,  1578. 

A  statement  of  all  services  due  in  Ireland  made  in  1584  embodies 
the  results  of  Malbie's  compositions— MacWilliam  and  the  Bourkes 
of  Lower  Connaught  give  a  rising  out  of  40  horsemen.  Baron 
Dexeter,  Baron  Nangle,  and  O'Malley  did  not  give  a  rising  out 
separately,  probably  because  they  were  bound  to  render  services  to 
MacWilliam,  and  so  had  to  give  their  share,  but  otherwise  they  came 
under  MacWilliam's  agreement  which  bound  his  country  to  pay  yearly 
£166,  13s.  4d.,  and  to  find  for  one  quarter  of  the  year  meat,  drink, 
and  wages  for  100  of  the  queen's  foot  soldiers,  taken  as  ,£327  yearly. 
The  MacMorrises  compounded  separately  to  pay,  in  addition  to 
former  services,  80  fat  beeves,  or  =£54,  6s.  8d. 

By  a  later  composition,  the  rents  of  Mayo  came  to  £433,  6s. 

The  Lord  Justices  note  on  the  statement  that  the  increase  is  due 
to  substitution  for  the  old  rate  of  2d.  an  Irish  acre,  which  was  dis- 
liked, but  they  do  not  say  how  these  new  rents  are  calculated.  Pro- 
bably some  of  the  labour  services  and  the  maintenance  of  soldiers 
were  commuted.^ 

Thus  the  way  was  prepared  for  greater  changes. 

Sir  John  Perrot  first  sat  in  Council  as  lord  deputy  on  June  21, 
1584,  when  Sir  Richard  Bingham  was  sworn  as  a  Privy  Councillor, 
having  been  appointed  Govei'nor  of  Connaught  on  the  8th  May.  They 
went  together  to  Galway,  and  received  hostages   from  MacWilliam. 

1  S.P.I.E.,  LIX.  71  ;  LXIV.  23  ;  CVI.  50,  51,  52. 

199 


200       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Sir  John  visited  all  Connaught,  and  all  Ireland,  receiving  submission 
everywhere. 

In  December  1584  and  1585  many  pardons  were  issued  for  the  heads 
of  the  chief  families,  their  kinsmen,  and  dependants.  In  the  absence 
of  indication  of  general  disturbance  in  Mayo,  we  must  look  upon  them 
as  intended  to  smooth  the  way  for  new  arrangements  by  wiping  out 
past  offences. 

MacWilliam  and  other  Connaught  lords  are  said  to  have  attended 
the  Paidiament  at  Dublin  in  April  1585,  though  not  themselves  of 
either  house.  This  county,  like  others,  was  represented  by  one 
member. 

The  queen's  government  thought  that  the  time  had  come  for 
carrying  out  a  main  end  of  their  policy  which  had  been  long 
sought,  the  abolition  of  the  oppressive  and  ruinous  practice  of  cessing 
iipon  the  country  her  troops,  and  the  retinues  of  the  governors  and 
chief  officers,  and  those  of  the  great  lords.  But  a  revenue  must  be 
raised  instead.  Sir  John  Perrot,  in  continuation  of  previous  agree- 
ments for  payment  of  rent,  agreed  to  give  up  the  cesfe  in  consideration 
of  a  sufficient  rent  upon  the  land.  The  lords  and  chieftains  were 
also  to  take  from  their  tenants  and  those  holding  under  them  a 
similar  fixed  rent  instead  of  their  irregular  cuttings  and  spendings. 
The  agreements  between  them  and  the  queen  were  called  indentures 
of  composition,  and  they  wei-e  to  make  similar  indentures  with  their 
tenants  and  freeholders.  Certain  lands  were  allowed  free  of  cess  to 
the  principal  genti-y,  a  point  of  great  importance  to  them.  The 
seigniories  and  petty  captainships  were  to  be  abolished  for  ever  upon 
the  death  of  the  existing  holders.  It  was  further  provided  that  in 
future  all  lands  were  to  descend  by  the  English  law  of  inheritance. 

The  rent  was  fixed  at  10s.  on  each  quarter  of  tillage  or  pasture  land. 
Certain  levies  of  soldiers  were  also  to  be  provided  by  each  country. 

These  arrangements  were  on  the  whole  well  devised  to  carry  out 
the  change,  but  unfortunately  the  queen  had  not  always  a  sufficient 
force  on  foot  in  the  province  to  suppress  immediately  the  violence  of 
those  who  would  not  accept  the  consequences  of  this  arrangement 
when  they  were  not  to  their  own  liking. 

This  agreement  brought  the  rule  of  MacWilliam  in  Mayo  to  legal 
and  effective  end  on  the  death  of  Sir  Richard  Bourke.  Though 
MacWilliams  were  set  up  again  they  had  no  hold  on  the  country,  and 
were  abandoned  by  the  local  gentry  whenever  the  queen's  forces 
enabled  them  to  do  so  with  safety. 

Negotiations  being  completed  in  Connaught,  a  rough  survey  ascer- 
tained the  extents  of  land  liable  to  cess. 

On  July  15,  1585,  a  commission  was  issued  to  Sir  Richard  Bingham, 
Chief  Commissioner  of  Connaught  and  Thomond,  the  Archbishop  of 


THE    COMPOSITION    FOR    CESS.  201 

Tuam,  the  Earls  of  Thomond  and  Clanricard,  the  Bishops  of  Clonfert 
and  Elphin,  the  Lord  Athenry,  Sir  Nicholas  White,  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  Sir  Edward  Waterhouse,  Sir  Thomas  le  Strange,  members  of 
the  Privy  Council ;  Thomas  Dillon,  Chief  Justice  of  the  province ; 
Charles  Caltropp,  Attorney-general ;  Gerald  Quemerford,  Queen's 
Attorney  of  the  province  ;  Sir  Tyrrelagh  O'Brien,  Sir  Donald  O'Con- 
nor Sligo,  Sir  Brian  O'Rourk,  Sir  Richard  Bourke,  Sir  Morogh  ne 
dow  O'Flaherty,  knights  ;  Francis  Barkley,  Provost-marshal  of  the 
province ;  Nicholas  FitzSimon  of  Dublin,  alderman  ;  John  Marbury, 
Robert  Fowle,  and  John  Bi'owne,  gentlemen ;  to  call  before  them  the 
chiefs  and  lords  of  the  several  baronies  in  the  province  of  Connaught 
and  Thomond,  and  instead  of  the  uncertain  cess  accustomed  to  be 
borne  to  the  Crown  for  the  martial  government  there,  and  of  the 
uncertain  cutting  and  spending  of  the  lords  upon  the  subjects  under 
their  rule,  to  compound  with  them  for  a  certain  rent  upon  each 
quarter  of  land  in  the  province ;  and  further  to  divide  the  baronies 
into  manors,  or  lay  down  any  other  thing  for  the  quiet  of  the  country. 
After  passing  of  which  by  indenture  tripartite  it  is  meant  to  be 
ratified  by  Act  of  Parliament.  They  shall  make  return  of  their 
proceeding  before  the  end  of  next  Easter  term.^ 

The  indenture  for  the  county  of  Mayo  bears  date  of  September  13, 
1585.  The  barony  of  Ross  is  included  in  that  of  lar-Connaught,  and 
the  barony  of  Costello,  called  of  Ballyhaunis,  was  let  stand  over  on 
account  of  the  wildness  of  the  country. 

The  barony  of  Ross  was  transferred  to  the  county  of  Galway  by  Sir 
W.  Fitz William,  because  the  collector  of  the  rent  of  Galway  claimed 
it  as  included  in  lar-Connaught  according  to  the  indenture,  and  the 
collector  of  Mayo  claimed  it  as  in  his  county,  and  so  the  inhabitants 
were  vexed. 

This  instrument  was  signed  by  the  lords  of  territories,  and  by  the 
tenants  of  the  principal  families  who  held  under  them,  and  may  be 
taken  as  the  best  means  that  could  be  devised  to  bind  the  whole 
country.  For  the  country  it  was  a  very  good  bargain.  The  rent  of 
10s.  upon  each  quarter  of  profitable  land  was  a  light  payment  for 
relief  from  the  queen's  right  of  unlimited  cessing  of  officials  and 
soldiers  upon  the  country,  which  was  an  undoubted  custom,  and  a 
universal  Irish  practice,  heartily  detested  by  the  government  which 
was  obliged  to  use  it.  There  was  also  a  small  provision  of  horse  and 
foot  for  service  within  and  without  the  province.  But  this  was  not 
the  whole  benefit  accruing  to  the  country.  The  abolition  of  the  similar 
customary  rights  of  cessing  and  of  exacting  and  levying  contributions 
possessed  by  the  lords  of  territories  and  heads  of  tribes  was  perhaps  a 
far  greater  benefit  to  the  people  at  large. 

^  15  I).  K.  Plants,  No.  4745. 


202       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

MacWilliam  surrendered  his  rents  and  rights  of  exaction,  and  in 
return  was  allowed  the  castles  and  lands  of  the  MacWilliamship,  and 
some  at  least  of  those  of  his  own  inheritance  free  of  cess,  together  with 
fixed  rents  out  of  certain  lands,  which  seem  to  represent  ancient 
rents  paid  by  freeholders  of  the  early  fourteenth  century,  which  he 
continued  to  receive.  MacMorris  and  MacJordan,  the  two  great  lords 
of  territories,  gave  up  their  lents  and  vmcertain  exactions  for  fixed 
rents.  The  petty  chieftains  retained  these  rights  for  their  own  lives 
only,  and  were  allowed  such  castles  and  lands  as  they  held  in  right 
of  the  chieftainship  as  pai-t  of  their  inheritance.  The  descent  of 
lands  was  to  be  by  English  law  in  future  That  the  contract  was  on 
the  whole  very  satisfactory,  we  have  the  practical  testimony  of  the 
people  affected  by  it.  Rebellions  and  complaints  were  plentiful  in 
the  next  fifteen  years,  but  neither  rebels  nor  loyal  subjects  asked 
that  it  should  be  renounced  on  both  sides,  that  the  queen  should 
abandon  her  rent  and  resume  her  rights  of  cessing  and  tribute,  that 
the  chiefs  and  peoples  should  resume  their  chiefries  and  former 
customs. 

It  will  be  seen  that  some  chieftain  families  were  willing  to  keep 
the  queen  to  her  part  of  the  bargain  so  far  as  they  profited  by  it,  but 
wished  to  avoid  paying  the  price  ;  they  sought  to  resvime  their 
chiefries  and  to  regain  their  arbitrary  power  over  their  tenants  and 
followers,  to  reap  all  the  benefit  for  themselves  and  to  avoid  passing 
on  the  benefits  which  were  due  to  those  below  them. 

Such  discontented  persons  were  but  few,  considering  how  great  a 
change  was  made.  To  the  smaller  people  it  brought  only  relief  from 
oppression.  The  families  of  the  chieftains  and  gentry  were  satisfied 
to  surrender  some  of  their  position  and  power  in  return  for  protection 
of  life  and  property,  protection  against  their  neighbours  and  against 
those  above  them.     Their  gain  was  greater  than  their  loss. 

The  queen  undertook  the  restoration  of  the  law  under  this  instru- 
ment in  conditions  which  were  less  favourable  than  those  of  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  The  radical  difference  of  that 
period  remained,  but  the  likeness  had  disappeared. 

The  difference  was  that  the  Anglo-Normans  were  citizens  of  the 
English  state,  the  Gaels  were  men  of  Gaelic  families  ;  the  difference 
between  the  civilised  and  the  uncivilised  people,  using  the  term  un- 
civilised only  to  denote  the  absence  of  the  civil  organisation  without 
reference  to  the  state  of  culture  of  the  nation. 

In  the  time  of  King  Kuaidhri  O'Conor  the  Gael  were  socially  much 
what  they  were  in  the  time  of  Conor  MacNessa.  Under  Christian 
influence  they  had  lost  the  gross  brutality  which  is  seen  in  some 
heathen  stories,  and  had  made  great  advance  in  literature  and  the 
arts.       Save    for   the    softening    of    manners,   social   life  habits  and 


THE    COMPOSITION    FOR    CESS.  203 

organisation  seem  to  have  changed  little.  In  Queen  Elizabeth's 
time  they  were  much  what  they  were  in  King  Ruaidhri's, 

The  English  of  Henry  II. 's  time  brought  with  them  an  elaborate 
system  of  law  and  judicature  in  courts  rising  from  those  of  the  lords 
of  manors  to  those  of  the  king,  whose  courts  and  whose  administra- 
tion kept  the  whole  state  together,  and  secured  safety  and  justice 
usually  to  all  men.  Periods  of  lawlessness  occurred  at  intervals,  but 
men  on  the  whole  coulcj  count  on  getting  justice.  It  was  not  the 
system  of  our  days,  but  it  was  a  system  which  gave  men  security  for 
life  and  goods. 

The  words  judicature  and  aclmmisf ration  express  the  difference 
which  divided  the  nations.  The  Gael  had  no  judicature  organised  by 
a  government,  only  a  law  worked  up  by  their  brehons,  their  judges, 
who  were  ready  to  decide  any  matter  which  the  parties  agreed  to 
submit  to  their  judgment ;  no  force  was  behind  the  Brehons  as  it 
was  behind  the  courts  of  the  English,  to  bring  an  unwilling  defendant 
before  them  or  to  execute  decrees.  A  defendant  was,  no  doubt,  com- 
pelled by  the  public  opinion  of  his  neighbours,  or  by  the  power  of  the 
plaintiff  and  his  friends,  to  submit  to  trial ;  but  there  was  no  power 
which  would  respond  to  the  appeal  of  the  judge  as  a  matter  of  right. 

No  government  or  administration  existed  at  any  time  among  the 
Gael.  It  has  been  suggested  that  Brian  Boru  and  Torlogh  Mor 
nearly  formed  Ireland  into  a  stable  monarchy,  but  I  cannot  see  a  sign 
that  they  differed  from  other  kings  who  gained  the  title  "  King  of 
Ireland."  They  attained  .personal  distinction,  and  gained  great  profits 
for  themselves  and  their  tribes  by  their  conquests.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  either  of  them  formed  or  tried  to  form  an  administra- 
tion, to  govern  the  country.  We  cannot  detect  even  a  germ  from 
which  a  Gaelic  state  could  have  been  reared. 

The  king  of  a  province  differed  from  the  king  of  a  petty  tribe 
only  in  having  subject  to  him  several  chiefs  who  were  called  kings, 
and  the  King  of  Ireland  differed  from  another  king  only  in  having 
made  enough  of  the  provincial  kings  submit  formally  to  justify  the 
use  of  the  title.  In  heathen  times  he  does  seem  to  have  had  some 
special  religious  or  other  position  in  the  assembly  at  Tara,  but  his 
functions  as  King  of  Ireland,  whatever  they  were,  disappeared.  The 
relations  between  upper  and  under  kings  involved  only  payment  of 
tribute  and  receipt  of  wages  and  liability  to  irregular  exaction  in  the 
way  of  maintenance,  and  even  less  if  the  under  king  was  strong. 

In  culture,  manners,  and  personal  habits,  English  and  Gael  seem 
to  have  differed  little,  in  degree,  not  in  kind.  In  these  respects  the 
nations  easily  coalesced. 

Only  those  who  have  studied  deeply  the  law  and  practice  of  the 
local   courts   of   that   time   can  say  with  authority  that  such  courts 


204       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

could  or  could  not  have  been  established  among  the  Gaelic  tribes 
without  difficulty,  without  a  complete  conquest  of  each  petty  king  and 
replacing  him  by  an  English  baron.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  English 
organisation  under  the  king  and  his  council  and  his  courts,  the  courts 
of  the  barons  and  of  the  hundreds  and  manors  which  were  set  up  in 
Ireland,  might  without  difficulty  have  exercised  full  jurisdiction  over 
the  Gaelic  inhabitants  of  their  district  as  over  the  English  inhabitants. 
Even  the  Brehon  law  relating  to  tenures  of  land,  inheritance,  and 
the  like  could  have  been  administered  as  customs  of  the  manor.  The 
kings  of  the  Gaels  and  the  chiefs  of  Tuaths  and  their  sub-chiefs 
answer  to  the  greater  and  lesser  barons  and  the  lords  of  manors. 
Slight  external  pressure  would  have  forced  them  to  set  up  courts  of 
their  own  under  their  own  bl-ehons  and  to  give  those  courts  the 
needful  power.  They  would  have  worked  their  courts  imperfectly  at 
first,  but  the  system  would  have  been  established  and  improvement 
would  have  followed.  In  a  generation  or  two  the  whole  country 
would  have  been  under  one  organisation,  the  English  and  Gaelic 
nations  would  have  been  drawn  into  one  state,  and  would  not  have 
been  a  Gaelic  nation  and  an  English  state  mixed  up  together. 

Whether  this  view  be  right  or  wrong.  King  Henry's  treaty  with 
King  Ruaidhri  forbade  the  attempt  by  the  provision  that  the  Irish 
should  use  their  own  laws.  It  was  disastrous  because  the  Gaelic 
kings  did  not  enforce  those  laws,  -and  the  English  royal  and  local 
courts  had  no  jurisdiction  to  do  so. 

The  nations  were  not  far  apart  in  general  culture  at  that  time,  but 
during  the  next  four  hundred  years  the  Gaels,  and  the  English  who  were 
absorbed  by  them,  were  stationary,  while  the  English  made  so  great 
progress  in  every  direction  that  the  two  nations  were  very  far  apart. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

FROM    THE    COMPOSITIOX    TO   THE    RETURN   OF  SIR   RICHARD 
BINGHAM    IN    1588. 

In  the  summer  of  1585  a  man  nicknamed  Cloasearlykane  (Cluas  ar 
leacain,  "  Ear  to  Cheek  "),  a  follower  of  Sir  M.  O'Flaherty,  described  as 
a  Joy,  became  a  wood-kerne  and  assembled  followers — -that  is,  became 
the  captain  of  a  gang  of  robbei-s  and  rebels,  who  robbed  in  lar-Con- 
naught  and  the  baronies  of  Clai"e  and  Kilmaine.  Walter  Bourke, 
son  of  Edmund  of  Castlebar,  met  him  in  Thomas  Roe  Boux'ke's 
island,  and  thereafter  robbed  some  Galway  merchants,  killed  Jasper 
Martin,  and  went  into  rebellion.  This  Thomas  was  a  son-in-law  of 
Edmund,  and  was  of  the  family  of  Cloonagashel. 

Some  time  after  this  Sir  K.  Bingham  held  the  first  sessions  for 
Mayo  at  Donamona,  where  the  indenture  of  composition  was  finally 
settled  and  signed.  Thomas  Bourke  held  aloof  in  disapproval  of  the 
composition,  although  summoned  to  attend.  He  shut  himself  up 
in  his  castle  of  the  Annagh,  on  Hag  island,  in  Lough  Carra,  and 
collected  men  who  robbed  the  country.  Sir  Richard  therefore  ordered 
his  arrest.  John  Carie,  the  sub-sheriff,  found  him  at  MacTibbot's  castle 
of  the  Crigh.  He  resisted  and  wounded  Carie,  but  was  mortally 
wounded  himself.     This  seems  to  have  occurred  very  early  in  1586. 

John  Browne  prosecuted  Walter  Bourke,  and  took  thirty  cows  from 
him  about  that  time. 

About  the  same  time  Cloasearlykane  and  fifty  of  his  band  were 
executed.  His  head  is  said  to  have  been  taken  by  Roger  O'Flaherty. 
The  seventy  persons  said  to  have  been  hanged  at  the  sessions  at 
Galway  in  January  1586  may  have  comprised  some  of  this  gang. 

Sir  Richard  Bourke  died  soon  after  September,  whereby  the 
succession  to  the  name  and  profits  of  MacWilliam  came  to  be  settled 
by  the  lord  deputy,  to  whose  discretion  it  was  reserved  by  the 
composition. 

It  seems  that  the  action  of  Walter  and  Thomas  Bourke  did  not 
amount  to  much,  or  was  ignored  as  long  as  possible.  It  is  very 
likely  that  their  deeds  were  treated  as  ordinary  breaches  of  the 
law  until  they  assumed  a  political  aspect  which  could  not  be  ignored, 
towards  the  close  of  the  year,  after  the  death  of  Sir  R.  Bourke,  when 
Edmund  was  not  immediately  recognised  as  MacWilliam. 


20G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Edmund  of  Castlebar,  being  Tanist,  should  have  succeeded.  He 
had  lost  a  leg  two  years  before,  and  could  not  take  the  field.  His 
sons,  Richard  Bourke  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  Edmund  Ciocarach 
and  Walter  Ban,  sons  of  David  Ban,  Oaheer  MacDonnell,  and  others, 
manned  Castlehag  in  Lough  Mask  and  the  castle  of  the  Annagh, 
which  now  belonged  to  Richard  Roe  Bourke,  who  did  not  openly 
join  them,  but  endeavoured  to  secure  adherents  and  to  hire  Scots 
from  Ulster. 

Sir  Richard  Bingham  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Cloonoan  Castle 
in  Thomond  during  the  first  week  of  March.  Thence  he  came  with  one 
hundred  men  and  a  few  kerne  to  deal  with  these  Mayo  rebels.  He 
began  by  an  attempt  to  persuade  them  to  return  to  obedience.  Upon 
their  refusal,  he  tried  to  burn  a  couple  of  boats  which  they  had  in  a 
dock  under  the  wall  of  Castlehag,  whereof  remains  can  be  seen,  in  order 
that  they  might  not  escape.  The  water  then  came  up  to  the  castle 
wall,  so  that  there  was  scarcely  room  for  landing.  The  attack  failed, 
owing  to  a  storm  which  arose,  and  failure  of  some  of  his  boats  to 
play  the  part  assigned.  His  own  boat  was  upset,  two  or  three  of  his 
men  were  drowned,  and  he  and  the  rest  were  rescued  by  the  other 
boats.  The  Bourkes  secured  his  boat,  and  in  it  and  their  own  escaped 
to  the  woods  before  he  could  arrange  for  another  attack.  They 
abandoned  also  the  castle  of  the  Annagh.  These  two  castles  and  that 
of  the  Clooneen  belonging  to  Terragh  MacDonnell  were  destroyed. 
Captain  Mordant  and  his  company  were  sent  across  the  lake  to 
follow  the  rebels,  who  were  seventy  or  eighty  in  number. 

Richard  Roe  Bourke,  who  had  come  to  Sir  Richard  on  his  arrival 
in  tliis  country,  was  tried  by  martial  law  and  hanged  for  having 
joined  in  the  conspiracy  and  having  sent  to  hire  Scots.  He  was 
known  as  Fal  for  Eirionn,  the  Pale  of  Ireland. 

Meyler  and  Tibbot  Reagh,  sons  of  Walter  Fada  Bourke,  already  in 
custody  for  endeavouring  to  hire  Scots,  being  detected  corresponding 
with  their  friends  and  inciting  them  to  rebellion,  were  also  tried 
by  martial  law  and  hanged.  William  or  Ulick,  son  of  Tibbot  Reagh, 
son  of  Richard  O'Cuairsci,  was  also  hanged  for  bringing  in  Scots  and 
for  murders  which  he  had  committed  long  before. 

Oliverus  and  his  uncle  Thomas,  grandson  and  son  of  David  Ban, 
were  hanged  in  this  year,  but  at  what  time  does  not  appear,  as  the 
fact  is  recorded  only  generally.  Several  other  Bourkes  were  killed  in 
this  year,  probably  duzing  pursuit  in  the  course  of  these  rebellions. 

It  is  evident  that  Sir  Richard  was  ready  to  deal  gently  with  those 
who  took  up  arms  themselves,  but  he  and  the  government  were 
relentless  to  those  who  sought  to  bring  in  foreign  forces,  as  the  Scots 
now  and  the  Spaniards  later. 

The  gentlemen  of  the  country  now  undei'took  to  kill  or  banish  all 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION    TO    RETURN    OF   BINC4HAM.       207 

the  rebels  if  Sir  Richard  withdrew  his  forces.  When  all  was  thus 
arranged  for  complete  reduction  of  the  rebels,  the  lord  deputy 
intervened  with  a  peremptory  order  to  give  the  rebels  protection, 
and  sent  the  protection,  ready  signed,  for  three  months  on  condition 
of  giving  pledges.     This  occurred  sometime  in  April. 

The  object  of  this  rising  was  to  secure  to  Edmund  Bourke  the 
succession  to  the  MacWilliamship,  to  which  he  was  entitled  as 
Tanist.  It  was  evident  that  the  lord  deputy  did  not  intend  to 
confer  it  on  him  when  several  months  had  elapsed.  The  rebellion, 
it  was  hoped,  would  lead  to  Edmund's  succession  with  a  view  to 
pacification. 

There  is  no  evidence  of  Sir  John  Perrot's  reason  for  this  sudden 
interference  in  a  petty  rising,  but  we  may  infer  it  to  have  been  in 
consequence  of  charges  made  by  Francis  Barkley,  the  provost-marshal, 
and  Theobald  Dillon,  the  collector  of  the  composition  rent,  against 
Sir  R.  Bingham,  that  he  caused  the  rising  by  his  harsh  and  cruel 
proceedings.  By  the  end  of  May  Barkley  had  confessed  that  he  had 
no  grounds  for  such  charges,  and  it  was  formally  found  by  the 
government  in  the  end  that  T.  Dillon's  charges  were  groundless. 
Meanwhile  they  were  countenanced  by  Sir  John,  and  there  is  evidence 
that  they  were  intriguing  with  the  rebels  during  this  summer,  and 
encouraging  them  to  hold  out  in  hope  of  Sir  John's  intervention  and 
his  giving  them  better  terms. 

The  lord  deputy's  decision  regarding  the  MacWilliamship  was 
announced  in  May  or  June.  Sir  Richard  MacOliverus's  son  William 
got  the  bulk,  including  the  castles  and  lands  of  Lough  Mask,  Ballin- 
robe,  and  Kinlough,  and  the  rents  of  the  Kilmaine  and  Tirawley 
freeholders.  Edmund  the  Tanist  got  a  share  which  seems  to  have 
consisted  of  rents  in  the  Clann  Cuain  portion  of  Carra.  Three  others, 
whose  names  do  not  appear,  got  the  rest. 

This  division  caused  great  discontent,  because  William  was  young 
and  had  no  claim  to  a  preference.  Edmund  had  a  grievance  because 
he  as  Tanist  had  a  distinct  claim  beyond  that  of  any  other  com- 
petitor. The  division  did  not  fall  in  with  clan  feeling.  We  may 
suppose  that  Edmund's  claims  were  passed  over  because  his  sons 
were  in  rebellion  while  the  matter  was  pending,  and  it  was  thought 
that  William  would  be  more  dependent  on  and  amenable  to  the 
government. 

The  rising  was  intended  to  maintain  Edmund's  cause  against  his 
competitors.  The  lord  deputy's  decision  made  his  cause  that  of  his 
competitors.  In  the  course  of  June  they  prepared  for  action.  The 
Bourkes  of  Castlebar  and  the  Owles  were  now  joined  by  the  other 
Bourkes  of  Carra  and  by  some  of  those  of  Kilmaine,  and  by  Walter 
Kittagh,  whose  brothers,  William  of  Ardnarea  and  John  an  tSleibe, 


208       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

were  sent  to  Ulster  with  Richard  MacDemhan  an  Chorrain,  known  to 
the  English  as  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  though  the  name  is  properly 
the  Demon  of  the  Reaping  Hook.  Several  minor  families  of  Bourkes 
joined  them,  and  some  other  families  of  less  note.  They  had  also  the 
support  of  the  Clan  Gibbon,  Clan  Philpin,  the  Joys,  the  O'Malleys, 
and  .most  of  the  MacDonnells.  The  lord  deputy  forbade  action 
against  them,  and  sent  commissioners  to  ascertain  their  demands, 
which  the  Council  found  excessive.  Then  Sir  R.  Bingham  was 
ordered  to  reduce  them  to  submission.  In  consequence  of  this  parley- 
ing their  numbers  I'ose  from  400  to  700  or  800,  and  they  were  for 
some  time  free  to  rob  as  they  pleased. 

Sir  Richard  ordered  his  forces  to  assemble  at  Ballinrobe,  which  he 
reached  on  the  14th  July  with  his  own  foi^ce  of  100  foot  and  50  horse. 
Lord  Clanricard,  with  30  horse  and  100  kerne,  and  Lord  Athenry 
and  Sir  Hubert  Burke,  MacDavid,  met  him.  Here  came  also  the 
forces  which  he  had  levied  in  the  province,  100  men  under  Captain 
Mostyn  junior,  100  under  Captain  Merriman,  and  600  or  700  light 
kerne. 

The  rebels  now  proposed  to  parley  for  peace.  The  Archbishop  of 
Tuam,  the  Bishop  of  Kilmore,  Lords  Clanricard  and  Athenry,  Justice 
Dillon,  and  Mr.  Comerford  and  some  others,  were  sent  to  them  as 
commissioners,  who  delivered  the  lord  deputy's  terms  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Bourkes,  who  were  men  of  little  importance.  The 
Bourkes  insisted  on  their  own  terms,  viz. :   1,  To  have  a  MacWilliam  ; 

2,  to  have  no  officer  in  their  six  baronies  but  such  as  they  liked  ; 

3,  not  to  be  required  to  attend  sessions  or  the  like.  These  terms 
were  rejected  as  before. 

Sir  Richard  and  the  Council  of  Connaught  now  sent  for  the 
Bourke's  pledges,  who  were  kept  by  Mr.  John  Browne  at  the  Neale — 
namely,  Ulick,  son  of  William  the  blind  abbot ;  Richard,  son  of 
John,  son  of  Moyler  ;  William,  son  of  Moyler  Og,  whom  they  hung 
at  once.  The  fathers  of  these  boys  knew  well  the  consequences  of 
their  rebellion,  that  they  deliberately  consigned  them  to  death.  But 
the  Bourkes  and  the  Irish  chieftains  thought  little  of  such  matters — 
probably  thought  they  had  done  well  in  giving  children  instead  of 
fighting  men.  After  this  Sir  Richard  insisted  on  pledges  of  good 
standing  in  the  family. 

On  the  21st  July  he  sent  the  footmen  on  to  Ballintubber,  while 
himself  and  Lord  Clanricard,  with  the  horsemen,  took  post  at  the 
castles  of  the  Togher  and  Newbrook.  A  proclamation,  which  had 
been  made  before  the  parley,  sowed  distrust  among  the  rebels,  who 
broke  up  into  separate  parties,  and  made  no  offer  to  fight,  betaking 
themselves  and  their  cattle  to  the  mountains. 

The  next  day  he  sent  about  700   footmen   after   them  into  their 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION   TO    RETURN    OF    BINGHAM.       209 

fastness,  the  mountains  to  the  west  of  Lough  Mask  and  Lovigh  Carra, 
under  the  chief  command  of  Captain  John  Bingham,  Sir  Richard's 
brother.  These  forces  met  no  general  resistance,  but  came  on  some 
of  the  rebels  and  killed  a  few,  and  took  some  prisoners,  but  none  of 
the  principal  rebels.  By  the  28th  they  had  got  nearly  to  Galway, 
having  searched  out  the  country  of  the  rebels  and  followed  some  of 
their  cattle  into  Connemara.  They  brought  out  2000  head  of  cattle, 
taken  from  the  Blind  Abbot,  the  Clandounells,  the  Clangibbons,  Joys, 
and  others,  besides  what  they  used  for  food. 

Meanwhile  Sir  Richard  sent  some  of  his  men  with  Sir  Morough 
O'Flaherty  and  Richard  Og  MacJonyn  and  his  men  to  attack  the 
Joys  and  intercept  those  who  fled  from  John  Bingham's  men.  They 
took  1500  or  1600  cows,  though  Sir  Morough  acknowledged  only  800 
as  captured.  Moreover,  Sir  Richard  suspected  that  the  2000  head 
brought  to  Galway  had  been  originally  3000.  Mr.  John  Browne  of 
the  Neale,  with  the  rising  out  of  Kilmaine,  went  into  the  Joys' 
country  by  Ballynonagh,  and  brought  out  about  150  cows  and  a 
prisoner,  and  killed  or  drowned  11  or  12. 

Some  footmen  and  kerne  which  joined  him  after  Captain  J.  Bing- 
ham's departure  were  sent  into  Erris,  whence  they  brought  out  2000 
cows.  Roger,  or  Ruaidhri,  O'Flaherty  was  employed  by  sea  to  keep 
the  rebels  from  the  islands.  They  were  so  much  reduced  by  these 
vigorous  measures  that  he  was  able  to  turn  back  some  additional 
forces  which  were  coming,  and  was  on  the  30th  July  preparing  to 
dismiss  some  more. 

Some  80  to  100  rebels  were  slain  in  these  proceedings. 
One  thousand  head  of  cattle  were  reserved  to  meet  extraordinary 
charges  ;  some  were  used  to  pay  off  kerne  who  were  discharged,  and 
the  rest  were  divided  as  booty. 

According  to  her  own  story,  Grace  O'Malley  was  captured  by 
Captain  Bingham's  force  and  sent  to  Sir  Richard,  who  released  her 
upon  the  guarantee  of  Richard  Bourke,  probably  the  Devil's  Hook's 
son,  who  was  her  son-in-law. 

The  Devil's  Hook's  son  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  these  rebellions. 
His  father,  Richard  an  Demhan  an  Chorrain,  never  came  before  or 
submitted  to  any  governor. 

William  Bourke,  the  Blind  Abbot,  appears  here  for  the  first  time. 
He  was  now  the  next  senior  of  all  the  Bourkes  after  Edmund  of 
Castlebar,  and  was  the  head  of  the  Sliocht  Ulick  of  Carra.  He  is 
said  to  have  been  a  man  of  no  force  of  character,  who  was  guided  by 
his  sons.  He  was  now  sixty  years  of  age,  and  for  the  next  few 
years  was  the  most  important  of  the  Bourkes  as  the  heir  to  the 
MacWilliamship  which  they  hoped  to  restore. 

Sir  Richard  moved  to  Donamona  Castle  soon  after  the  30th  July, 

O 


210       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

uiid  stayed  there  to  rest  his  men  and  let  the  rebels  come  in  and 
submit,  as  he  heard  they  were  ready  to  do  so. 

After  his  arrival  there,  having  evidence  that  Edmund  of  Castlebar 
had  taken  part  in  raising  the  rebellion  and  in  hiring  Scots,  Sir 
Richard  held  a  sessions  and  had  Edmund  tried  for  treason  under 
the  common  law.  He  was  convicted  and  hanged,  in  spite  of  his 
great  age  (more  than  eighty  years),  as  a  warning  against  rebellion 
and  trying  to  set  up  the  MacWilliamship.  It  has  been  repeatedly 
asserted,  to  show  Sir  R.  Bingham's  cruelty,  that  he  was  so  decrepit 
that  he  was  carried  to  the  gallows.  This  is  an  error  which  was 
started  in  the  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters.  He  had  lost  a  leg,  but 
was  not  decrepit.  He  had  lately  returned  from  a  visit  to  the  Lord 
Deputy.  As  the  conviction  was  under  the  common  law,  his  estate 
was  forfeited.     His  sons'  hopes  were  ended. 

Justin  MacDonnell,  the  head  of  his  clan,  came  in  first.  After  him 
came  Edmund  MacRichard  an  larainn,  and  after  him  came  William 
Bourke,  the  Blind  Abbot,  who  submitted  himself  in  the  humblest 
terms.  They  were  required  to  give  sons  as  pledges.  William  tried 
to  put  in  his  youngest  son,  whom  Sir  Richard  refused,  and  after  two 
days  gave  his  eldest  son.  Richard  Boui-ke  also  gave  satisfactory 
pledges. 

By  the  16th  August  all  had  submitted  and  given  pledges  except 
Edmund's  sons,  who  required  restoration  of  their  father's  lands. 
This  was  in  the  discretion  of  the  Lord  Deputy,  to  whom  Sir  Richard 
referred  them.  Then  they  desired  to  give  as  pledge  the  eldest 
brother's  son,  when  Sir  Richard  had  reqvaired  one  of  themselves. 

The  kerne  had  been  discharged,  and  the  soldiers  were  to  be  dis- 
missed. The  whole  affair  was  to  be  wound  up  on  the  26th  August, 
which  Edmund's  sons  had  appointed  to  give  their  pledge.  But  then 
came  news  that  the  Scots  hired  in  Ulster  were  on  the  Erne  coming 
to  help  them.  So  they  drew  back.  Sir  Richard  started  for  Sligo  the 
next  day,  leaving  a  small  force  to  prosecute  them.  They  did  in  a 
week  give  their  pledge  to  Mr.  Browne. 

On  receipt  of  this  report  on  the  26th,  Sir  Richard  sent  Lord 
Clanricard  to  Sligo  with  most  of  his  forces  to  support  his '  brother 
George,  sheriff  of  that  county.  Next  day  he  started  himself  with 
100  foot  and  25  horsemen,  making  a  detour  nearly  to  Roscommon 
in  consequence  of  a  report  that  the  Scots  would  be  in  the  plain  of 
Roscommon  that  evening.  On  the  28th  he  reached  Sligo,  leaving  at 
Boyle  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange  and  the  Roscommon  forces  whom 
he  found  there  awaiting  the  enemy. 

He  wrote  to  the  leaders  of  the  Scots  asking  why  they  were  coming 
thus  into  Connaught,  and  received  the  following  reply  in  Irish  : — 

"  This  is  the  answer  of  James  his  sons  to  the  Governor  of  Con- 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION   TO    RETURN    OF    BINGHAM.       211 

naught,  that  they  are  come  over  the  Erne  with  a  great  number 
of  men,  being  drawn  in  by  the  Clanwilliams  .and  the  Clandonnells, 
who  are  their  cousins,  and  that  Shane  Entlevie,  son  to  M'William, 
and  Edmond  Kykraghe,  son  to  Davie  Bane,  are  with  them,  to  draw 
them  to  M'William's  country,  and  they  shall  give  them  entertain- 
ment and  the  spoil  of  Connaught.  And  James  his  sons  have  no 
other  shift,  but  to  take  an  enterprise  upon  themselves  for  such  as 
will  give  them  most,  as  all  other  soldiers  in  the  world  do  use.  And 
whosoever  in  Connaught  shall  forbid  or  let  them  thereof,  they  will 
not  take  it  at  their  hands,  except  they  be  stronger  than  they,  or  of 
greater  power.     This  is  sufficient. 

"  I,  DONELL  GORME.   I,  ALEXANDER  CarRAGH."  ^ 

Donnell  and  Alexander  were  sons  of  James  MacDonnell  of  the 
Isles  and  Antrim.  With  them  was  Gillaspick  Campbell  of  the  house 
of  Argyll.  They  were  said  to  have  come  lately  out  of  Scotland. 
According  to  Sir  R.  Bingham's  computation,  made  after  the  battle 
at  Ardnarea,  they  were  in  all  about  1400  fighting  men,  with  an  equal 
number  of  women  and  children  and  attendants,  whose  presence 
shows  an  intention  to  settle  in  the  country.  They  were  joined  by 
about  eighty  Irish  horsemen  of  Ulster,  and  by  a  few  Irishmen  on 
foot. 

Having  heard  of  the  pacification  of  Mayo,  they  halted  for  some 
days  on  the  Erne,  and  then  moved  slowly  through  O'Rourk's  country 
to  Dromahaire  and  the  borders  of  Sligo,  keeping  in  the  mountains 
and  woods. 

Sir  Richard's  free  field  force  was  now  400  well-equipped  footmen 
and  60  horsemen,  and  risings  ovit  in  number  about  100  horsemen 
and  200  kerne,  insufficient  for  an  attack  unless  he  could  find  the 
enemy  in  open  country.  Thus  he  waited  for  them  at  Sligo  and  the 
foot  of  the  mountains,  keeping  close  watch  on  their  movements. 

On  the  15th  September  they  left  their  camp  to  turn  back  or  to 
come  on  towards  Mayo.  Sir  Richard  waited  for  them  at  Collooney 
and  Knockmullen,  and  other  places  where  they  must  pass,  until  ten 
o'clock  at  night,  when  he  sent  his  men  away  to  shelter  on  information 
given  by  O' Conor  Sligo  that  the  Scots  had  encamped  for  the  night. 
It  was  a  very  wet  stormy  night.  As  soon  as  the  English  forces  were 
withdrawn,  the  Scots  came  on  and  passed  300  or  400  men  over  the 
bridge  of  Collooney  before  the  English  footmen  came  up  and  took 
the  bridge  from  them.  The  Irish  horsemen  left  there  did  not  act. 
Sir  Richard  himself  ariived  from  Knockmullen  as  the  bridge  was 
won.  Though  defeated  there,  the  Scots  went  to  a  ford  near  the  bridge 
which  was  not  guarded,  as  the  existence  of  any  such  ford  had  been 
1  S.P.I.E.,  OXXVI.  No.  17. 


212       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

denied.  With  liis  own  horsemen  and  Lord  Chmricard,  8ir  Thomas 
Le  Strange  and  Mr.  Barkley,  and  a  few  of  their  horsemen,  Sir  Richard 
attacked  them,  but  failed  to  stop  them.  They  got  past  him  and 
into  the  mountains,  with  a  loss  of  only  40  to  50  men.  A  few  of  Sir 
Richard's  men  and  horses  were  killed  and  wounded  by  arrows.  Thus 
the  Scots  gained  their  end  of  crossing  into  the  mountains  by  judicious 
use  of  knowledge  of  country  and  choice  of  times.  Their  future  move- 
ments were,  on  16th  September  to  O'Hara  Reagh's  town  (probably 
Annagh),  on  18th  to  a  place  three  miles  from  ]3alhegh  (probably 
Bellahy),  on  19th  into  Coolcarney,  on  20th  to  Ardnarea. 

Sir  Richard  now  dismissed  the  risings  out  as  useless  for  the  purpose 
in  hand.  They  had  failed  him  in  the  night  fighting,  as  might  be 
expected.  Such  undrilled  men  could  not  be  used  tactically  in  com- 
bination with  the  drilled  companies.  They  left  him  400  foot  and 
50  horse. 

To  protect  the  barony  of  Tireragh,  he  went  as  far  as  Ardnaglass, 
whence  he  made  a  long  march  to  Moygara  Castle  on  the  18th 
September,  upon  information  that  the  Scots  were  in  the  mountains  in 
O'Gara's  country.  On  the  19th  he  moved  to  Castlemore,  on  a  report 
that  the  Scots  were  making  for  Roscommon.  About  two  hundred  foot 
and  forty  horse  sent  by  the  Lord  Deputy  joined  him  at  these  places. 
On  a  report  that  the  Scots  were  in  Coolcarney  in  some  place  near  the 
Moy,  he  left  at  noon  for  Banada  Abbey,  which  he  reached  two  hours 
after  dark  on  Wednesday,  22nd  September.  He  was  guided  through 
the  high  woods  of  the  Letter  by  Edmond  MacCostello,  who  bad 
aspired  to  be  ^lacCostello,  and  was  in  the  confidence  of  the  people. 
Here  he  soon  brought  to  Sir  Richard  a  priest  who  had  been  kept  a 
prisoner  by  the  Scots  and  had  escaped  that  day,  who  reported  that 
they  were  encamped  at  Ardnarea  and  were  persuading  the  Bourkes 
to  join  them,  and  who  procured  two  O'Haras  as  guides. 

About  3  A.M.,  when  the  moon  gave  light,  the  whole  force  set  out  and 
reached  the  castle  at  Aclare  at  daylight.  The  direct  way  was  now 
abandoned,  and  soldiers  and  baggage  in  one  body  were  led  by  side 
paths  in  the  mountains,  keeping  as  silent  as  possible  to  avoid  observa- 
tion. About  two  miles  from  Ardnarea  a  halt  was  made  and  the 
orders  for  attack  were  given. 

Sir  Richard  went  on  ahead  with  the  horsemen,  leaving  the  infantry 
to  follow  as  fast  as  they  could.  About  ten  o'clock  on  Thursday,  23rd 
September,  he  came  in  sight  of  the  camp.  Half-a-dozen  horsemen 
who  had  been  sent  in  advance  as  scouts  were  discovered  by  the  Scots, 
who  came  out  and  formed  themselves  in  order  of  battle,  thinking 
they  had  to  deal  only  with  the  force  they  saw.  They  advanced  upon 
the  cavalry,  who,  after  a  charge  which  (h-ove  the  van  back  on  the 
main  body,  retired  before  them  until  the  infantry  came.     Sir  Richard 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION   TO    RETURN    OF   BINGHAM.       213 

then  formed  his  line  and  made  a  general  charge  upon  the  Scots,  who 
broke  and  iled  to  the  river.  The  affair  lasted  about  an  hour.  There 
must  have  been  considerable  fighting  on  land,  though  the  numbers 
found  dead  on  land  are  not  given.  About  eighty  of  the  Scots  stripped 
themselves  and  swam  across  tlie  Moy.  Not  another  fighting  man 
escaped.  The  chief  losses  seem  to  have  been  by  drowning.  The 
English  fired  into  the  struggling  masses,  who  lost  their  footing  and 
were  swept  away  by  the  current.  Bodies  were  found  in  heaps  on 
the  rocks  and  banks.  The  losses  were  computed  to  be  1400  fighting 
men,  including  all  the  leaders  and  Edmond  Ciocarach  Bourke  and  his 
brother  Oliverus,  and  Caheer  and  Ever  MacLiesigh  MacDonnell,  two 
chiefs  of  their  clan.  An  equal  number  of  attendants  and  women  and 
children  perished. 

The  field  of  battle  has  not  been  identified.  There  was  no  escape 
from  it  but  to  the  river.  The  camp  was  somewhere  close  to  the 
castle,  but  the  accounts  show  that  the  Scots  had  drawn  up  outside  the 
camp  and  had  followed  the  English  cavalry  a  short  way. 

Those  who  swam  away  were  reported  killed  by  Walter  Kittagh 
Bourke  and  others. 

Twenty  horsemen  were  out  foraging  at  the  time  of  the  battle,  and 
made  their  way  to  Ulster.  These  seem  to  have  been  the  only 
survivors  of  the  invasion  of  Connaught.  Eighty  or  a  hundred  had 
been  led  away  the  day  before  to  plunder  in  Tirawley.  They  were 
killed,  some  by  those  they  went  to  rob,  and  the  rest  by  the  forces  of 
George  Bingham  and  the  gentlemen  of  Sligo. 

Sir  Richard  brought  500  foot  and  90  horse  into  action,  all  in  the 
queen's  pay. 

The  costs  of  the  rebellion  were  paid  out  of  cattle  taken  from  rebels 
and  fines  imposed  on  the  principal  offenders. 

The  reason  of  the  advance  of  the  Scots  to  Mayo  after  they  heard  of 
the  pacification  must  be  sought  in  their  circumstances,  which  suggest 
that  it  was  their  least  dangerous  course.  They  had  landed  in  Inish- 
owen  and  plundered  that  country,  and  had  passed  through  Tirconnell 
into  Fermanagh.  They  had  to  live  on  the  hospitality  of  the  chiefs 
and  gentlemen  or  by  robbery.  A  body  of  nearly  three  thousand 
persons  was  an  unwelcome  burden  on  any  country.  The  chiefs  might 
willingly  support  them  on  their  march  to  drive  the  common  enemy 
out  of  Connaught  or  to  pass  them  on  to  another  territory,  but  none 
wanted  them  as  settlers.  When  they  halted  on,  the  Erne  in  dovibt 
they  lived  by  robbery  in  Dartry  and  Carbury.  If  they  now  turned 
back  they  would  have  all  Ulster  against  them.  The  road  to  Ma3'o 
was  safest,  and  they  had  the  reasonable  hope  that  the  appearance  of 
so  large  a  foi"ce  would  gain  them  adherents  and  that  some  of  the 
chieftains  would  sive  them  settlements.  , 


214      THE   EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

The  lettei'  of  the  two  MacDonnells  shows  that  they  rated  their 
power  highly,  but  the  words  of  the  Four  Masters  seem  to  describe 
their  force  fairly  :  "  Their  name  and  fame  were  greater  than  their 
appearance." 

The  convoy  of  families  made  their  marches  slow,  and  compelled 
them  to  keep  among  mountains  and  woods  in  order  to  avoid  a  battle 
wliile  so  hampered.  This  necessary  covu-.se  did  not  raise  the  country 
in  their  favour,  but  discouraged  any  inclination  to  join  them,  showing 
that  they  feared  to  meet  Sir  llichard.  When  they  reached  Ardnarea 
the  Bourkes  had  eaten  the  fruits  of  rebellion  and  had  no  appetite  for 
more.  Until  they  met  Sir  llichard  in  battle  and  defeated  him,  or  forced 
liim  to  retire  and  leave  the  country  to  them,  they  could  gain  no  support. 

Sir  Richard  understood  their  military  value  and  the  conditions  of 
his  work.  "When  they  left  the  mountains  and  woods,  as  they  must  do 
at  last,  his  opportunity  of  striking  an  effective  blow  would  come,  as  it 
did.  But  he  could  not  have  hoped  that  they  would  let  him  find  them 
in  a  position  fi'om  which  they  had  no  escape. 

Having  suppressed  rebellion  and  defended  his  province  from  the 
Scots,  Sir  Richard  had  now  to  defend  himself.  Sir  John  Perrot 
was  with  difficulty  restrained  by  his  Council  from  going  to  Mayo  to 
supersede  Sir  Richard  in  dealing  with  the  Bourkes  and  Scots.  It 
was  objected  that  his  heavy  train  could  not  hunt  down  rebels  and 
would  be  fed  with  difficulty,  and  that  Sir  Richard  was  able  to  deal 
with  the  affair.  At  last  they  agreed  that  he  might  go  as  far  as 
Athlone.  At  Mullingar  he  had  news  of  the  defeat  of  the  Scots.  He 
went  on  to  Galway  to  receive  complaints  and  evidence  of  Sir  Richard's 
misconduct.  He  received  none,  and  went  back,  justifying  the  Council's 
objection  by  his  oessing  the  country  heavily  for  his  support,  in  breach 
of  the  composition. 

The  principal  original  rebels  and  gentlemen  of  Mayo  came  to 
Roscommon  and  subscribed  and  took  oath  before  the  Clerk  of  the 
Council  of  Connaught  to  two  statements,  one  by  those  who  had  been 
rebels  on  the  16th  November,  and  one  by  those  who  had  not  rebelled 
on  the  17th  November. ^ 

The  first,  entitled  "A  True  Discourse  of  the  Causes  of  the  Late 
Rebellion  of  the  Burkes,"  is  an  important  document,  because  it  sets 
out  the  origin  and  history  of  the  rebellion  under  the  hands  of  those 
who  knew  the  facts,  and  appears  to  be  in  all  respects  accurate  and 
trustworthy,  agreeing  with  such  independent  evidence  as  exists,  and 
because  the  deponents  declare  their  readiness  to  testify  whenever 
called  to  do  so.  It  is  a  solemn  statement  of  what  witnesses  are  ready 
to  depose  to  in  disproof  of  the  charges  made  against  Sir  Richai^d.  I 
have  made  much  use  of  it  in  the  foregoing  pages.  From  it  we  can 
1  S.P.I.E.,  CXXVI.  83,  81. 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION   TO    RETURN    OF   BINGHAM.       215 

infer  the  first  charges  made  by  F.  Barkley  and  Th.  Dillon  to  have 
been  general  charges  of  harshness  and  oppression  and  breaches  of  the 
composition,  and  specific  charges  of  the  killing  of  Thomas  Roe  and 
the  execution  of  Richaid  Roe  and  Moyler  and  Tibbot  Reagh  Bourke 
by  martial  law. 

They  assert  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  country  generally  disliked 
the  restraint  of  their  aibitrary  dealings  with  their  tenants  which 
resulted  from  the  Queen's  Government  in  Connaught,  and  that  they 
were  much  displeased  by  the  abolition  of  the  old  names  and  seignories 
under  the  composition.  When  Edmund  Bourke  sued  for  and  was 
not  granted  the  succession  to  the  MacWilliamship,  his  sons  and  others 
entered  into  action  to  secure  the  succession  for  him.  They  protest 
these  to  have  been  the  sole  causes  of  the  rebellion,  and  that  the  object 
was  the  restoration  of  the  names  of  MacWilliam  and  MacDonnell 
and  of  their  ancient  customs.  The  second  rising  was  due  solely  to 
the  abolition  of  the  MacWillinmship  and  the  unjust  division  of  the 
seignory.  Sir  Richard  never  oppressed  or  wronged  any  of  them,  but 
was  ever  ready  to  do  them  right  and  justice,  never  broke  the  com- 
position in  any  way.  They  acknowledge  that  Thomas  and  Richard 
and  Moyler  and  Tibbot  Reagh  were  justly  killed  and  executed,  and 
that  their  hostages  were  justly  hanged  at  Ballinrobe  for  their  parents' 
defaults,  and  that  the  governor  spared  many  other  pledges  whom  he 
might  have  put  to  death  justly. 

F.  Barkley  and  Theobald  Dillon  came  about  the  time  of  their 
occupying  Castlehag  and  warned  Richard  and  Moyler  Oge  and 
Edmund's  sons  not  to  come  to  any  officer,  but  to  be  upon  their 
guard. 

Edmund  MacRichard  an  larainn  deposed  that  Garrett  M'Teig 
Dillon  came  to  him  after  midsummer  with  a  message  from  Th.  Dillon 
not  to  trust  or  come  to  any  officer  until  Th.  Dillon  should  come  to  the 
country,  and  that  he,  Edmund,  was  to  be  arrested,  whereupon  he 
joined  the  rebels.  The  deponents  were :  William  Burke  the  Blind 
Abbot,  Moyler  Oge  Burke,  Edmund  Burke  M'Richard  Yn  Yeren, 
Moyler  Burke  M'Thomas  Roe,  Shane  Burke,  Ustion  M'Donnell, 
Riccard  Oge  M'Gibbon,  Richard  Yn  Yeren,  Riccard  a  choga  M'Gibbon, 
Tibbot  M'Gibbon,  Moyler  Oge  M'Tibbot,  Moelemora  M'Ranell 
M'Donnell,  Shane  M'Gibbon,  Edmund  M'Moyler  M'Gibbon.  Edmund 
Burke  M'Thomas  Duff,  Richard  Oge  M'Ranell  M'Donnell,  Walter 
Oge  M'Walter  M'Fyreghe. 

The  name  of  Richard,  son  of  the  Devil's  Hook,  is  not  among  them, 
unless  it  is  represented  by  Richard  Yn  Yeren,  which  is  not  improbable. 
These  men  all  made  marks,  and  the  clerk  who  wrote  may  have  mis- 
taken.    The  document  is  drawn  as  if  he  was  to  sign  it. 

The  second  paper  is  much  shorter.     It  is  only  to  certify  that  the 


216       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

abolition  of  the  MacWilliamship  and  of  the  other  lordships  and  the 
restraining  from  customary  exactions  were  the  cause  of  the  rebellion. 
The  deponents  are  fully  representative  of  the  baronies  of  Kilmaine, 
Carra,  Murrisk,  Burrishoole,  and  Clanmorris,  and  must  have  known 
accurately  the  facts. 

Some  of  them  signed.  Those  who  made  only  a  mark  are  <lis- 
tinguislied  by  *  before  the  name. 

E.  B.  Edmund  Burke's  mark  of  Cong.  *  Shane  M'Hubert,  parson 
of    Dun[am]ony's    mark.       *  Laghlar    O'Maillie,   chief    of    his    name. 

*  William  Burke  of  Shrwher.  Edmund  Burke  of  Cowlnegashell. 
*Moyler  Burke  M'Thomas  Roe.  Robertus  O'Maylle.  *  Edmund 
M'Gilduff  M'Jonyn.  *  Rycard  M'Morris,  chief  of  his  name.  *  Ferigh 
M'Connell.  Alexander  6g  M'Donnell.  *  Walter  M'Jonyn  of  the 
Towrin.  David  M'Morris.  *  Phelam  M'Marcus  M'Conell.  *  Dermot 
O'Malley.  *  Hubert  M'Jonyn.  *  Shane  M'Morris.  *  M'Moelmory 
M'Conell  of  Toaght.  *  Farigh  M'Torlagh.  Reaid  Battwrin.  *  Davy 
M'Hubbert  M'Jonyn.  *  Moyler  M'Morris.  *  Walter  Og  M'Walter 
M'Riccard.  *  Gillduff  M'Gibbon.  *  Shane  Jonyn  of  Kilchwoyre. 
Hary    FisMorys.      *  Moelmory    M'Ranell.      *  Moyler    Og    M'Gibou. 

*  Jonyn  M'Ullick.  *  Moyler  Burke  of  Manychroyr.  Johannis 
Marcus.  *  William  Og.  *  Thomas  M'Tybbott  Reaghe.  Robertus 
O'Caleesus.  *  Walter  M'Roe.  *  Laghlen  O'Malley.  *  Enys 
M'Donnell  of  Aghelhard.  *  Marcus  M'Hugh  Boy.  *  William  Crom 
M'Phillipin.      Marcus    Edmundi    finci  fin.ci.      *  Edmund    M'Tybott. 

*  Edmund  Og  M'Richard  a  chegga.     *  Richard  ne  Koillie. 

M'Connell  is  a  form  of  MacDonnell.  Reaid  Battwrin  is  not  in- 
telligible, but  may  have  been  intended  to  represent  Ricard  Bhailldrin. 
Bhailldrin  is  found  as  a  name  of  a  MacCostello.  It  is  probably  a 
diminutive  of  Walter,  O'Caleesus  is  perhaps  O'Gilla  Isus.  Richard 
ne  Koillie  was  a  M'Eryddery,  FitzSimon. 

Some  of  them  probably  did  give  evidence  before  the  Council,  though 
we  have  no  record  of  any  further  proceedings  until  the  final  order  of 
acquittal  on  the  20th  February  1587,  in  which  the  Council  finds  that 
Theobald  Dillon  has  failed  to  prove  his  charges,  which  were  maliciously 
brought  and  were  not  based  on  any  probable  just  cause  or  matter, 
and  further  finds  Sir  Richard's  "credit  rather  increased  by  defending 
so  sufficiently  and  truly  (as  they  fell  out)  the  malicious  informations 
of  the  said  Theobald."! 

It  was  probably  a  consequence  of  these  false  charges  that  T.  Dillon 
and  F.  Barkley  lost  their  places  as  Collector  of  Composition  Rents  and 
Provost- M  arshal . 

Connaught  was  quiet  after  the  defeat  of  the  Scots,  and  Mayo  was 
in  complete  peace  until  the  coming  of  the  Spanish  Armada. 
1  S.P.I.E.,  CXXIX.  53. 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION   TO    RETURN    OF    BINGHAM.       217 

Bingham  and  Perrot  were  pressing  the  queen  to  approve  the 
counterparts  of  the  Indentures  of  Composition,  in  order  that  they 
might  issue  them  to  the  lords  and  chieftains  who  had  entered  into 
simihir  indentures  with  their  tenants. 

In  May  the  queen  ordered  Bingham  to  come  for  service  in  Flanders, 
but  he  did  not  leave  Ireland  until  July.  In  an  account  of  his  service 
he  wi'ites  that  Malbie's  old  composition  was  very  unsatisfactory  and 
unfair,  and,  owing  to  its  inequality,  collected  with  difficulty  and  not  in 
full.  In  spite  of  it  the  country  was  cessed.  As  soon  as  he  had  arranged 
the  new  composition  he  drew  in  all  the  garrisons  and  stopped  all 
cessing,  and  collected  rents  for  the  last  three  years  in  full,  and  made 
no  charge  for  Connaught  on  the  general  revenues.  Sir  J.  Perrot 
wrote  to  the  same  effect. ^ 

When  Sir  Richard  left  the  composition  rents  were  being  paid  in 
money.  Wallop  wiites  to  Burghley  that  Bingham  kept  Connaught 
in  such  peace  and  order  that  in  these  bad  years  it  yielded  corn  for 
the  other  provinces  and  plenty  of  cattle.  This  period  of  peace  and 
plenty  lasted  until  the  coming  of  the  Spanish  Armada. 

Sir  Richard  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange,  and  on  the 
12th  September  by  his  brother,  George  Bingham,  as  Deputy  Governor. 
In  September  a  large  number  of  the  principal  lords  and  bishops  and 
chieftains  and  gentlemen  of  Connaught  petitioned  the  Privy  Council, 
declaring  Sir  Richard's  good  government,  and  praying  that  he  be  sent 
back  as  Governor. 

On  the  13th  May  1587  the  Lord  Deputy  issvied  a  commission  to 
Sir  R.  Bingham  and  others  for  the  composition  with  the  barony  of 
Ballyhaunis.  Owing  to  Sir  Richard's  departure  the  inquisition  was 
made  under  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange  on  the  3rd  September.  The 
Commissioners  reported  that  the  barony  contained  252  small  quarters 
of  land  called  Carowmyres,  or  a  fouith  part  of  a  quarter,  and  that 
the  soil  was  so  unfertile  and  the  arable  land  so  scanty  that  they  put 
four  small  quarters  to  one  quarter  of  120  acres,  and  so  made  out  63 
quarters  fit  for  composition  rent.  They  recommended  a  favourable 
rent  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  the  country,  and  therefore  referred 
the  case  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  who  fixed  the  rent  at  10s.  on  83  quarters 
on  the  1st  December. 

In  February  1588,  having  returned  from  Flanders  to  England, 
Sir  Richard  wrote  to  Burghley  protesting  against  this  reduction  of 
Theobald  Dillon's  rent  by  nearly  =£100  as  groundless.  He  had  a  survey 
which  made  the  barony  to  contain  272  quarters.  He  pointed  out 
that  such  a  reduction  would  make  the  whole  composition  uncertain 
and  would  give  rise  to  discontent  in  others. 

It  is  probable  that  this  reduction  was  an  act  of  partiality  or  corrup- 
1  .S'.P./.^".,  9th,  10th  July  1587. 


218       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF   MAYO. 

tion.  Theobald  Dillon  had  by  this  time  got  into  his  hands  a  great 
part  of  the  whole  barony,  which  certainly  contained  more  than  63 
quarters.  The  Lord  Deputy's  figure  of  83  quarters  seems  to  be  an 
arbitrary  figure.  No  such  extraordinary  allowances  had  been  made 
elsewhere.  Tlie  quarter  of  120  acres  was  at  this  time  an  uncertain 
quantity,  a  measure  of  value,  not  of  actual  acreage.  Estates  or  deno- 
minations of  land  were  estimated  as  containing  so  many  quarters, 
meaning  that  their  arable  and  pasture  were  equal  in  value  to  so  many 
quarters  of  120  acres  of  standard  land. 

The  landholders  made  surrenders  of  their  lands  and  took  them 
back  by  grant  from  the  Crown  to  be  held  under  English  law.  After 
the  composition  they  made  contracts  with  their  tenants.  Thus  civil 
justice  had  to  be  administered  throughout  the  grefiter  part  of  the 
province.  Some  parts  of  Connaught  up  to  this  time  were  wholly 
beyond  the  influence  of  the  courts,  such  as  the  county  of  Leitrim  and 
lar  Connaught.  In  Mayo  such  wild  and  difiicult  regions  as  Erris  and 
the  Isles  Avere  left  alone. 

There  is  evidence  of  the  working  of  civil  justice  in  Mayo  at  this 
time,  though  it  is  not  clear  how  far  the  law  was  applied.  It  was 
applied  to  dealings  of  merchants  and  of  English  settlers  with  the 
old  inhabitants  of  the  country.  But  the  inhabitants,  except  so  far 
as  they  had  formally  brought  themselves  under  English  law,  seem  to 
have  settled  disputes  among  themselves  in  their  old  ways,  provided 
they  did  not  by  fighting  and  killing  bring  themselves  within  the 
reach  of  the  criminal  law.  I  do  not  find  records  showing  how  far 
the  existing  customs  were  recognised  and  enforced  in  the  Queen's 
Courts  at  this  time,  if  they  were  recognised  and  enforced  at  all  as 
an  existing  law. 

Suits  were  tried  before  the  justice  and  a  jury  in  open  sessions, 
occasionally  within  the  counties  when  they  were  peaceful,  and  at 
Galway  for  the  province  in  general. 

In  Sir  N.  Malbie's  time  Englishmen  began  to  come  from  other 
parts  to  settle  in  Mayo.  The  first  of  these  was  Mr.  John  Browne  of 
the  Neale,  who  played  a  considerable  part  in  Mayo.  Because  he  calls 
himself  the  first  Englishman  who  settled  himself  to  dwell  in  the 
county,  he  has  been  taken  to  have  been  an  immigrant  from  England. 
At  this  time  "  Englishman  "  meant  a  man  of  an  English  family 
which  had  not  abandoned  English  laws  and  customs,  and  did  not 
necessarily  mean  a  man  who  was  born  of  a  family  settled  in 
Englanil.  In  a  list  of  sheriffs  he  is  described  as  John  Browne  of 
Kilpatrick,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  was  one  of  the 
family  which  was  long  settled  at  Kilpatrick  in  Westmeath,  or  came 
from  some  other  Kilpatrick.  He  was  brought  up  in  the  household  of 
Sir  Christopher  Hatton ;  many  young  men  of  good  family  were  sent 


FROM    THE    COMPOSITION   TO    RETURN    OF   BINGHAM.       219 

to  England  to  be  brought  up  in  the  houses  of  men  of  position.  While 
in  Mayo  he  corresponded  with  Sir  Christopher  and  with  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  origin,  he  was  without 
doubt  a  man  of  unusual  capacity  and  force  of  character. 

He  was  of  such  position  in  the  county  as  to  get  12  quarters  of 
land  free  of  the  composition  in  1585.  He  acquired  about  30  quarters 
of  land  in  course  of  time  in  the  baronies  of  Kilmaine,  Carra,  Gallen, 
Clanmorris,  and  Erris.  He  must  have  acquired  by  purchase,  as  it  is 
certain  that  he  did  not  get  Crown  grants.  There  was  at  this  -time  a 
good  deal  of  selling  and  mortgaging  of  lands. 

His  nephews  William  and  John  came  to  the  Neale,  and  the  former 
acquired  some  lands. 

The  year  of  his  coming  is  unknown,  but  it  must  have  been  before 
June  1580,  when  Sir  N.  Malbie  notes  the  settlement  of  Theobald 
Dillon  at  Castlemore. 

Thomas  Nolan  settled  in  the  Castle  of  the  Crigh,  in  which  he 
appears  to  have  acquired  a  share  from  the  MacTibbot  family.  His 
name  seems  to  be  Irish,  but  he  was  a  settlex*. 

William  Bowen  was  an  Englishman  from  Leinster,  and  Christopher 
Garvey  of  Lehinch  was  an  Irishman  of  the  Pale,  a  son  of  the  Bishop 
of  Kilmore.  They  acquired  two  castles  from  the  Bovirkes.  Walter 
ne  Mully  complained  in  1589  that  he  had  been  wrongfully  dis- 
possessed of  two  castles.  Sir  R.  Bingham  explained  that  these  men 
were  in  possession  after  trial  in  due  course  of  law. 

In  the  conditions  under  which  Walter  Bourke  was  brought  up, 
Bowen  and  Garvey,  men  of  no  local  position,  could  not  have  brought 
the  queen's  power  to  bear  to  secure  their  rights.  They  would  have 
been  obliged  to  arrange  their  claim  with  him. 

Merchants  of  Galway  were  now  acquiring  interests  in  land  by  sale 
and  mortgage. 

Such  settlement  shows  that  there  was  a  fair  degree  of  security  in 
the  county,  at  least  after  1576,  which  enabled  strangers  to  settle 
in  the  county  and  invest  their  money  with  reasonable  safety  for 
their  property  and  persons.  Before  1570  this  would  have  been 
impossible. 

The  new  position  of  MacWilliam  is  shown  by  the  incident  noted 
by  John  Browne,  that  while  he  was  sheriff  he  took  both  MacWilliam 
and  his  Tanist,  Edmund  Bourke  of  Castlebar,  prisoners  on  account  of 
the  disorderly  conduct  of  themselves  and  their  sons,  and  held  them 
until  they  delivered  to  him  their  sons  as  pledges  to  the  queen. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

FROM  THE  COMING  OF  THE  SPANISH  ARM  ADA  TO  THE 
PEACE  OF  1589. 

Sir  R.  Bingham  resumed  the  government  of  Connaught  in  the  spring 
of  1588,  and  arrived  at  Athlone  in  the  beginning  of  May.  He 
collected  the  composition  rents  then  due  without  delay,  foreseeing 
trouble  if  the  Spaniards  came  to  the  coasts  of  Ireland. 

The  Government  issued  a  proclamation  ordering  all  men  to  bring  in 
such  Spaniards  as  fell  into  their  hands  and  to  give  immediate  notice 
of  their  arrival  to  the  queen's  officers,  and  warning  them  of  the 
penalties  for  disobedience.  Indeed,  no  proclamation  was  needed  to  tell 
men  that  keeping  or  helping  these  Spaniards  was  in  itself  an  act  of 
rebellion  and  warfare,  as  the  Armada  came  to  invade  her  dominions 
and  to  drive  her  from  the  throne. 

The  ships  arrived  on  the  coast  during  September.  The  proclama- 
tion was  obeyed  generally  in  Connaught ;  but  whether  it  was  obeyed 
or  not,  the  country  people  did  not  offer  a  kindly  hospitality  to  ship- 
wrecked mariners.  Some  got  ashore  with  their  arms  in  sufficient 
numbers  to  protect  themselves,  and  escaped  in  other  ships.  The  rest 
were  taken  prisoners  and  given  up,  or  killed  if  they  did  not  surrender 
themselves,  or  else  were  robbed  and  killed  or  left  naked. 

A  few  were  kept  for  use  as  fighting  slaves.  A  savage  Irish  chief- 
tain thought  some  of  the  famous  Spanish  soldiers  a  great  addition  to 
his  power.  They  must  fight  for  their  lives,  as  capture  was  certain 
death.  When  Sir  Murrough  O'Flaherty  made  a  raid  into  Galway  and 
Mayo  in  the  next  March,  he  was  said  to  set  great  store  on  about 
twenty  Spaniards. 

Sir  R.  Bingham  reported  in  December  that  the  Spaniards  were 
known  to  have  lost  on  the  coast  of  Connaught  twelve  ships,  that  two 
or  three  more  were  supposed  to  have  sunk  at  sea  beyond  the  Out 
Isles,  that  1100  men  were  put  to  the  sword,  only  Don  Lewis  de 
Cordova  and  his  nephew  being  reserved  for  the  queen's  orders,  and 
that  4600  were  supposed  to  have  been  drowned.  This  wholesale 
slaughter  was  repugnant  to  his  feelings,  but  when  he  ventured  to 
reserve  fifty  for  the  Lord  Deputy's  disposal  he  was  ordered  to 
execute  all. 

Sir  G.  Fenton's  final  estimate  shows  the  losses  in  Mayo :   "  Ships 

220 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       221 

and  men,  sunk,  drowned,  killed,  and  taken  upon  this  coast  of  Ireland 
in  the  month  of  September  1588,  as  followeth  :  ...  in  Tix-awley,  one 
ship,  400  men ;  in  Clare  Island,  one  ship,  300  men  ;  in  Fynglasse, 
O'Malley's  country,  one  ship,  400  men ;  in  Erris,  two  ships,  none  lost, 
because  the  men  wei-e  taken  into  other  vessels,  but  the  vessels  and 
ordnance  remained." 

Fr-om  contemporary  letters  the  following  details  are  taken  regarding 
these  ships. 

The  earliest  report  is  that  a  ship  of  1000  tons,  having  fifty  brass 
pieces  and  four  great  cannons,  was  cast  away  at  Borris  ;  sixteen  who 
escaped  were  secured  by  the  Earl  of  Ormond's  tenants.  This  seems 
to  be  the  ship  noted  by  Sir  G.  Fenton  as  wrecked  at  Fynglasse,  The 
description  given  in  the  letter  may  be  erroneous,  as  the  letter  was 
not  written  by  one  who  had  direct  information,  and  the  mention 
of  Borris  and  Lord  Ormond's  tenants  is  most  likely  a  rendering  of  the 
fact  that  O'Malleys  captured  the  men.  Some  of  the  O'Malleys  were 
Lord  Ormond's  tenants.  If  so,  the  cannon  which  now  lies  at  Westport 
House  may  have  been  hers,  as  it  is  said  to  have  been  recovered  from 
the  sands  on  the  coast  to  the  south  of  Carrownisky  river. 

A  large  ship  was  wrecked  in  Ballycroy.  About  600  men  under 
Don  Alonso  de  Leyva  fortified  themselves  in  the  castle,  but  afterwards 
joined  others  at  Tii-aun. 

A  large  ship  was  wrecked  at  Tiraun.  The  crew  and  the  Ballycroy 
party  were  taken  off  by  other  ships. 

A  ship  was  wrecked  in  Tirawley.  William  Bourke  of  Ardnarea 
took  seventy-two  prisoners,  and  Melaghlin  Mac  an  Ab  was  reported 
to  have  killed  eighty  Spaniards  with  his  Gallowglass  axe. 

A  ship  commanded  by  Don  Pedro  de  Mendosa  was  wrecked  on 
Clare  Island.  Don  Pedro  refused  to  surrender.  Doodara  O'Malley 
slew  him  and  100  men. 

The  wrecked  ships  were  utterly  broken  up  and  their  guns  lost. 
The  country  people  took  the  treasure  and  valuables  that  could 
be  got. 

Giovanni  Avancini  and  fourteen  Italians,  being  ill-used  by  the 
Spaniards,  deserted  from  them,  apparently  from  those  who  were  in 
Ballycroy. 

On  receipt  of  report  that  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva  and  his  men  were 
fortifying  themselves  in  the  castle  of  Ballycroy,  probably  Doona,  Sir 
R.  Bingham  went  forward  with  the  small  force  he  had  at  hand.  At 
Castlemacgarrett  he  met  the  report  that  they  and  the  Spaniards  at 
Tiraun  had  embarked  again,  but  he  went  on  to  Donamona  Castle,  as 
it  was  reported  that  500  others  had  landed  at  Broadhaven.  Here 
Justin  MacDonnell,  one  of  the  leading  men  of  the  Clan  Donnell,  was 
arrested,   tried    by   martial  law,   and    hanged   for   treason   in    having 


222       THE    KAHLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

conspired  with  Richard  Bourke,  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  to  bi-ing  Don 
Alonso  and  his  men  inland,  having  sent  guides,  having  forbidden  the 
country  people  to  supply  food  for  the  queen's  forces,  and  in  having 
incited  people  to  collect  in  order  to  force  Sir  Richard  to  retire,  he 
having  but  a  small  force  with  him. 

This  execution  was  afterwards  made  a  charge  against  Sir  Richard, 
but  the  ( Jovernment  was  satisfied  that  the  proceedings  were  regular 
and  the  conviction  justified. 

At  this  time  William  Bourke,  the  Blind  Abbot,  was  arrested  and 
kept  in  prison  for  about  fourteen  weeks,  and  then  released  on  the 
pledge  of  his  son  for  his  good  behaviour. 

At  the  end  of  September  all  were  quiet  but  the  Devil's  Hook,  Sir 
Murrough  O'Flaherty,  and  O'Rourk,  who  refused  to  give  up  their 
Spaniards.  The  person  meant  by  the  term  "  the  Devil's  Hook "  at 
this  time  Avas  Richard  Bovu-ke,  the  Devil's  Hook's  son.  The  Devil's 
Hook  himself  was  dead,  1  believe,  though  I  have  not  been  able  to 
ascertain  the  date  of  his  death.  The  English  in  Connaught  seem  to 
have  used  the  terms  indifferently. 

No  open  acts  of  rebellion  had  been  committed  in  Mayo  except  the 
combination  of  Richard  Bourke  and  Justin  MacDonnell  to  bring  the 
Spaniards  in  from  Erris.  But  the  septs  of  the  Owles  where  R.  Bourke 
was  chief  showed  disaffection.  Mr.  Gerald  Comerford,  who  had  been 
sent  there  on  special  duty  and  had  been  ordered  to  join  Captain 
George  Bingham,  wrote  on  the  19th  September  to  Sir  R.  Bingham,  who 
was  then  in  Mayo,  that  he  could  not  leave  Carrick  Kenedy  with  his 
small  force,  as  the  Clanrannells,  a  sept  of  the  MacDonnells  living  near 
Newport,  and  other  septs  were  out  and  were  lying  in  wait  in  his 
road,  and  asked  for  a  company,  which  Sir  Richard  sent,  to  bring 
him  away. 

When  the  Lord  Deputy  FitzWilliam  came  to  Athlone  to  attack 
O'Rourk  and  the  Ulstermen,  who  had  a  large  number  of  Spaniards, 
he  called  up  the  rising  out  of  Connaught.  Only  those  of  Kilmaine, 
Clanmorris,  and  Costello  came  from  Mayo.  Upon  the  representation 
of  Sir  R.  Bingham  and  Mr.  John  Browne,  the  sheriff,  of  the  danger 
of  withdrawing  these  loyal  men  in  face  of  the  evident  combination  of 
the  Bourkes  and  Joys  and  Clandonnells,  they  were  sent  away,  and 
Browne  was  left  to  protect  the  loyalists  until  Sir  Richard's  return 
from  Ulster,  where  he  was  to  go  with  the  Lord  Deputy. 

During  the  next  two  months  things  went  worse.  Richard  Bourke 
and  Sir  M.  O'Flaherty  were  open  rebels  by  their  retaining  Spaniards. 
It  was  certain  that  they  would  be  dealt  with  as  soon  as  Sir  R. 
Bingham  returned,  and  it  was  their  interest  to  raise  disturbances  and 
gain  support.  These  proceedings  are  described  by  Mr.  Thos.  Nolan 
of  the  Creevagh,  who  had  been  settled  in  Mayo  for  some  years  and 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEiVCE    OF    1589.       223 

should  have  been  well  informed,  in  a  letter  dated  19th  March  1589.^ 
After  mentioning  releases  and  exchanges  of  hostages  made  by  John 
Browne  : — 

"Walter  ne  Mully  had  continual  access  in  the  night  time  for  ten 
days  together  to  Sir  Murrough  ne  Doe,  and  then  all  the  plot  of  this 
rebellion  was  laid  down,  and  they  combined  together.  About  that 
time  Walter  Burke  in  the  night  time  killed  one  William  Keaghe, 
servant  unto  Mr.  Browne,  yet  Mr.  Browne  procured  for  Walter  a  pro- 
tection for  the  committing  of  that  fact.  About  a  fortnight  after 
Walter's  brother,  Shane  Bv;rke,  murdered  two  honest  men  of  the 
English  pale  near  Ballinrobe.  Then  Sir  Murrough  ne  Doe  held  con- 
ference with  all  the  O'Flaherties,  and  joined  them  all  to  him  except 
one  Roger  O'Flaherty.  After  that  he  had  a  conference  with  the  Devil's 
Hook,  the  Joys,  and  the  sept  of  Ulick  Burke,  and  Walter  ne  Molley 
at  Tnishmeane,  MacTibbott's  house,  and  in  the  Partree,  and  there  all 
the  combination  was  agreed  upon,  and  since  Walter  Burke  and  the 
rest  were  upon  their  keeping,  Walter  did  transport  the  most  part  of 
his  corn  into  the  Joys'  country  a  month  before  Christmas.  The 
Devil's  Hook,  the  Blind  Abbot's  sons,  and  the  rest  gathered  80 
or  100  men  together,  and  took  meat  and  drink  where  they  listed. 
They  came  one  night  to  Darby  Moran's,  a  soldier's  house  at  Ballin- 
tubber,  commanding  his  wife  to  make  them  good  cheer,  and  said  that  if 
she  had  welcomed  and  cheered  them  willingly  and  the  best  she  could, 
she  would  have  no  thanks  for  her  cost  and  goodwill.  They  came  about 
that  time  to  Nic.  Lawleis,  an  honest  civil  man's  house  near  Mayo,  in 
an  evening  drank  and  spoiled  six  barrels  of  drink,  wasted  other 
victuals,  and  put  the  poor  man  in  danger  of  his  life.  The  next  day 
they  came  to  Allen  M'Donnell's  house  near  Lehinch  in  that  number, 
and  cessed  themselves  in  the  villages  thereabouts.  Immediately  after, 
they  came  up  as  far  as  the  river  of  Clongowla  or  Ballinrobe,  cessed 
themselves  upon  the  Rochfords,  Malods,  and  Clannevallies,-  and  going 
thus  in  troops  to  the  terror  of  the  subjects.  Mr.  Browne  did  write 
unto  your  worship  of  their  insolencies.  This  rebellion  is  no  sudden 
act,  but  a  matter  long  agreed  on." 

This  shows  what  the  people  had  to  endure  when  the  law  had  not  a 
strong  arm  present  to  protect  them,  a  sample  of  what  happened  in  other 
places.  By  such  actions,  and  by  keeping  Spg,niards,  Richard  Bourke 
and  his  associates  had  broken  the  protections  given  to  them  in  re- 
spect of  past  offences.  When  the  Lord  Deputy  passed  through 
Connaught,  he  was  informed  that  they  were  in  action  of  rebellion 
and  must  be  prosecuted.  But  nothing  could  be  done  then,  as  all 
forces  in  hand  were  needed  for  the  march  into  Ulster. 

1  S.P.I.E.,  CXLHI.    12,  ii. 

2  Clann  An  Fhailghaigh  1 — i.e.  MacAnally?. 


224       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

After  Sir  llicliard's  return  a  conauission  to  prosecute  them  was  given 
to  Captain  Mordant.  When  he  reached  Dunmore  his  company 
refused  to  go  on,  because  they  had  not  been  paid  or  satisfied  for  their 
services  with  the  Lord  Deputy's  army.  This  occurred  in  the  middle 
of  December. 

Sir  Richard  now  arranged  to  deal  with  them  by  means  of  local  levies. 
Upon  reports  of  further  disorders  early  in  January  1589,  instructions 
were  given  to  the  sheriff,  Mr.  John  Browne,  and  to  others  to  prepare 
to  levy  soldiers  and  to  prosecute  these  Bourkes,  and  a  formal  com- 
mission to  do  so  was  made  out  for  him  on  the  13th  January. 

Those  in  actual  rebellion  up  to  this  time  were  Richard  and  Ricard, 
sons  of  the  Blind  Abbot ;  Theobald,  Walter,  and  John,  sons  of 
Richard  an  larainn  ;  the  sons  of  Walter  Fada ;  the  sept  of  Ulick 
Bourke  of  Erris,  and  the  Devil's  Hook's  son ;  the  Carra  Bourkes 
generally,  and  those  of  Cloonagashell ;  the  Joys,  and  some  Clandonnells, 
Clangibbons,  and  O'Flaherties. 

When  the  issue  of  this  commission  was  made  a  ground  of  complaint 
against  Sir  Richard  he  justified  it  in  all  points  at  the  trial.  He 
admitted  that  such  a  commission  was  usually  signed  also  by  one  of 
his  assistants.  But  immediate  action  was  necessary  in  this  case, 
and  no  English  Councillor  was  resident  in  Connaught  at  the  time 
except  Justice  Dillon,  who  lay  sick  in  his  house.  No  Irish  Coun- 
cillors were  at  hand,  and  he  pointed  out  that  the  queen  had  warned 
the  Lord  Deputy  not  to  impart  such  secret  purposes  to  Irish  Coun- 
cillors. A  similar  commission  had  been  issued  to  Captain  Mordant. 
His  commission  for  martial  affairs  empowered  him  to  act  alone  in 
such  matters. 

This  defence  was  accepted  by  the  Government.  The  want  of  signa- 
ture of  another  Councillor  seems  to  have  been  the  only  exception  that 
could  be  taken  to  it,  and  that  was  a  matter  of  custom,  not  of  law. 
These  men  had  been  open  rebels  for  months,  and  an  earlier  attempt 
to  prosecute  them  had  failed. 

Mr.  Browne  reached  Rockfleet  Castle,  with  from  200  to  .300  men, 
on  the  7th  February,  if  his  death  has  been  correctly  assigned  to  the 
8th.  Richard  Bourke  had  met  him  and  objected  to  Browne  entering 
his  country. 

Browne  sent  most  of  his  force  on  towards  Erris  next  morning  under 
John  Gilson,  William  Browne,  and  Christopher  Garvey,  following  them 
with  about  twenty-five  men.  When  about  ten  miles  from  the  main  body, 
he  was  attacked  by  the  forces  under  Richard  Bourke  and  Walter  ne 
MuUy,  who  killed  him  and  all  his  men,  among  them  Donnell  O'Daly, 
his  sub-sheriff,  and  Redmond  Burke  of  Benmore  in  Galway. 

As  the  main  body  came  back  safely,  this  was  but  a  petty  success  for 
the  Bourkes,  .if  only  the  numbers  killed  be   considered  ;  but  it  was  a 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       225 

very  important  event  in  other  respects,  and  marked  a  stage  in  the 
course  of  the  rebellion. 

Hitherto  the  rebels  might  be  described  as  unaggressive.  They  armed 
themselves  against  the  queen,  and  set  the  law  at  defiance  by  going 
about  in  bands  living  on  the  country,  and  robbing  loyal  or  peaceable 
men  who  were  not  strong  enough  to  resist ;  but  they  kept  within 
their  tribal  boundaries  and  did  not  attack  the  queen's  oiBcers,  who 
were  able  to  live  in  their  own  castles,  but  were  not  strong  enough 
to  disperse  these  bands.  They  ignored  all  law  and  the  queen's 
authority. 

They  were  now  joined  by  the  Blind  Abbot,  the  Bourkes  of  Turlough, 
Thomas  Bourke  of  Island  Caca,  the  MacPhilpins,  the  Stauntons,  the 
people  of  Gallen,  many  Clandonnells,  the  rest  of  the  Clangibbons, 
and  by  Sir  M.  O' Flaherty.  The  rebellion  was  no  more  formidable 
than  that  of  1586,  and  might  have  been  crushed  as  easily  if  Con- 
naught  had  not  been  denuded  of  drilled  soldiers.  It  was  impossible 
to  deal  with  rebels  with  only  the  country  forces,  and  reinforcements 
did  not  come  for  six  weeks. 

As  action  by  the  governor  did  not  follow  immediately,  this  small 
success  seemed  a  great  one  to  the  wild  tribes,  and  the  rebels  increased 
in  numbers  so  that  in  March  they  were  reported  in  Galway  to  be 
2000,  but  according  to  Sir  R.  Bingham,  they  were  never  more  than 
700  in  arms,  which  is  probably  the  correct  number  of  Mayo  rebels 
under  arms  at  any  one  time.  Early  in  the  month  they  had  taken  Tiraun 
and  assaulted  Castlecarra,  which  Captain  AVm.  Bowen,  now  the  sheriff, 
had  bought  in  1586.  During  this  period  Nolan  and  Garvey  remained 
in  their  castles,  and  Gerald  Comerford,  the  Attorney  of  Connaught,  was 
able  to  move  about  with  a  small  escort,  as  we  find  him  at  Nolan's 
castle  on  the  15th  March,  and  at  a  castle  near  Carras  on  the  day  of 
the  battle  of  Carras. 

In  March  the  rebels  entered  on  active  operations  against  the  queen 
on  a  larger  scale.  It  was  said  that  the  Bourkes  promised  the  following 
terms  to  Sir  M.  O'Flaherty  as  the  price  of  his  services — £300  for  his 
son  Edmond,  whom  he  had  given  as  a  pledge,  £300  for  breaking  down 
his  castle  of  Aughnanure,  £300  to  keep  a  bodyguard. 

He  broke  down  the  castle,  and  his  son  was  hanged  at  the  end  of 
the  month.  The  report  shows  that  such  an  arrangement  was  thought 
reasonable  and  probable. 

Early  in  March  he  crossed  Lough  Corrib  with  500  to  600  men,  and 
joined  the  Mayo  rebels.  In  the  course  of  the  month  they  plundered 
the  baronies  of  Clare  and  Kilmaine  and  Clanmorris.  As  William 
Bourke  of  Shrule,  the  senior  of  the  Sliocht  Walter,  is  mentioned  as 
having  been  plundered,  it  seems  that  he  and  his  sept  generally 
were  opposed  to  rebellion,  and  not  merely  indifferent.     The  rebels 

P 


I 


2*2G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

had  twenty  Spaniards,   who,  it  is  said,  could  not  endure  the  hard- 
ships of  Irish  life. 

Bowen  and  Comerford  had  a  conference  on  the  ISth  March  with 
William  Bourke,  Sir  Murrough,  and  the  rest.  William  Bourke  attri- 
buted the  rising  to  the  hard  and  extreme  dealings  of  Mr.  J.  Browne 
of  the  Neale,  and  other  inferior  officers.  They  said  that  if  William 
Bourke  was  created  and  made  Mac  William  as  others  before  him,  and 
the  benefit  of  the  composition  allowed  them,  they  would  make  peace. 
Comerford  said  that  the  name  was  extinguished,  and  never  to  be 
revived.  They  refused  to  agree  to  any  kind  of  peace  or  truce  unless 
William  Bourke  was  made  MacWilliam,  which  the  other  side  could 
not  agree  to. 

Sir  Morough  stayed  with  a  few  men  at  Keltyprichane  in  Kilmaine, 
and  sent  the  rest  under  his  son  Teige  to  plunder  the  baronies  of  Clare 
and  Dunmore,  where  they  burnt  sixteen  towns,  and  gathered  3000 
head  of  cattle  and  horses. 

In  the  meantime  soldiers  had  reached  the  governor,  who  sent  two 
companies  forward  under  Capt.  Weekes  and  Lieut.  Francis  Bingham, 
who  met  on  Thui'sday,  and  w^ere  in  camp  near  Milltown  on  the  morn- 
ing of  Easter  Saturday,  March  28.  The  story  of  the  battle  is  best 
told  in  the  words  of  those  who  won  it.^  Edward  Bermingham,  who 
was  living  in  Milltown  Castle,  was  an  English  gentlemen  from  the 
Pale  and  had  been  Sheriff  of  Mayo  for  a  time.  He  writes  at  Athlone 
on  the  31st  March  : — 

"  So  it  is  that  on  Saturday  last  in  the  morning  Teig  O'Flaherty, 
eldest  son  of  Sir  Morough  ne  Doe,  accompanied  by  three  of  his 
brethren  and  500  more,  came  to  the  borders  where  I  dwell,  and  there 
did  burn  and  prey  16  towns.  Whereof  the  said  Teig  accompanied 
with  some  100  came  to  my  town,  and  there  did  assault  my  castle 
valiantly.  I  being  well  provided  did  put  them  from  that  purpose  to 
their  great  loss,  for  I  did  kill  two  of  his  gentlemen  at  the  castle  door, 
and  had  four  of  his  men  hurt  and  buried.  He  burned  half  the  town, 
and  all  my  corn,  and  carried  my  prey  with  him.  Two  bands  of 
soldiers  being  eastward  of  me  six  miles  I  did  send  unto  desiring  that 
they  might  make  with  my  guide  where  I  should  meet  them,  and  the 
passage  where  the  rebels  should  pass.  The  captains,  by  name  Ca2)t. 
Weekes  and  Lieut.  Bingham,  making  no  delay  issued  out,  and  I 
certifying  in  their  journey  where  to  come  and  the  brave  service  at 
hand,  made  their  repair  to  the  place  appointed  by  me,  which  was 
from  thence  they  came  10  miles.  I  having  the  enemies  in  sight  till 
I  met  the  soldiers,  when  I  brought  them  face  to  face  at  the  gate  of 
the  Carre  in  the  barony  of  Kyllmaynham  in  the  County  of  Mayo,  where 
the  enemy  did  prepare  them  in  battle  array  and  come  against  us. 
1  S.P.I.E.,  CXLIII.  No.  12  ;  vi.,  vii.,  viii. 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       227 

The  soldiers  not  neglecting  their  time  went  against  them  ;  there  was 
a  volley  of  shot  on  both  sides.  They  came  to  the  push  of  the  pike 
with  great  courage,  when  the  said  Teig  O'Flaherty  was  slain  with 
eight  of  his  company.  Then  they  were  disordered,  and  I  with  six 
horsemen  of  mine  and  eight  footmen,  being  beside  our  battle  as  a 
wing  ready  to  charge  upon  the  breach,  did  charge,  when  I  struck 
their  guidon  under  his  morion  with  my  staff  and  ran  him  through  in 
the  face  of  the  battle.  I  followed  another  and  had  him  down,  and  so 
did  my  horsemen  kill  5  more  at  that  charge.  We  had  not  six  score 
of  ground  to  deal  with  them  when  they  recovered  a  main  bog.  Three 
of  "my  horsemen  and  eight  footmen  did  kill  of  them  in  the  bog  16. 
Her  Majesty's  Attorney  in  that  province  (Mr.  Comerford),  under- 
standing of  their  disordering,  issued  forth  when  he  met  of  them  and 
did  slay  16.  Divers  others  in  their  flight  did  kill  of  them,  so  that  I 
account  there  is  slain  of  them  80  and  upwards.  The  Attorney  and 
I  brought  the  head  of  Teig  O'Flaherty  to  Sir  Richard  yester  night  who 
was  wonderful  glad,  for  this  Teig  was  the  stoutest  man  in  this  pro- 
vince and  could  do  most.  I  have  recovered  all  my  losses  by  this 
means."  On  the  1st  April  he  writes,  that  all  the  Clandonnells  save 
two  have  gone  with  the  rebels,  and  have  of  late  made  400  gallowglass 
axes.  "  I  was  troubled  with  certain  of  my  friends  in  my  castle  upon 
the  assault,  by  name  my  sister  Marie  Hussey,  my  wife,  and  four 
gentlewomen  more  of  the  Pale,  who  wished  themselves  in  their 
graves." 

Francis  Bingham  wrote  from  Tuam  on  the  30th  :  "  We  overtook 
them  at  Castle  Annacare,  where  they  had  gathered  the  piey  of  13 
towns,  who  seeing  us  come  marching,  displayed  two  guidons  at  the 
first,  and  when  they  saw  both  our  colours  displayed  they  displayed 
six  more,  and  then  retired  into  a  piece  of  ground  of  advantage,  and 
put  a  hedge  of  bushes  between  us  and  them,  and  presently  joined 
battle  with  us,  and  gave  a  marvellous  hard  attempt  at  the  first,  so 
when  their  attempt  was  withstood  they  broke  so  that  there  and  in 
the  chase  we  had  the  killing  of  lUO  and  odd." 

That  night  two  prisoners  were  got  and  put  to  the  sword,  and  next 
day  being  Easter  Sunday,  four  men  were  found  wounded  in  a  house 
and  executed,  and  eleven  were  got  in  Tibbot  Boy's  castle,  whereof  ten 
were  executed.  "There  was  gotten  of  their  furniture  63  pieces, 
besides  other  furnitures,  as  morions,  swords,  sculls  and  tai-gets,  and 
four  guidons."  They  camped  that  night  at  Clogher  (Cloghans?),  and 
thence  went  to  Tuam  to  get  meat.  Urun  and  Teig  Og,  two  other 
sons  of  Sii'  Morough,  were  among  the  slain.  Comerfoi'd  was  in  a 
castle  two  miles  from  the  battlefield,  and  sallied  forth  on  the  fugitives 
with  six  shot,  seven  footmen,  and  four  horsemen,  and  killed  twenty- 
four,  according  to  his  letter  dated  29th  March  at  Turin  Castle. 


228       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

At  this  juncture,  when  the  O'Flaheitys  had  suffered  disaster,  and 
the  Bourkes  could  have  been  crushed  easily,  the  Lord  Deputy  inter- 
vened, ordering  Sir  R.  Bingham  to  refiain  from  prosecuting  the 
rebels,  and  to  withdraw  all  forces  from  Mayo,  in  order  not  to  hinder 
a  pacification.  He  appointed  the  Bishops  of  Meath  and  Kilmore,  Sir 
Robert  J)illon,  Chief  Justice,  Sir  Nicholas  White,  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange,  and  Sir  R.  Bingham  as  commissioners 
to  treat  for  peace.  He  handed  over  the  loyal  and  law  abiding  part 
of  the  people,  who  were  the  bulk  of  the  people  of  Mayo,  to  the  will 
of  the  rebels  for  six  weeks. 

O'Rourk  had  been  encouraged  by  the  previous  inaction  to  send  a 
party  to  plunder  in  the  County  Sligo,  who  were  defeated  and  driven 
away  by  Sir  G.  Bingham.  Rebellion  had  not  spread  further.  The 
Lord  Deputy's  action  encouraged  others  to  join,  and  to  plunder  quiet 
districts,  so  that  the  rest  of  the  county  of  Mayo  were  forced  as  condi- 
tions grew  woi'se  to  join  the  rebels,  at  least  nominally,  for  their  own 
safety. 

Of  these  commissioners  the  Bishop  of  Meath  and  Sir  R.  Dillon 
were  bitter,  open  enemies  of  Sir  Richard,  because  he  had  exposed 
their  corruption  in  the  case  of  O'Conor  Sligo  a  year  before. 

Captain  Merbury,  who  had  been  employed  in  Connaught,  has  left 
notes  on  some  of  the  principal  men  of  Mayo  \vho  were  concerned  in 
the  rebellions  and  negotiations  of  this  year.^ 

"Sir  Murrough  ne  Doe  is  reckoned  about  seventy-five  years,  the 
Devil's  Hook  ['s  son],  Ulick  Burke,  and  Robert  O'Malley  nigh  to 
sixty.  Walter  ne  MuUy  is  exceeding  poor,  but  crafty-headed  and 
bold.  Walter  Kittough  is  wise  enough,  but  too  weak  to  attain  to 
the  M'Williamship.  .  .  .  The  Blind  Abbot  was  never  wise,  steady, 
or  honest.  He  doats  for  age ;  is  very  beggarly  overborne  by  his 
children.  Edmund  Burke  of  Cong,  called  M'Thomas  Yvaughery,  is  a 
very  handsome  man  ;  always  out  for  fear  of  the  law  for  killing  Ulick 
Burke  of  the  Neale,  and  if  Cong  be  taken  from  him,  which  indeed 
did  belong  to  Sir  William  Collyer,  he  will  be  very  poor  by  and  by. 
The  many  factions  among  themselves  are  enough  to  overthi'ow 
them." 

Walter  ne  Mully  spoke  English,  and  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
Francis  Bingham.  Gerald  Comerford  and  Edward  White  knew 
Irish. 

The  commissioners  reached  Athlone  on  the  11th  April.  Next  day 
the  Bishop  of  Kilmore  and  Sir  N.  White  and  Captain  Fowle,  the 
Provost-marshal  of  Connaught,  were  sent  to  parley  with  the  Mayo 
rebels.  Edward  White  was  with  them  at  the  parley.  He  was  a 
relation  of  Sir  Nicholas,  and  the  bishop  was  father  of  Christopher 
1  S.P.I.E.  CXLVI.  No.  21. 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       229 

Garvey,  who  had  settled  in  Mayo.  The  other  commissioners  went  on 
to  Galway,  and  sent  a  message  to  Sir  M.  O'Flaherty. 

By  the  17th  the  Bishop  of  Kilmore's  party  had  met  the  Bourkes, 
and  had  agreed  with  the  Blind  Abbot,  Richard  Bourke,  and  the 
others,  for  seven  days'  peace  for  themselves,  but  not  for  Walter  ne 
Mully,  who  had  gone  with  120  swords  towards  Tireragh  and  Bally- 
mote  to  join  O'Rourk.  Sir  Richai'd  wished  to  send  200  men  to  cut 
him  off,  but  the  Bishop  of  Meath  would  not  consent. 

The  two  commissioners  came  to  Galway  on  the  19th,  and  reported 
the  complaints  and  demands  which  the  Bourkes  had  made.  Sir 
Richard  desired  to  send  Fowle  against  the  Clandermots,  who  had 
risen,  but  the  commissioners  desired  to  retain  him.  On  the  21st  Sir 
Richard  asked  the  commissicfners  what  he  was  to  do  about  O'Rourk, 
who  was  plundering  around  Ballymote.  They  told  him  to  report  to 
the  Lord  Deputy. 

The  negotiations  were  opened  on  the  23rd,  when  Ulick  Bourke, 
Walter  ne  Mully,  and  Robert  O'Malley  came  into  Galway.  They 
were  told  that  they  must  bring  in  the  Blind  Abbot,  Richard  Bourke, 
Sir  Morough,  and  Teig  ne  Mully  O'Flaherty  if  they  wanted  peace, 
for  whom  protections  were  sent.  Sending  men  of  such  small  import- 
ance to  meet  the  commissioners  was  treating  them  with  contempt. 

On  Friday,  25th  April,  the  commissioners,  except  Sir  Richard, 
met  the  leading  rebels  in  confei-ence  at  the  New  Castle  near  Galway, 
as  they  i-efused  to  enter  the  town.  Sir  Richard  did  not  join  in  the 
conference,  as  the  rebels  made  charges  against  him  personally.  The 
grievances  and  demands  of  the  Bourkes  and  Sir  Morough  were  again 
set  out. 

The  Bovirkes  declared  that  they  would  not  have  I'ebelled  but  for 
the  commission  to  John  Browne,  that  they  had  never  done  anything 
to  break  their  protections,  or  done  one  groat  of  harm  to  any  man 
until  Browne  and  Gilson  encountered  them. 

Their  other  grievances  were — oppression  by  sheriffs  and  other 
officers  going  about  the  country  with  more  men  than  they  were 
entitled  to  have  with  them,  taking  of  their  lands  without  order  of 
law,  hanging  of  gentlemen  of  land  and  living  by  martial  law,  especi- 
ally the  two  sons  of  Walter  Fada  and  Justin  MacDonnell,  and  tyranny 
and  oppression  by  Sir  Richard  Bingham. 

Sir  Morough's  grievances  were  that  the  Isles  of  Arran  and  certain 
lands  had  been  taken  from  him,  and  he  said  that  he  would  not  have 
rebelled  but  for  Browne's  commission. 

The  Bourkes  offered  peace  on  these  conditions — That  the  Mac- 
Williamship  be  restored,  that  no  English  officers  be  sent  into 
MacWilliam's  country,  that  Sir  Richard  be  removed  from  the  gover- 
norship, and  that  they  should  pay  the  composition  rent. 


230       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY'    OF    MAY'O. 

The  Lord  Deputy's  insti-uctions  to  the  commissioners,  "They  shall 
have  sheriffs,  and  .shall  not  have  a  MacWilliani,"  rendered  further 
discussion  useless. 

But  they  had  another  conference  at  the  New  Castle  on  the  26th, 
when  the  commissioners  pioposed  a  peace  for  a  month,  and  that  Sir 
]Morough,  and  the  Blind  Abbot,  and  Ulick  Bourke,  and  Walter  ne 
INIuUy  should  accompan}'  them  to  Dublin  to  declare  their  grievances 
before  the  Council.  These  made  such  conditions  as  the  commis- 
sioners could  not  accept.  They  desired  not  to  be  held  responsible  for 
breaches  of  peace  during  their  absence,  and  avowed  that  they  coidd 
not  rely  on  their  confederates  to  keep  terms.  The  commissioners  left 
Gal  way  on  the  27th  April. 

The  failure  to  make  peace  was  the  result  of  the  situation  as  it 
appeared  to  the  rebels.  They  had  killed  the  sheriff,  and  the 
O'Flaherty  contingent  had  been  routed ;  the  Lord  Deputy  had  not 
dared  to  follow  up  this  success  by  attacking  the  Bourkes,  but  with- 
drew all  his  forces  from  their  country.  When  he  sent  to  sue  for 
jjeace,  they  could  see  no  reason  why  the  victors  should  submit  to  tei'ms 
imposed  by  a  beaten  enemy.  If  he  wanted  peace  he  must  submit  to 
their  conditions.  Moreover,  they  were  in  possession  of  the  country. 
They  could  plunder  any  one  in  Mayo  who  did  not  submit  to  them, 
and  could  make  raids  into  Roscommon  and  Sligo.  It  would  be  time 
enough  to  submit  when  the  queen's  forces  came  in  irresistible  strength. 
The  reasoning  was  sound.  They  kept  their  country  under  their  own 
control  until  the  following  February,  except  for  Sir  Richard's  raid  in 
May  and  Sir  W.  FitzWilliam's  journey  through  it  in  September, 

The  refusal  to  entertain  the  offer  of  peace  prevented  immediate 
inquiry  into  the  alleged  grievances,  but  the  report  of  the  four  com- 
missioners was  answered  at  length  by  Sir  R.  Bingham  in  November. 
From  these  documents  the  above  account  of  their  proceedings  is 
taken.  The  report  shows  a  desire  to  discredit  Sir  Richard  by  any 
means,  and  consists  chiefly  of  allegations  of  want  of  politeness  or 
consideration  towards  them,  and  unwillingness  to  co-operate  with 
them.  But  it  discloses  the  fact  that  he  did  meet  their  wishes  on  all 
points,  although  he  expressed  to  them  his  opinion  that  the  rebels 
who  were  pillaging  the  country  ought  to  be  prosecuted.  On  the  face 
of  their  report  some  of  their  complaints  were  frivolous,  and  it  was 
answered  and  explained  in  full  by  Sir  Richard. 

Sir  N.  White  seems  to  have  been  free  from  the  bias  of  the  majority 
of  the  commissioners,  as  he  wrote  to  Burghley  on  the  9th  May  that 
he  sees  no  reason  why  peace  should  not  have  been  concluded  "if  the 
desire  of  revenge  in  some  of  us  to  condemn  Sir  Richard  as  author  of 
the  wars  and  hinderer  of  the  peace  were  not  the  cause."  But  he 
probaljly  erred  as  to  the  possibility  of  a  peace  at  that  time. 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       231 

When  they  left  Galway  the  commissioners  authorised  Sir  Richard 
to  prosecute  the  rebels.  At  the  end  of  April  Sir  Richard  had 
received  100  foot  and  30  horse  in  consequence  of  O'Rourk's  adhesion 
to  the  rebels.  FitzWilliam  saw  the  futility  of  the  Galway  talk,  and 
sent  orders  to  Sir  Richard  on  the  29th  April  to  prosecute  the  rebels, 
and  promised  to  send  more  men. 

By  this  time  the  rest  of  the  county  of  Mayo  had  been  forced  to 
join  the  rebels  in  form,  if  not  in  action.  Only  MacMorris  and  David 
MacMorris,  and  Walter  MacEryddery  in  Clanm orris,  and  William 
Bourke  of  Shrule,  and  a  few  others,  held  by  the  queen.  In  Ros- 
common some  of  the  MacDermots,  O'Oonor  Roe's  sons,  and  Dualtagh 
O'Conor  of  O'Oonor  Don's  sept,  were  out  in  arms. 

Sir  Richard  acted  with  skill  and  energy  as  usual.  The  Sheriff  of 
Roscommon  drove  O'Rourk  back  to  his  own  country,  and  suppressed 
the  other  rebels.  He  wQnt  himself  to  Mayo  with  six  companies, 
where  the  rebels  fled  before  him.  He  marched  through  their  moun- 
tains, and  killed  some  without  losing  any  of  his  own  men,  but  did 
not  get  their  cattle,  which  had  been  driven  to  the  sea-shore  and 
the  islands.  When  he  came  out  and  encamped  at  Cong  to  rest  his 
men,  he  met  an  order  from  the  Lord  Deputy  directing  him  to 
withdraw  all  troops  from  MacWilliam's  country,  and  to  refrain  from 
prosecuting  the  rebels.  But  the  troops  might  defend  themselves 
if  attacked.  If  Sir  Richard  had  not  been  thus  stopped,  the  rebels 
would  have  submitted  everywhere,  and  peace  would  have  been  made 
in  a  fortnight.  All  those  who  had  joined  the  rebels  only  in  appear- 
ance had  abandoned  them.  The  Blind  Abbot  and  the  leaders  were 
now  fugitives,  skulking  in  the  woods  and  hills. 

This  order  was  made  on  the  10th  May  to  allow  the  rebels  free  access 
to  the  commissioners,  the  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  lately  Bishop  of 
Kilmore,  Sir  Robert  Dillon,  and  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange,  who  were 
sent  to  Galway  to  treat  with  the  rebels  until  the  Lord  Deputy  should 
come  himself  to  make  peace.  The  Bishop  of  Meath  was  joined  with 
them,  then  or  soon  after. 

The  rebels  had  done  comparatively  little  harm  up  to  this  time. 
Now  the  three  counties  of  Mayo,  Roscommon,  and  Sligo  were  left  to 
their  mercy  for  many  weeks,  and  great  damage  was  done  when  they 
were  thus  encouraged  to  undertake  fresh  enterprises. 

The  commissioners  started  immediately,  and  sent  protections  to  the 
leading  rebels  to  enable  them  to  come  in  to  treat.  This  policy  had 
immediate  effect.  On  the  22nd  May  Walter  Kittagh  Bourke  and 
the  Clandonnells  of  Gallen  and  Costello,  and  some  Sliocht  Ulick 
Bourkes,  invaded  Leyny  and  Corran,  where  they  pillaged  and  burnt, 
and  drove  off  cattle.  Walter's  son  Richard  was  killed  by  a  gunshot 
at  Tullyhugh,  near  Achonry.     At  the  same  time  O'Rourk's  brother 


232      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

took  more  prey  on  the  other  side.  Walter  Macllichard  an  larainn 
went  into  Costello,  wlience  he  carried  of?  some  of  Theobald  Dillon's 
goods  and  a  gentleman  who  was  in  charge  of  them.  Edward  Ber- 
mingham  was  robbed  of  some  horses.  Grace  O'Malley  robbed  the 
Arran  islanders.  She  did  not  altogether  give  up  "  her  old  trade  of 
maintenance  by  land  and  sea"  after  1586,  as  she  alleged  in  1593,  but 
was  ready  to  resume  it  when  the  chance  came. 

This  sudden  change  was  caused  by  a  letter  from  the  queen 
directing  the  Lord  Deputy  to  adopt  a  more  temperate  course  in 
the  inferior  governments,  especially  in  Connaught.  Hereupon  he 
determined  to  make  peace  on  almost  any  terms  the  Bourkes  would 
give.  Hitherto  he  had  never  cast  doubt  on  the  propriety  of  Sir 
Richard's  proceedings,  and  had  expressed  his  continued  good  opinion 
of  him,  notwithstanding  the  commissioners'  report.  Even  Sir 
Geoffrey  Fenton,  no  friend  of  Sir  Richard,  thought  that  no  one  matter 
had  more  pushed  the  Connaught  rebels  to  disobedience  than  the 
spurning  of  their  own  minds  against  government.  Up  to  the  31st 
May  FitzWilliam  affected  to  suspend  his  judgment  till  he  went 
there,  but  after  that  he  appears  to  have  decided  to  make  Sir  Richard 
responsible  for  the  rising,  as  the  result  of  his  tyranny,  oppression, 
and  extortion,  and  at  last  came  to  spare  no  means,  just  or  unjust, 
to  procure  his  conviction  upon  false  charges  if  true  charges  could 
not  be  adduced. 

As  he  passed  through  Athlone  on  the  7th  June  he  ordered  Sir 
Richard  to  remain  thereabouts.  On  arrival  at  Galway  he  found  that 
the  commissioners  had  arranged  with  the  principal  rebels,  except 
Richard  Bourke,  for  a  submission,  which  they  made  on  the  11th  June 
in  St.  Nicholas's  Church,  remaining  on  their  knees  almost  three- 
quarters  of  an  hour. 

Next  day  the  Bourkes  handed  in  a  Book  of  Complaints  against 
Sir  Richard  Bingham  and  the  queen's  officers,  and  a  petition  praying, 
by  way  of  redress — 

1.  That  a  rate  be  laid  down  for  pleading  for  pardons. 

2.  For  the  removal  of  Sir  Richard  Bingham. 

3.  For  the  qualification  of  extremity  of  martial  law. 

4.  That  a  man  chosen  from  amongst  themselves  be  appointed  to 

collect  the  composition. 

5.  Tliat  gentlemen  of  the  county  be  sheriffs. 

6.  That  no  one  be  dispossessed  of  lands  by  provincial  order  with- 

out trial  by  law,  and  that  such  as  have  been  dispossessed  be 
restored. 

7.  That  part  of  the  yearly  profits  of  MacWilliam  allotted  to  the 

house  of   Castlebar,  now  in   the   queen's   hands,  be   given   to 
William  Bourke,  the  Blind  Abbot,  for  his  maintenance. 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       233 

Though  the  submission  was  made  on  the  11th  of  June,  the  pro- 
ceedings went  on  until  the  submission  and  the  conditions  of  peace 
were  embodied  in  the  following  formal  instrument  on  the  20th  June, 
which  is  an  interesting  document,  both  for  the  actual  terms  of  confes- 
sion and  conditions  of  peace,  and  for  comparison  with  the  subsequent 
actions  of  these  very  humble  and  very  contrite  supplicants : — 

"  W.  FiTZWILLIAM. 

"Whereas  Sir  Moroughe  ne  doe  O'Flartie  of  lar  Connaught,  chief 
of  his  name,  William  Burke  the  Blind  Abbot,  eldest  of  the  low 
Burkes,  Edmond  Burke  M'Thomas  Evagherye,  Meyler  Oge  M'Walter 
Fadda  Burke,  David  O'Dowde,  chief  of  his  name,  Hugh  Duff  eM'Moi-oghe 
O'Flartie,  Shane  M'Morice,  Walter  M'Tibott  alias  M'Tibott,  Shane 
M'Thomas,  Tibott  Reoghe  M'Tibott  M'Gibbon,  U'Donell, 

Edmond  M'Tibott,  Robert  O'Mayle,  Walter  Kittaghe  Burke,  Walter 
ne  ,  Teg  roe  O'Mayle,  and  Dualtaghe  O'Connor  of  the  sept 

of  O'Connor  Dun,  being  the  chief  and  principal  of  such  as  lately 
entered  into  action  of  rebellion  in  the  county  of  Mayo,  and  in  the 
country  of  lar  Connaught,  the  most  of  them  brought  into  Galway 
against  the  coming  of  us  the  Lord  Deputy,  by  the  Lord  Primate,  the 
Lord  Bishop  of  Meath,  Sir  Robert  Dillon  and  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange, 
knights,  commissioners  appointed  for  that  service,  far  as  Galway  afore- 
said, the  12  of  this  June  1589,  in  the  body  of  St.  Nicholas'  Church 
exhibited  to  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  knight, 
Lord  Deputy,  and  the  Council,  then  present,  upon  their  knees,  their 
humble  submission,  the  tenour  whereof  ensueth — 

"  '  To  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  knight. 
Lord  Deputy  General  of  Ireland.  In  most  humble  manner,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  loyalty,  and  most  bounden  duty  to  the  Queen's  most 
gracious  Majesty,  her  royal  crown  and  dignity,  and  also  to  your 
honourable  good  Lordship,  maketh  our  lowly  and  humble  submission. 
Sir  Moroghe  O'Flartie,  knight,  chief  of  his  name,  William  Burke  alias 
the  Blind  Abbot,  chief  of  the  low  Burkes,  Edmond  Burke  M'Thomas 
Evagherie,  Walter  M'Tibot  alias  M'Tibott,  Edmond  M'Tibott,  and 
others  now  present,  and  set  upon  our  knees  before  your  Lordship 
with  lamentation  and  grief  for  our  unhappy  revolt  from  our  natural 
duty  and  allegiance,  as  also  for  all  and  singular  our  tenants,  followers, 
and  servants,  and  all  other  our  most  unhappy  associates  in  this  hateful 
odious  action,  raised,  put  in  execution  and  practised  in  the  county  of 
Mayo,  and  the  country  of  lar  Connaught,  or  elsewhere  wheresoever 
within  the  province  of  Connaught,  whereof  we,  for  us  all,  being  from 
them  hereunto  authorized,  and  they  swore  and  bound  to  us  by  oath 
and  faith,  to  conform  and  stand  to  what  orders  or  conditions  soever  we 
should  agree  and  consent  unto,  Do  not  only  acknowledge  ourselves  to 
be  right  heavy  and  humbly  sorry,  even  from  the  bottom  of  our  hearts, 


234       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAY'O. 

the  cause  or  occasion  thereof  whatsoever  notwithstanding ;  but  also 
we  here  do  offer,  for  and  in  the  name  of  us  all,  to  stand  and  per- 
fox-m  what  order  soever  your  good  Lordship  and  her  ISIajesty's  Privy 
Council  here,  shall  order  and  set  down,  as  well  for  our  foimer  faults 
in  this  and  late  falling  from  our  duties,  as  also  for  our  unfeigned, 
loyal,  and  dutiful  obedience  to  her  Majesty,  her  crown  and  dignity, 
during  our  natural  lives  hereafter,  most  humbly  assuring  your  honour- 
able lordship  to  accept  this  our  humble  and  unfeigned  submission, 
and  that  we  may  taste  of  her  Majesty's  most  gracious  mercy,  as  many 
others  as  grievous  and  hateful  offenders  heretofore  have  been.  And 
we,  from  the  bottom  of  our  hearts,  according  to  our  bounden  duties, 
shall,  not  only  daily  and  continually,  most  humbly  pray  for  our  most 
gracious  sovereign  Lady  and  Queen,  long  to  reign  with  prosperity 
over  us,  with  faithful  promise  of  the  venture  of  our  lives,  and  the 
spendings  of  our  lands  and  goods  to  serve  her  Majesty  at  all  times, 
but  also  for  youi-  Honours  long  to  continue  in  honourable  state 
amongst  us.' 

"Upon  which  their  petition  and  humble  submission,  we  the  Lord 
Deputy  and  the  rest  of  her  Majesty's  Council  (whose  names  are  sub- 
scribed) entering  into  the  consideration  of  the  matters,  and  of  the 
great  desire  they  have  to  yield  themselves  to  her  Majesty's  grace 
and  mercy,  and  to  stand  to  such  directions  and  orders  as  we,  in  the 
behalf  of  her  Highness,  shall  set  down,  have  with  the  full  and  whole 
consent  of  the  said  Sir  Morogh  O'Flarte,  William  Burke,  Meyler  Oge, 
Hugh  Duffe  M'Morogh,  O'Dowde,  Shane  M'Morice,  Walter  Tibott, 
Shane  M'Thomas,  Tibott  Reoghe  M'Tibott  M'Gibbon,  O'Donell, 

Walter  Kittaghe  Bourke,  Walter  ne  Mulye,  Teig  roe  O'Mayle,  and 
Dualtaghe  O'Connor  of  the  sept  of  O'Connor  Dun,  concluded,  ordered, 
and  agreed,  in  manner  and  form  following  : — 

1.  First,  that  evex'y  sept  shall  deliver  in  such  suiEcient  pledges  for 

the  observation  of  the  peace,  and  for  their  loyalties  and  obedi- 
ence to  her  Majesty  and  the  state,  as  we  the  Lord  Deputy  and 
Council  shall  nominate  and  think  meet. 

2.  That  the   said    Sir  ^Moroghe,   and    the  rest  of  the  Burkes  and 

others  abovenamed,  with  the  rest  of  their  confederates,  shall 
presently  disperse  their  forces,  and  everyone  to  repair  to  his 
habitation,  and  to  live  as  becometh  good  and  dutiful  subjects. 

3.  They  shall  forthwith  deliver  to  the  Lord  Deputy  such  Spaniards, 

Portagalls,  and  other  foreigners  of  the  Spanish  fleet  as  are 
now  amongst  them. 

4.  The  said  Sir  Moroghe  and  the  sept  abovenamed  shall  make  satis- 

faction of  all  spoils  and  hurts  done  by  them  since  the  first  day 
of  intelligences  of  the  Commissioners,  as  the  Lord  Deputy  shall 
nominate  and  appoint  for  that  purpose. 


FROM    SPANISH    ARMADA    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    1589.       235 

5.  They  shall  pay  svich  fine  to  the  use  of  her  Majesty,  for  their 

undutiful  breaking  out  into  action  of  rebellion,  as  the  Lord 
Deputy  shall  lay  down. 

6.  All  which  being  performed  by  the  said  Sir  Moroghe  and  the  rest 

according  to  the  express  meaning  hereof,  then  they  and  every 
of  them  to  have  her  Majesty's  gracious  general  pardon  for 
their  offences  past.  In  witness  whereof  we  the  Lord  Deputy 
and  the  rest  of  her  Majesty's  Council  have  hereunto  put  our 
hands,  and  for  the  better  accomplishment  of  the  premises,  the 
said  Sir  Moroghe  and  the  rest  abovenamed,  in  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  the  rest  of  their  confederates,  have  likewise  here- 
unto put  their  hands.  At  Gal  way  the  20th  June,  in  the  31 
year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  Lady  Elizabeth,  by  the 
Grace  of  God,  Queen  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland, 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.  In  the  presence  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tuam,  the  Earl  of  Clanricard,  the  Bishop  of  Kildare, 
the  Bishop  of  Elfin,  the  Bishop  of  Kilmacoughe,  the  Lord 
Birmingham,  the  Lox'd  of  Trimlaston,  the  Baron  of  Donkallin, 
Sir  Hubert   Burke,  M'Davie,  Knight,  the  Mayor  and 

Aldermen  of    Galway,    and    divers    others    whose    names,  are 
thereupon  endorsed. 
"  William  Burke  the  Blind  Abbot's  mark  y^.    Sir  Moroghe  ne  doe 
O'Flartie's  mark )(.    Walter   Kiltagh   Burke's  mark  y^.     Dualtaghe 
O'Connor's  mark  )^.    Tig  roe  O'Mayley's  mark)(.     Walter  ne  Mully's 

markX-      Edm.  M'Tibbott's  mark  X-     Tibbott  M'Gibbon's  mark  X- 
Shane  M'Morice's  mark  X-     Shane  M'Thomas's  mark  X- 

"  John  Armachan.  Thomas  Midensis.  Robert  Dillon.  Lucas 
Dillon.     Thos.  Le  Strange.     Geofrey  Fenton. 

"  Subscribed  by  the  parties  within  named,  and  they  solemnly  swore 
upon  the  holy  Evangelists,  as  well  for  the  performance  of  the  peace, 
and  all  and  every  the  articles  within  contained,  as  for  their  loyalties 
and  duties  to  her  Majesty  henceforth ;  and  for  payment  of  her 
Majesty's  composition  money,  in  the  presence  of  those  whose  names 
are  underwritten. 

"  W.  Tuamensis.  U.  Clanricard.  Peter  Trimelston.  R.  Dunkellin. 
Ed.  Athenry.  Thomas  Dillon.  Andrew  Morris,  Mayor  of  Galway. 
Ricard  Burke.  Nath.  Dillon.  Will.  Bowen.  Will.  Martin,  Sheriff 
of  the  Co.  of  Galway.  Dominick  Browne.  Era.  Sheres.  Edw.  Bir- 
mingham.    George  Morice,  Bailiff  of  Galway."  ^ 

The  peace  appears  a  triumph  of  moderate  policy  which  secured  its 
ends  by  peaceful  suasion,  and  brought  the  whole  of  Mayo  and  lar 
Connaught  to  obedience  to  the  law  by  willing  consent  of  the  rebels, 
but  it  has  a  different  appearance  when  the  light  of  contemporary 
circumstances  and  of  subsequent  events  is  turned  on  it. 
1  Brit.  Mus.  Cottou,  Titus  B,  xiii.  f.  446. 


23G      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

The  rebels  did  nothing  beyond  kneeling  in  church  with  a  petition 
and  asreeing  to  terms  for  future  fulfilment.  An  Irish  chieftain's 
submission  was  nothing  unless  he  gave  good  hostages.  When  he 
came  to  submit  he  left  them  behind  him  on  his  departure.  None 
were  given  now.  Some  seem  to  have  been  given  later,  but  by  minor 
rebels.  The  Blind  Abbot  gave  none,  though  he  was  head  of  the 
rebellion,  as  chief  of  the  Lower  Bourkes  and  claimant  of  the  Mac- 
Williamship.  When  his  hostages  were  demanded  in  October  he 
denied  that  he  had  ever  promised  to  give  them.  The  submission  was 
not  real. 

The  rebels  were  left  in  possession.  The  queen's  law  and  her 
officers  were  withdrawn  from  their  country,  and  Sir  Richard  was 
forbidden  to  use  force  against  them  or  O'Rouik  who  had  not  made 
peace,  and  was  forbidden  to  hold  sessions  or  circuit  of  assize  until 
FitzWilliam  should  come  again  himself  and  hold  them  in  every 
county.  On  their  side  the  rebels  acted  as  if  they  had  made  no  peace. 
Within  a  fortnight  they  had  broken  down  three  of  Theobald  Dillon's 
castles,  and  had  robbed  his  brother's  house,  and  robbery  and  violence 
were  unchecked. 

The  circumstances  and  events  of  the  following  months  point  to  a 
secret  agreement  of  FitzWilliam  and  the  rebels,  that  they  should 
make  the  submission  and  peace,  and  that  he  should  not  enforce  the 
conditions,  and  should  procure  the  removal  of  Sir  Richard  Bingham. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE    PERSECUTION    OP    SIR    RICHARD    BINGHAM    AND    THE 
SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    REBELLION. 

From  this  peace  dates  Sir  W.  FitzWilliam's  determination  to  pro- 
cure an  unjust  condemnation  of  Sir  R.  Bingham  for  misgovernment. 
His  visit  to  Connaught  must  have  shown  him  that  none  could  be 
procured  justly.  To  compass  this  end  he  appointed  the  late  com- 
missioners foi'  this  peace,  and  Francis  Barkley  and  Fowle  as  com- 
missioners for  trial  of  Sir  Richard  upon  the  charges  and  complaints 
made  in  the  report  of  the  first  set  of  commissioners,  and  in  the 
Books  of  Complaints  lodged  by  the  rebels.  The  Archbishop  and 
Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange  have  not  been  accused  of  hostility  to  Sir 
Richard.  The  Bishop  of  Meath,  and  Sir  R.  Dillon,  and  the  two 
new  commissioners  could  be  relied  on  to  convict  of  a  false  charge 
on  false  evidence.  Barkley  had  made  false  charges  in  1586.  Fowle 
is  called  an  open  enemy  of  Sir  Richard.  This  commission  drew 
from  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  a  letter  of  rebuke  and  condemnation 
of  the  endeavours  to  procure  a  conviction  by  means  of  enemies,  and 
a  warning  that  it  was  no  unknown  thing  for  a  deputy  to  be  accused 
himself. 

The  queen's  government  ordered  that  the  trial  be  held  in  Dublin, 
before  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council,  except  the  Bishop  of  Meath 
and  Sir  R.  Dillon,  and  before  holding  sessions  in  Connaught.  The 
orders  were  disregarded  as  long  as  possible.  In  September  the  Lord 
Deputy  had  held  the  sessions,  and  had  given  copies  of  only  parts 
of  the  complaints.  The  delays  were  caused  by  the  impossibility  of 
making  out  a  case.  Those  who  had  lodged  complaints  took  no 
further  interest  in  them.  At  last  FitzWilliam  had  to  give  the 
copies,  Sir  Richard  put  in  answers,  and  the  trial  began  on  the  Sth 
November,  and  continued  during  that  month.  Acquittal  on  all 
points  was  recorded  on  the  4th  December,  and  was  published  next 
day. 

As  nothing  was  proved  against  the  governor,  it  is  needless  to 
dwell  on  the  complaints  and  trial,  which  have  been  treated  at  length 
in  the  *'  Galway  Archaeological  and  Historical  Society's  Journal,"  Vol. 
iv.,  p.  161.  The  result  established  Sir  Richard's  discretion,  honesty, 
justice,  and  fairness. 

237 


238       THE    EAKLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

FitzWilliam  ignored  the  petition  for  redress,  but  two  points  deserve 
notice.  It  is  not  quite  clear  what  is  meant  by  the  demand  for 
"  qualification  of  the  extremity  of  martial  law  ;  "  probably  the  same 
thing  as  the  complaint  made  in  April  of  hanging  of  gentlemen  of 
land  and  living  by  mai-tial  law;  and  their  desire  was  in  that  case 
that  such  further  restriction  should  be  put  upon  its  use  as  would 
exempt  gentlemen  of  the  rank  of  Walter  Fada's  sons  and  Justin 
MacDonnell  from  being  dealt  with. 

When  Sir  Richard  came  to  the  government  of  Connaught  every 
sheriff  had  a  commission  for  martial  law.  These  were  withdrawn, 
and  a  commission  was  given  to  the  chief  commissioner  only. 
Execution  by  martial  law  did  not  mean  execution  by  the  mere 
order  of  the  governor.  Offenders  were  tried  and  convicted  upon 
evidence,  and  the  sentence  was  carried  into  execution  by  a  warrant 
under  the  hand  of  the  chief  commissioner  and  one  or  more  of  his 
council.  It  applied  only  to  cases  of  treason  or  felony,  when  the 
offender  owned  less  than  40s.  a  year  of  freehold  land  or  £10  of 
goods.  The  object  of  this  restriction  was  to  secure  for  the  treasury 
the  benefit  of  the  forfeiture  which  followed  upon  conviction  after 
trial  by  the  common  law. 

Sir  Richard  denied  that  those  three  men  owned  any  lands  or 
goods  of  their  own.  Men  might  hold  high  position  in  an  Irish  tribe, 
and  have  no  land  and  no  property  of  their  own  worth  mentioning. 
They  had  but  a  general  right  with  other  members  of  the  family ; 
they  were  not  in  the  habit  of  farming  themselves,  and  lived  upon 
the  tenants  or  subjects  of  their  family.  The  English  land  tenures 
did  not  prevail  generally  in  JNlayo  as  yet.  Though  the  sons  of 
Walter  Fada  were  allowed  free  land  by  the  indenture  of  com- 
position, their  houses  are  not  named,  and  it  is  very  likely  that  no 
part  of  the  land  belonging  to  the  family  of  David  Bourke  had  been 
assigned  to  them. 

Execution  by  martial  law  was  not  the  same  as  military  execution 
in  the  field.  Rebels  in  arms  and  enemies  taken  prisoners,  not 
having  surrendered  upon  terms,  were  put  to  death  or  reserved  at 
the  discretion  of  the  officer  commanding  on  the  spot.  Usually 
they  were  put  to  death,  vinless  the  I'ank  or  proj)erty  of  any  one 
made  hiiu  woi'th  keeping  foi'  supeiioi'  ordei'S,  or  for  trial  by  the 
common  law. 

The  demand  that  no  one  be  dispossessed  of  lands  by  provincial 
oi-der  without  trial  by  law,  and  that  such  as  have  been  dispossessed 
be  restored,  seems  to  be  a  version  of  Walter  ne  Mully's  complaint 
made  to  the  commissioners  in  April,  that  Bowen  and  Garvey  had 
dispossessed  him  of  two  castles,  regarding  which  Sir  R.  Bingham 
replied  that  these  matters  had  theii'  course  in  law  in  open  sessions. 


THE    PERSECUTION    OF    SIR    RICHARD    BINGHAM.       239 

He  denied  that  any  man's  land  had  been  taken  from  him  unhxwfully. 
If  such  a  thing  had  ever  occurred,  it  could  have  been  proved  easily. 
The  redress  desired  appears  to  have  been  the  abolition  of  the  local 
court,  whose  operation  could  not  be  other  than  displeasing  to  men 
who  had  been  subject  to  no  legal  jurisdiction.  The  petition  must 
have  been  drawn  up  for  the  rebels,  and  cast  into  such  form  as  their 
advisers  thought  best.  The  rebels  could  not  have  drawn  it  up  in 
English  as  it  was  put  in. 

Unable  to  remove  Sir  Richard  from  office,  Fitz William  did  what 
served  the  rebels  better  than  the  substitution  of  one  governor  for 
another, — restrained  Sir  Richard  from  interfering  with  them,  and  left 
them  in  a  state  of  independence  for  seven  months  moi-e. 

The  damage  done  by  the  Bourkes  before  and  after  the  peace  up 
to  the  end  of  August  was  calculated  at  =£15,809,  according  to  claims 
made,  which  were  probably  exaggerated,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  a 
very  great  deal  of  damage  must  have  been  done  and  petty  robbery 
which  was  not  reported. 

The  Lord  Deputy  went  to  Munster  in  August,  and  came  by 
Limerick  through  Clare  to  Gal  way  on  2nd  September.  Sir  M. 
O'Flaherty  came  in,  and  gave  Gal  way  merchants'  bonds  for  his 
composition. 

On  the  8th  September  and  following  days  he  held  a  sessions  at 
Kilmaine.  Six  principal  men  of  the  Bourkes  attended,  but  the 
Blind  Abbot,  Walter  Kittagh,  and  Shane  MacTibbot,  for  themselves 
and  all  the  Bourkes  and  Clandonnells  in  genei'al,  sent  a  letter  of 
excuse  that  they  were  engaged  against  the  Scots  in  Erris. 

During  this  circuit  FitzWilliam  was  trying  to  find  matter  against 
Sir  Richard  and  his  officers.  Presentments  were  made  in  sessions 
for  supplies  taken  up,  ,£250  against  Sir  Richard,  and  =£2000  against 
Fitz  William's  train.  These  were  only  ex  parte  statements,  not 
findings  on  evidence,  but  they  throw  light  on  the  conditions  of 
the  country  owing  to  the  explanations  which  followed. 

As  regards  presentments  made  against  him,  it  appears  that  Sir 
Richard's  method  was  to  pay  ready  money  for  all  his  own  supplies. 
It  was  impossible  to  carry  on  the  queen's  service  at  this  time 
unless  officers  were  allowed  to  take  up  supplies  for  which  they 
gave  bills.  He  paid  these  bills  out  of  the  officers'  allowances  or 
the  revenues. 

Some  of  the  presentments  against  him  were  in  respect  of  205 
cattle  given  to  him  as  a  wedding  present  Avhen  he  returned  to 
Ireland  in  1588,  having  been  married  in  England.  Lord  Clanricard 
and  others  certified  that  the  presentment  had  been  made  unjustly 
at  Galway  in  respect  of  50  cattle  which  they  had  given  freely, 
and    P.    Barrett    and    Walter    Kittagh    Bourke    declared    that    they 


240       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

had  given  some  cows  freely  from  Tirawley.     A  list  shows  that  none 
of  the  rebels  had  given  anything. 

Fitz\\'illiam  alleged  that  his  train  paid  ready  money,  and  that 
the  officers  gave  bills  for  the  soldiers.  These  bills  had  not  been 
paid  in  November,  nor  had  he  paid  for  what  he  took  on  his  passage 
into  Ulster  the  year  before. 

He  had  no  money  while  in  Galway  in  June,  and  complained  that 
the  merchants  would  not  lend  him  more  than  £200,  which  he  got 
with  fair  speeches,  but  "  harder  speeches  and  threatening "  failed 
to  extiact  more.  Sir  J.  Perrot  had  not  paid  for  some  of  his  supplies 
even  in  1595.  The  Lord  Deputy's  presence  therefore  was  a  heavy 
burden  on  the  country. 

In  the  first  week  of  September  seven  galleys  with  400  to  600  Scots 
"  of  the  sept  of  the  Barrones  "  came  to  Erris  under  guidance  of  one 
of  Grace  O'Malley's  sons,  having  been  made  believe  that  the  Bourkes 
would  engage  them.  At  this  moment  the  Bourkes  did  not  want 
them.  The  Lord  Depvity,  with  a  large  force,  was  on  his  way  to  their 
country,  and  engagement  of  these  fighting  men  would  have  been  a 
declaration  of  war.  Their  immediate  anxiety  was  to  get  the  Lord 
Deputy  out  of  the  province  as  soon  as  possible. 

A  quarrel  ensued,  and  the  Scots  came  to  blows  with  their  guides. 
They  plundered  the  country  and  killed  several  hundreds  of  cattle,  and 
took  away  the  hides  and  tallow. 

From  Kilmaine  FitzWilliam  went  on  to  Sligo.  In  that  county 
some  Galway  merchants  in  his  train  were  robbed  of  ^660  worth  of 
goods,  and  Sir  Robert  Dillon  lost  his  horse.  After  Sligo  he  held 
sessions  in  Roscommon,  and  thence  went  out  of  Connaught.  Even 
before  he  left  it  the  Blind  Abbot  spoiled  Theobald  Dillon's  lands  in 
Costello,  and  other  bands  robbed  in  lar  Connaught. 

The  Bourkes  threw  off  the  pretence  of  obedience  to  the  queen 
in  the  beginning  of  October.  They  would  not  let  any  Englishman 
or  civil  person  —  that  is,  any  Irishman  who  lived  according  to 
English  custom — live  among  them,  and  re-established  their  old 
customs. 

On  the  15th  October  William  Bourke  was  made  MacWilliam  on 
Rausakeera,  near  Kilmaine,  with  the  visual  Irish  forms.  MacTibbot 
handed  him  the  rod  and  called  him  MacWilliam.  In  1595  Theobald 
Bourke  was  inaugui-ated  at  the  same  place  and  proclaimed  by  Mac- 
Tibbot. These  are  the  only  references  to  the  place  or  form  of 
inauguration  of  MacWilliam  Eighter.  As  Rausakeera  (Rath  Essa 
Caerach)  is  but  an  ordinary  fort,  it  is  likely  to  have  been  in  yet 
earlier  times  the  inauguration  place  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Conmaicne. 
Marcus  Mac  an  Ab  was  made  MacDonnell. 

Disorder  was  so  great  that  no  man  of  importance  dared  to  live  out 


SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    REBELLION.  241 

of  a  castle.  The  castle  of  Lough  Mask  was  taken  from  Coraerford's 
garrison  for  Mac  William.  They  attacked  but  failed  to  take  Thomas 
Nolan's  castle.  They  plundered  John  Browne  of  the  Neale,  a  nephew 
probably  of  the  late  sheriff,  T.  Chaloner,  Edw.  Birmingham  and 
Miles  Kavanagh,  and  William  Bourke  of  Shrule,  and  llnaidhri 
O'Flaherty  in  Moycullen. 

The  Blind  Abbot  received  FitzWilliam's  envoys,  Theobald  Dillon, 
Lord  Athenry,  and  MacDavid,  on  the  •22nd  October,  refused  to 
give  pledges,  and  denied  that  he  had  promised  them  to  the  Lord 
Deputy. 

Early  in  November  Robuck  French  went  to  arrange  for  the 
composition  rent  and  got  satisfactory  assurances ;  the  Blind  Abbot 
and  some  gentlemen  even  went  to  a  parley  hill  and  there  ordered 
the  collectors  to  make  payment,  but  it  is  not  recorded  that  any  one 
paid  rent.  They  promised  to  submit  themselves  to  the  queen  and 
Lord  Deputy. 

In  his  desire  to  please  and  pacify,  the  Blind  Abbot  wrote  a  letter 
dated  at  Donamona  on  the  22nd  of  November,  protesting  that  he 
assumed  the  name  of  MacWilliam  in  loyalty  and  zeal  for  the  queen's 
service,  to  enable  him  to  restore  the  proceeds  of  robbei'y  in  other 
counties  which  might  have  been  brought  into  Mayo. 

"  I  understand  you  are  highly  offended  with  me  for  taking  the 
name  of  MacWilliam  upon  me.  I  have  done  the  same  by  the  counsel 
of  some  of  the  bad  people  of  this  country,  whereby  I  might  make 
restitution  of  certain  stealths  supposed  to  have  come  into  the  country, 
if  that  the  same  might  be  justly  proved,  without  which  or  other 
authority  I  could  not  do  it.  I  did  not  take  the  said  name  upon  me 
for  any  evil  intent,  but  for  the  purpose  aforesaid.  And  if  the  same 
be  done  by  me  rashly  and  contrary  to  my  duty,  I  humbly  submit 
myself  to  your  honour,  and  would  have  come  myself  to  you  to  make 
my  submission  if  that  I  had  the  means  to  bear  my  charges.  And  I 
do  provide  for  the  same  and  will  come  to  your  honour  as  soon  as  I 
can.  And  for  the  taking  of  Ballyloughmask,  I  will  be  ready  to  yield 
it  up  again.  Hoping  your  honour  will  have  some  pity  of  my  being 
the  eldest  of  my  name  and  best  in  the  country,  and  will  be  as  bene- 
ficial to  me  as  to  other  Irish  lords,  I  take  my  leave."  ^ 

The  patience  of  the  English  Government  was  exhausted  now.  The 
queen  wrote  herself  to  Fitz William,  expressing  her  displeasure  at  the 
Bourkes'  rebellion  and  restoration  of  the  MacWilliamship,  and  order- 
ing him  to  assist  Sir  Richard  Bingham  to  suppress  the  rebels. 

The  trial  of  Sir  Richard  was  now  nearly  over.  He  was  acquitted 
of  all  charges  on  the  4th  December  and  was  ordered  to  go  to 
Connaught ;  but  in  spite  of  the  queen's  orders,  he  was  not  yet  let 
i  S.P.I.K,  CXLVIIL  19. 

Q 


242       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

meiUlle  with  the  rebels,  who  were   still  in  arms  and  plundering  as 
usual. 

Fit/, William  stiirted  for  Galway  on  the  16th,  and  had  about  1500 
men  there  at  the  end  of  the  month,  besides  the  forces  of  the  Earls  of 
Clanricard  and  Thomond. 

About  this  time  500  rebels  were  encamped  near  Roscommon, 
having  burnt  and  robbed  many  towns  in  the  plains  of  Connaught. 
Edmund  Macllichard  an  larainn  and  Coagh  O'Madden,  two  important 
pledges,  escaped  from  Galway.  Two  MacCostellos  were  killed  in 
Slievemurry  by  an  O'Kelly,  whom  they  must  have  gone  to  rob,  as 
the  O'Kellys  did  not  join  the  rebels,  and  this  was  only  a  week  before 
Christmas. 

The  Lord  Deputy  issued  a  proclamation  on  the  23rd  December  at 
Galway,  inviting  the  rebels  to  come  in  and  treat  by  the  12th  January. 
As  it  said  nothing  about  their  returning,  they  justly  suspected  and 
did  not  come  in,  except  Sir  M.  O'Flaherty,  who  was  seized  because 
he  refused  to  give  a  son  as  a  pledge,  and  O'Dowda,  who  was  seized  to 
make  him  surrender  Castleconor  to  the  queen  and  give  better  pledges. 
FitzWilliam  sent  his  envoys  to  persuade  the  rebels  to  come.  First 
Robert  Fowle  and  James  Lynch  reported  that  the  Blind  Abbot  and 
others  would  not  come  in,  saying  that  they  could  not  provide  thirty- 
eight  pledges,  and  that  if  the  best  of  them  came  in  they  would  never 
get  out,  and  that  they  could  not  control  the  country  without  a  chief, 
by  whatever  name.  The  Blind  Abbot,  Walter  ne  Mully,  and  Edmund 
Bourke  of  Cong  and  others  asked  for  a  safe  conduct  to  come  and 
return. 

Upon  receipt  of  this  report,  dated  4th  January,  FitzWilliam  sent 
out  Thomas  Dillon,  Nich.  Lynch,  and  Theobald  Dillon,  who  reported 
on  the  10th  that  they  held  a  conference  at  Rosserrilly  with  the 
Blind  Abbot,  Walter  Kittagh,  Edmund  and  Walter  ne  Mully  Bourke, 
and  about  ]  00  others,  who  kept  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  refusing 
to  come  into  Galway  except  on  protection  with  liberty  to  withdraw. 
The  first  three  wrote  to  that  effect  on  the  10th. 

On  12th  January  commission  was  given  to  Sir  R.  Bingham  to 
prosecute  the  rebels  and  command  the  forces.  Sir  Murrough  and 
O'Dowda  were  left  in  his  hands,  to  be  dealt  with  at  his  discretion, 
with  their  own  consent,  when  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council  left 
Galway.  Richard  Og  MacJonyn  and  some  O'Kellys  and  others 
were  apprehended  as  a  precaution.  This  Richard  Og  appears  in 
many  records  of  the  time,  and  seems  to  have  had  considerable 
influence. 

About  this  time  the  Blind  Abbot's  sons  made  a  raid  into  Airtech. 
On  their  return  they  attacked  the  castle  of  Bennfada  in  North 
Costello  and  burnt  the  town. 


SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    REBELLION.  243 

Sir  Richard  assembled  a  fox-ce  at  Cong,  mustering  809  soldiers  and 
228  kerne  on  the  1st  February.  The  Earl  of  Thomond  "  footed  it  in 
the  mountains "  with  Sir  Richard,  and  the  Earl  of  Clanricard  also 
did  good  service.  The  force  was  small  but  ample  for  the  service. 
Sir  Richai-d  thus  describes  the  rebels  to  whom  FitzWilliam  had  been 
suing  for  peace  : — 

"  The  whole  force  which  the  Burkes  could  make  were  not  900  men, 
whereof  the  one  half  were  churls,  only  armed  with  Gallowglass  axes. 
We  would  have  encountered  3000  of  them  such  as  they,  for  God 
knoweth  they  were  most  badly  furnished,  and  very  rags  to  look 
upon,  but  the  manner  of  the  country  is  to  double  or  treble  every- 
thing upon  like  occasion.  If  all  the  Irishry  in  Connaught  were  out 
in  rebellion,  both  earls  and  others,  they  were  not  able  to  make  3000 
men  to  serve.  The  sons  of  Edmund  Burke  of  Castlebarry  are  in 
the  Low  Countries  with  Stanley."  ^ 

This  is  the  last  we  hear  of  Edmund's  sons.  They  were  the  first 
Bourkes  who  went  to  serve  abroad  with  the  queen's  enemies.  Sir 
William  Stanley  had  deserted  from  her  army. 

On  the  3rd  February  the  force  moved  to  Bellanaloob,  where  some 
MacDonnells  opened  communications,  and  on  the  6th  to  Castlebar, 
where  a  prisoner  disclosed  an  intended  ambush  at  Barnagee.  A  few 
shots  were  fired  into  the  camp.  Next  day  as  they  moved  down 
Barnagee  about  four  hundred  rebels  made  a  feeble  attack  on  the 
rear,  and  were  driven  off  by  a  discharge  of  shot.  The  halt  seems 
to  have  been  made  near  the  foot  of  the  pass.  The  march  from 
Castlebar  must  have  been  very  laborious  in  those  days. 

On  the  8th  they  got  into  Tirawley.  Seven  horsemen  had  been 
following  at  a  distance,  knowing  that  Sir  Richard  had  no  cavalry. 
Five  of  Lord  Thomond's  kerne  chased  three  or  four  rebel  kerne  who 
were  crossing  a  bog,  not  seeing  the  horsemen,  who  suddenly  charged 
upon  them,  killing  one  and  wounding  another.  One  of  the  kerne, 
^being  almost  overtaken,  turned  and  dealt  a  stroke  with  his  sword 
which  nearly  cut  off  the  horseman's  foot  at  the  ankle,  and  so  escaped 
unhurt.  The  horseman  was  the  Blind  Abbot,  and  his  companions 
were  Walter  Kittagh,  Edmund  MacRicaird  an  larainn,  and  four  other 
men  of  rank. 

The  Blind  Abbot  was  taken  to  an  island  in  Lough  Con,  where  a 
surgeon  cut  the  foot  off.  Thus  ended  William  Bourke's  pretension 
to  the  chieftainship.  Being  now  insignificant.  Sir  Richard  never 
troubled  about  him  again,  and  he  got  his  pardon  like  the  rest.  The 
last  we  hear  of  him  is  that  he  died  in  September  1598  in  Thomond, 
and  was  buried  in  Quin  Abbey. 

The  Bourkes  and  their  allies  had  now  lost  heart.  As  the  soldiers 
1  S.P.I.E.,  CLL  8L 


244      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF   THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

entered  Tirawley  they  burnt  their  own  towns  and  corn  before  them. 
Sir  Richard  marched  by  Ballysakeery  into  the  Laggan,  burning  what 
corn  the  rebels  left,  so  that  their  losses  in  this  matter  came  in  the 
whole  to  1200  ricks  or  so.  Some  400  to  500  cows  were  collected. 
On  the  11th  Alexander  MacHugh  Boy  MacDonnell  submitted  un- 
conditionally, and  gave  his  son  as  a  pledge.  The  Clandonnells, 
dependants  of  the  Bourkes,  gave  up  when  they  found  that  the 
Bourkes  would  not  fight. 

The  soldiers  marched  into  the  mountains  of  Erris  on  the  12th,  and 
got  there  1600  cows,  which  were  much  wanted  as  food.  On  the  16th 
they  reached  Burrishoole. 

On  the  18th  Captain  St.  Leger  took  half  the  forces  into  MacPhilip's 
country  (MacPhilpin's?),  met  120  Gallowglasses,  slew  many  and  chased 
the  rest,  and  slew  the  churls  and  took  70  cows.  Next  day  Sir  Richard 
took  the  other  half  of  the  forces  into  the  other  half  of  the  fastness, 
took  100  cows,  and  slew  churls,  women,  and  children. 

Lord  Clanricard  and  others  with  their  horsemen  took  400  cows 
from  Gallen,  and  slew  some  rebels.  The  English  of  Roscommon  and 
the  queen's  men  under  Captain  John  Bingham  and  others  slew  12 
rebels  and  took  300  cows. 

This  fastness  must  have  been  the  wild,  rough  country  north  and 
west  of  Castlebar.  Mountain,  or  bog,  or  high  wood  was  not  considered 
to  be  a  fastness,  however  difficult  to  travel  over,  but  rough  country 
covered  with  brakes  of  thorn,  hazels,  briars,  and  the  like  tangled 
growth,  where  quantities  of  cattle  and  men  could  lurk  and  not  be 
found  easily. 

On  the  22nd  Feragh  MacDonnell  came  on  behalf  of  all  MacWilliam's 
men  to  sue  for  peace,  which  was  promised,  and  he  was  ordered  to  meet 
the  Governor  at  Castlecarra.  Next  day  Edmund  MacRicaird  an 
larainn  and  other  septs  sent  to  treat  for  peace.  He  and  Marcus 
Mac  an  Ab  MacDonnell  and  Feragh  MacDonnell  came  in  to  treat. 
Edmund  made  his  peace.     Marcus  was  left  as  a  pledge. 

On  the  21st  February  Sir  Richard  was  at  Togher  again,  and  ready^ 
after  resting  his  men,  to  take  the  field  in  spite  of  the  hardships  of  the 
winter  campaign,  which  in  his  opinion  punished  rebels  far  more  than 
they  could  be  punished  in  summer.  The  queen's  troops  were  badly 
supplied  ;  the  rebels  were  not  supplied  at  all.  But  the  rebels  were 
now  all  dispersed,  and  were  craving  mercy  in  earnest.  The  Bourkes 
and  Clandonnells  submitted  wholly  to  the  conditions  which  he  imposed, 
of  w^hich  we  know  only  that  the  Bourkes  were  to  pay  a  fine  for  their 
rebellion.  By  the  10th  March  all  the  septs  of  Mayo  which  had  been 
in  rebellion  had  been  received  into  the  queen's  peace,  and  had  engaged 
to  pay  all  the  charges  of  the  war.  These  were  not  to  be  imposed  on 
them  alone,  but  also  on  those  countries  which  had  risen. 


SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    REBELLION.  245 

The  costs  of  the  rebellions  were  :— 

War  against  Bourkes  and  Scots  in  1586  .         .         .      £1476     3     4 

others  in  1589-1590       .         .         3296  17     6 

After  the  peace  was  made,  but  before  she  knew  of  it,  Grace  O'Malley 
took  two  or  three  cargo-boats  to  the  Isles  of  Arran  and  robbed  some 
of  Sir  Thomas  Le  Sti-ange's  men  to  the  value  of  20  marks.  Richard 
Bourke,  her  son-in-law,  was  put  in  charge  of  her  until  she  restored 
the  plunder  and  made  good  the  damages. 

Peace  being  established  in  Mayo,  Sir  Richard  sent  forces  against 
O'Rourk,  who  fled  first  to  Ulster  and  afterwards  to  Scotland.  The 
Sligo  and  Roscommon  rebels  were  feeble  and  gave  no  trouble. 

In  September  the  Governor  reported  that  Walter  Kittagh,  Walter 
ne  Mully,  Ednmnd  of  Cong,  and  other  Bourkes  and  the  Clandonnells 
had  met  him  at  Gal  way,  and  that  the  Bourkes  had  paid  the  composition 
rent  and  a  fine  for  revolt.  He  suggested  that  the  costs  should  be 
charged  on  the  Bourkes  and  the  countries  which  joined  them — lar 
Connaught,  the  Joys'  country,  Tireragh,  O'Conor  Roe's  and  O'Rourk's 
countries. 

When  peace  was  fully  restored  garrisons  were  put  in  Cong,  Greg- 
more  near  Kilmaine,  Bellanaloob,  and  Castle  ne  Gye,  which  is 
pi'obably  the  castle  on  the  shore  in  Kilcummin  parish. 


CHAPTEli    XXVII. 

FROM   1590  TO  1595. 

At  the  end  of  May  1591  seven  hundred  Scots,  under  Angus  MacEllin 
or  Campbell  and  Rory  jNIacE  ISTeill  Barre,  landed  in  Erris  from  thirteen 
galleys.  The  Bourkes  of  Sliocht  Ulick  went  forward  to  meet  them, 
sending  word  to  John  Bingham,  the  sheriff,  and  asking  him  to  help. 
He  went  forward  to  help  them.  Sir  Richard  wrote  for  another  band 
of  soldiers,  as  it  was  not  safe  to  go  into  Erris  with  a  small  force,  lest 
the  Bourkes  and  Scots  should  combine  against  it. 

The  Bourkes  drove  the  Scots  away  before  any  help  reached  them, 
killing  forty,  among  whom  were  Owen  M'E  Neill  Barre  and  a  son  of 
MacLeod.  The  Bourkes  lost  Richard  and  Thomas,  sons  of  the  Blind 
Abbot,  and  John  MacMeyler  Oge  MacGibbon,  killed ;  David  and 
Meyler,  sons  of  Ulick  Bourke  of  Erris,  and  eighteen  followers  of 
Sliocht  Ulick  were  severely  wounded.  This  action  was  on  the  2nd 
June  1591. 

When  the  Bourkes  thus  successfully  defended  themselves  from 
robbers,  it  was  for  their  own  benefit,  and  not  from  a  law-abiding 
spirit.     Sir  Richard's  doubts  were  soon  justified. 

His  brother,  Captain  John  Bingham,  had  been  employed  in  command 
of  a  company  since  Sir  Richard  came  to  Connaught.  Somewhat 
before  this  time  he  settled  at  Cloonagashel,  which  he  had  bought. 
He  had  bought  also  the  lease  of  Edmund  Bourke's  forfeited  Castlebar 
estate  for  100  cows  and  the  unpaid  rent  of  <£5  a  year  since  1586,  fi-om 
Bryan  FitzWilliam,  the  Lord  Deputy's  brother.  In  April  1591  he 
was  made  Sheriff  of  Mayo.  He  was  now  arranging  to  rebuild  Castle- 
bar, which  the  Bourkes  had  broken  down.  Judging  by  Downing's 
description,  written  in  1585,  as  a  large  bawn  containing  two  round 
towers  or  castles  and  a  dwelling-house,  it  was  of  considerable  size  and 
suitable  for  a  garrison,  and  we  find  that  Sir  Richard  proposed  later  on 
that  it  should  be  occupied  for  the  queen.  After  restoration  Captain 
Bingham  held  it  by  a  ward  of  twelve  Englishmen.  Occupation  by  an 
English  sheriff  and  his  men  would  put  a  very  unpleasant  restraint 
upon  the  Sleight  Ulick  Bourke,  which  they  sought  to  prevent  by 
murdering  Captain  Bingham. 

Under  colour  of  going  to  see  a  duel  arranged  to  be  fought  in  June 

24G 


FROM  1590  TO   1595.  247 

between  "William  Bourke  of  Ardnarea,  son  of  Sir  Jolin,  and  Alexander 
MacDonnell,  son  of  Hugh  Boy,  in  which  William  was  killed,  they 
collected  some  four  hundred  men  and  waylaid  Captain  Bingham  about 
the  20th  June,  at  a  place  eleven  miles  from  Cloonagashel,  as  he  went 
to  Castlebar  with  sixty  of  the  garrison  foot- soldiers.  Their  attack 
was  a  disastrovis  failure.  They  wounded  one  man  slightly  with  a 
bullet.  Eight  of  their  men  were  killed  ;  thirty-five  were  seriously 
wounded  ;  the  rest  fled.  They  were  so  cowed  that  they  begged  for 
mercy,  which  the  Governor  and  Council  granted,  exacting  only  some 
better  conditions  than  were  made  at  the  last  peace,  and  taking  as 
pledge  the  eldest  son  of  Ulick  of  Erris.     All  was  finished  in  a  week. 

Not  want  of  courage  but  want  of  discipline  was  the  cause  of  this 
pitiful  display.  The  soldiers  would  be  of  the  best  in  Ireland,  the 
permanent  company  of  Connaught,  trained  under  the  Governor's  eye. 
On  the  other  side  was  a  mob  of  country  gentlemen  and  their  de- 
pendents, armed  with  swords,  spears,  and  axes,  and  only  a  few 
muskets. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  Sir  Richard  induced  five  Spaniards  and  one 
Italian  to  leave  the  Bourkes  and  go  to  their  own  country.  Sir  W. 
FitzWilliam  imprisoned  them  in  Dublin,  in  breach  of  conditions  of 
surrender. 

Walter  Kittagh,  the  chief  of  the  Tirawley  Bourkes,  died  towards 
the  end  of  the  year,  and  Walter  ne  Mully  was  murdered  at  night  by 
his  brother  David's  son  Edmund  and  some  MacDonnells.  He  had 
been  for  some  years  the  most  active,  though  not  the  senior,  of  the 
Sliocht  Walter  Bourkes.  Thus  in  one  year  these  names  and  that  of 
the  Blind  Abbot  disappear  from  the  history  of  Mayo. 

Sir  R.  Bingham's  letters  of  this  time  show  that  he  was  intent  on 
the  improvement  of  the  social  and  matei-ial  condition  of  the  country. 
He  saw  the  difl&culty  of  inducing  the  people  to  abandon  their  old 
habits  and  submit  to  the  restraints  of  law  and  order.  Faults  had 
been  found  with  the  composition,  and  he  earnestly  deprecated  tamper- 
ing with  it,  preferring  to  tolerate  those  faults  rather  than  unsettle 
men's  minds.  He  writes  that  by  Connaught  custom  tenants  may 
remove  from  one  landlord  to  another.  Hence  uncertainty  of  com- 
position, as  it  is  not  on  waste,  and  some  people  keep  a  certain  extent 
waste  from  Lady  Day  to  Michaelmas  as  winterage,  so  that  the 
composition  is  short  for  a  half-year.  Moreover,  the  tenants  prefer  the 
free  land.  The  only  remedy  was  the  reduction  of  the  greatness  of  the 
septs,  as  all  rebellions  of  the  Bourkes  and  others  are  due  to  their 
dislike  of  the  abolition  of  Brehon  Law,  and  the  composition  cannot  be 
certain  until  the  freeholders  lease  their  lands  to  their  tenants  and  so 
stop  the  yearly  flitting. 

The  work  in  hand  was  to  produce  a  state  of  security,  to  protect  the 


2  48   THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MAYO. 

tenants  from  the  oppression  which  they  had  to  endure  under  the 
practice  of  the  great  men  going  about  with  gangs  of  armed  men 
and  living  on  them.  To  make  the  composition  insecure  would  have 
withdrawn  the  foundation  of  his  work. 

Early  in  1592  a  sessions  was  held  in  Mayo  at  which  MacTibbot  and 
Moyler  Oge  Bourke  were  tried  and  executed  for  offences  not  named, 
but  such  incidents  as  the  murder  of  Walter  ne  Mully,  which  is  recorded, 
were  not  unusual  events  of  those  days.  Two  others  were  imprisoned. 
Regarding  these  he  writes :  "  I  hope,  by  little  and  little,  that  country 
will  come  to  a  very  good  reformation,  for  indeed  if  a  few  of  their  old 
practisers  and  principal  ringleaders  were  taken  away,  that  country 
would  be  brought  to  as  good  terms  of  obedience  as  the  English  Pale."  ^ 

The  bishops  O'Hely  and  O'Boyle  on  the  Ulster  side,  trying  to  raise 
rebellion  in  Connaught  in  aid  of  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell  and  promising 
foreign  help  to  come,  failed  to  gain  adhesion  of  any  of  the  Mayo  septs 
except  the  Sliocht  Ulick,  who  were  trying  to  buy  Castlebar  from 
Captain  Bingham  that  the  Governor's  intention  of  restoring  it  might 
come  to  naught.  They  entered  into  communication  with  O'Donnell 
and  took  up  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  the  Government.  Hemmed 
in  by  quiet  baronies,  they  had  to  confine  themselves  to  their  own 
countries,  and  could  do  no  more  than  throw  down  a  few  stones  of  the 
broken  castles  of  Kinturk  and  Castlebar. 

Sir  Richard  went  to  Cloonagashel  at  the  end  of  May  to  hold  sessions 
for  Mayo,  suppress  this  rebellion,  and  arrange  for  the  restoration  and 
the  garrisoning  of  Castlebar.  Most  of  the  chief  gentlemen  of  Kil- 
maine,  Clanmorris,  Costello,  Gallen,  and  Tirawley  attended,  a  sign  of 
peaceable  intentions.  Sir  M.  O'Flaherty  had  offered  his  services 
against  the  Bourkes  if  needed.  Lords  Clanricard  and  Athenry, 
Justice  Thomas  Dillon,  Nicholas  Mordant,  John  Bingham,  and  Gerald 
Comerford,  Councillors,  were  present. 

On  Friday  before  1st  July  the  Bourkes  wrote  for  a  safe  conduct 
for  some  of  them  to  come  in  to  treat  for  peace,  which  was  given. 
They  agreed  among  themselves  to  come  in  and  submit,  but  at  this 
point  some  friends  of  Feragh  MacDonnell,  who  was  then  awaiting 
trial  on  a  capital  charge,  on  which  he  was  tried  and  executed,  per- 
suaded the  Bourkes  to  rescue  him  before  doing  so.  Some  of  the 
principal  MacDonnells  thereupon  forsook  them. 

They  came  to  the  castle  by  night  and  attacked  an  hour  before  day- 
light. The  watch  beat  them  off  with  the  help  of  a  few  soldiers  who 
were  sleeping  outside  in  the  trenches,  only  sixteen  men  being  engaged 
before  the  Bourkes  fled,  of  whom  five  were  wounded.  The  Bourkes 
had  six  men  killed  and  fourteen  or  so  wounded.  One  of  their 
MacDonnells  was  left  with  a  broken  thigh. 
1  S.P.I.E.,  CLXIV.  26. 


FROM  1590  TO   1595.  249 

Next  day  the  Bourkes  asked  for  safe  conduct  to  treat,  which  was 
sent  to  them.  They  were  not  yet  in  earnest  and  refused  to  give 
good  pledges,  seeking  to  gain  time,  as  they  hoped  for  help  from 
O'Donnell,  to  whom  they  sent  a  son  of  the  Blind  Abbot  and  a 
MacDonnell. 

O'Donnell's  submission  in  first  week  of  August  put  them  on  their 
resources,  which  they  hoped  to  strengthen  by  hiring  O'Donnell's  Scots. 
On  the  other  hand,  Sir  Richard  did  not  intend  to  take  the  field  until 
some  fortification  which  he  was  making  there  was  finished,  when  he 
purposed  to  suppress  the  rebellion  and  re-edif}^  Castlebar  to  hold  a 
garrison.  The  work  was  finished,  and  he  moved  to  Gweeshadan  at 
the  end  of  the  second  week  of  August,  where  he  was  for  some  time, 
hoping  to  effect  a  peace.  The  operations  after  this  are  best  told  in 
his  letter  of  25th  September,^  which  I  have  abstracted  slightly  in 
parts : — 

"Though  after  their  attack  upon  us  here  in  Sessions  the  Bourkes 
affected  a  desire  for  peace,  yet  they  refused  reasonable  terms,  being 
fed  with  hopes  by  O'Donnell  and  the  Popish  bishops  James  O'Hely 
and  Neale  O'Boyle,  and  trusting  to  a  combination  with  him.  I  inter- 
cepted a  bag  of  Irish  letters  carried  hence  from  the  Burkes  to  O'Donnell 
by  O'Donnell's  own  Gallowglass,  and  sundry  letters  to  the  said  two 
Popish  Bishops,  to  whose  judgment  the  Burkes  offered  to  stand  in  all 
things  betwixt  them  and  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell.  It  appeared  from 
the  letters  that  O'Donnell  had  promised  to  come  hither  to  join  the 
Burkes,  and  they  said  they  would  never  submit  again  to  any  foreigners. 
But  as  Hugh  Roe  performed  nothing  and  I  drew  near  they  by  degrees 
began  to  make  good  offers.  I  had  arranged  for  two  baiks,  one  of  a 
good  burthen  owned  by  Valentine  Blake  of  Galway,  with  four  or  five 
great  boats  or  pinnaces  to  meet  me  at  Burrishoole.  I  lay  long  at 
Gissadan,  and  finding  the  Burkes  would  not  come  to  terms,  I  gathered 
the  forces  which  I  had  prepared  with  assistance  of  the  Earl  of  Clan- 
ricard,  Theobald  Dillon,  and  marched  towards  the  mountains. 

"The  very  first  day  I  removed  from  Gissadan  towards  the  Burkes, 
the  captains  of  their  Gallowglasses,  viz.  Tirlough  Roe  MacMarcus  and 
Phelim  MacMarcus,  the  best  of  all  the  Clandonnells,  came  in  to  me 
upon  their  knees,  offering  to  stand  to  what  conditions  soever  myself 
and  the  rest  (in  Her  Majesty's  behalf)  should  prescribe,  and  being 
thereupon  received,  they  would  not  depart  from  me  in  many  days 
after.  Then  the  Burkes  seeing  the  Clandonnells  to  have  forsaken 
them,  Edmund  Burke  MacRichard  an  larainn  (the  best  of  the  sept  of 
Ulick)  came  in  great  haste  in  to  us  the  same  day,  offering  in  the 
behalf  of  all  the  rest  to  perform  all  such  conditions  as  on  Her  Majesty^s 
behalf  should  be  required  of  them,  so  the  prosecution  might  be  for- 
1  S.P.I.E.,  CLXYI.  66. 


250       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

borne  and  the  Burkes  received  into  Her  Majesty's  protection.  This 
submission  was  accepted,  and  we  diverted  with  all  the  forces,  and 
took  our  next  way  to  Burrishoole,  forbearing  in  our  march  to  commit 
any  kind  of  spoil. 

"  At  Burrishoole  we  met  our  shipping,  and  so  continued  there  two 
nights  all  together.  The  shipping  had  done  great  service,  for  the 
same  had  cleared  all  their  islands.  From  Burrishoole  we  removed 
to  Cahernamart,  whither  our  boats  came  to  us,  and  from  thence  to 
Aghagower  in  the  Ovvles  ;  and  at  this  place  Tibbot  Burke  MacRichard 
an  larainn  came  in  to  us,  and  agreed  unto  all  things  for  the  Burkes, 
O'Malleys,  and  Clangibbons  to  be  received  into  Her  Majesty's  mercy 
and  protection,  laying  in  his  foster-father  Edmund  MacTibbot  and 
one  Tibbot  MacGibbon  to  remain  as  pledges  till  the  other  pledges  for 
the  several  septs  should  be  brought  in,  and  the  other  conditions  be 
performed  at  full. 

"  Here  we  had  somewhat  to  do  with  the  Burkes,  for  that  they  would 
needs  have  had  the  sept  of  the  Joys  upon  their  peace  (as  they  termed 
it),  which  myself  would  in  no  sort  allow  of.  For  indeed  those  Joys 
are  a  people  that  lie  in  the  greatest  fastness,  I  think,  within  all 
Ireland,  for  mountain,  wood,  and  bog,  between  the  Burkes  and 
O'Flahertys,  and  are  challenged  to  be  followers  of  the  O'Flahertys. 
But  in  the  end  the  Burkes  were  content  to  leave  the  Joys  to  deal  for 
themselves,  and  promised  to  serve  against  the  Joys  if  need  were. 

"  The  chiefest  conditions  laid  down  to  the  Burkes  were  these,  viz. 
that  every  principal  sept  should  lay  in  a  separate  pledge,  namely,  the 
Burkes  by  themselves,  the  Clangibbons  by  themselves,  and  so  in  like 
sort  the  O'Malleys,  as  also  the  Clandonnells,  by  which  we  have  divided 
them  one  from  another.  And  upon  all  these  septs  (for  of  each  name 
there  are  divers  septs)  we  shall  have  nine  or  ten  pledges.  They  are 
to  pay  1500  marks  towards  cost  of  soldiers  specially  raised.  And 
within  a  certain  time  they  are  to  make  restitution  of  spoils  com- 
mitted on  any  of  Her  Majesty's  subjects  since  1588.  They  had  done 
no  pennyworth  of  harm  since  this  action  began. 

"  Thence  we  marched  to  Ballynonagh  on  the  side  of  Lough  Mask, 
where  the  Joys  came  and  submitted  upon  like  terms,  and  to  pay  500 
marks  as  their  share  of  charges  of  the  action. 

"  Thus  the  pacification  was  brought  about  within  eight  days.  Weak 
as  these  septs  are,  no  temporising  will  bring  them  to  obedience  once 
they  stand  upon  terms.  Whatever  grace  is  offered  them  and  not 
sought  by  themselves,  they  impute  it  to  Her  Majesty's  weakness 
to  suppress  them,  and  to  their  own  strength  and  likelihood  to 
prevail. 

"  But  in  very  truth  the  rebellions  of  these  people  are  carried  still  in 
the  policy  of  three  or  four  of  their  chief  men,  which  in  time  of  peace 


FROM   1590  TO   1595.  251 

do  live  by  the  spoil  of  the  rest  under  them,  and  in  time  of  stirs  do 
maintain  their  greatness,  the  inferior  people  and  such  as  have  any 
goods  of  their  own  being  tractable  enongh  to  live  in  obedience. 
Namely,  I  find  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  Edmund  MacTlichard  an 
larainn,  and  Tibbot  MacRichard  an  larainn  to  be  men  of  no  posses- 
sions, or  to  have  of  any  goods  so  much  as  half  a  dozen  cows  apiece, 
and  yet  in  the  peaceablest  time  that  is,  every  one  of  them  has  daily 
attending  on  him  twenty  or  thirty  loose  knaves,  which  he  maintains 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  country.  And  the  way  to  reform  this 
must  be,  as  I  take  it,  to  lay  here  and  there  amongst  them  such  small 
garrisons  or  wards  as  shall  be  able  to  match  the  loose  and  ill  men, 
and  defend  the  better  sort  against  the  tyrannies  of  the  others  ;  and 
then  will  he  that  has  wealth"  and  goods  of  his  own  be  glad  to  depend 
on  the  State  (finding  the  sweet  thereof)  and  to  put  his  hand  to  weed 
out  the  evil  members.  As  I  hope  in  God  ere  long  be  such  a  course 
shall  be  taken  as  henceforth  your  honour  shall  not  hear  so  much  of 
the  name  of  the  Burkes. 

"  Since  my  coming  to  this  country  now  I  have  repaired  this  castle 
called  Cloonagashel,  and  another  castle  in  Carra  called  Gissaden, 
where  I  have  placed  a  ward,  and  had  masons  and  workmen  ready  to 
have  gone  in  hand  with  the  building  up  of  Castlebarry  as  the  only 
place  to  settle  a  garrison  in,  whereby  to  divide  the  Burkes  and  Clan- 
donnells  for  ever.  But  this  extreme  wet  weather  coming  on  so  sud- 
denly, I  was  forced  to  foi'bear  it  till  March  next. 

"  After  the  fine  of  2000  marks  is  taken,  which  the  soldiers  are  now 
collecting,  I  will  go  to  Galway  for  Sessions,  and  thence  to  Dublin 
about  my  accounts." 

By  the  28th  September  1000  cows  had  been  paid  towards  the  fine, 
valued  at  one  mark  apiece. 

The  final  conditions  of  peace  were  delivered  to  the  Bourkes  at 
Cahernamart  on  the  6th,  and  were  accepted  by  them  on  the  8th 
September  at  Aghagower,  being  as  follows  : — 

That  every  principal  man,  as  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  Edmund 
MacRickard  en  Erin,  O'Malley,  and  Ulick  Burke  of  Erris,  with  the 
rest,  shall  in  person  submit  themselves  to  Her  Majesty  before  us, 
before  they  be  received  into  mercy. 

That  every  principal  man  have  a  protection  alone  for  himself  and 
his  company  by  particular  name. 

That  1500  cows  be  presently  answered  before  the  forces  be  dis- 
charged. 

That  the  Joys  be  wholly  left  to  deal  for  themselves,  and  not  be 
received  upon  the  peace  concluded  with  the  Burkes. 

That  the  O'Harts,  O'Dowds,  and  all  strangers,  be  presently  sun- 


252       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

dered  from  tlie  Buikes,  and  have  several  protections  by  themselves 
to  repair  to  their  own  dwellings. 

That  several  pledges  lie  for  every  sept,  and  not  any  sept  to  depend 
upon  another  sept,  but  all  upon  Her  Majesty  only. 

That  all  challenges  after  six  months  be  made  good  to  any  of  Her 
Majesty's  good  subjects  which  have  grown  since  Michaelmas  1588. 

The  terms  were  easy  but  were  enforced.  The  last  clause  was  not 
ignored,  though  details  of  effect  do  not  appear.  Sir  Richard  after 
this  appears  engaged  in  cutting  down  exorbitant  claims. 

Edmund  and  Tibbot  Burke,  and  the  Blind  Abbot,  and  Tirlagh  Roe, 
and  Felim  MacDonnell  are  recorded  to  have  submitted  personally. 
Richard,  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  who  "  challenged  a  special  reputa- 
tion in  that  he  bad  never  come  in  before  any  English  officer,"  fled  to 
Ulster  with  some  other  Bourkes.  The  affair  was  wound  up  by  the 
order  of  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council,  on  the  20th  February  1593, 
for  a  general  pardon  of  all  persons  in  the  county  of  Mayo,  except 
Theobald  MacWalter  Kittagh  Bourke,  Richard  Bourke  M'Doyll 
O'Coran,  Edmund  duffe  MacJordan,  and  Crobar  gar,  and  except  any 
in  prison  or  on  bail  to  appear,  provided  they  appeared  within  one 
year  at  a  General  Sessions  in  the  county,  and  sought  the  benefit 
of  the  pardon,  paying  only  6d.,  that  it  might  be  known  to  whom  the 
pardon  extended.  Accordingly  the  records  show  long  lists  of  pardons 
from  the  7th  to  11th  March. 

Theobald  MacRicaird  an  larainn,  better  known  as  Tibbot  na  Long, 
so  named  because  he  became  to  some  extent  a  sea  captain,  made  use 
of  and  owned  a  ship  and  went  afloat  himself,  entered  into  the  history 
of  Mayo  at  Aghagower,  and  thereafter  played  a  great  part,  being  the 
most  influential  man  of  the  Sliocht  Ulick  after  the  death  of  his  brother 
Edmund,  and  was  generally  on  the  queen's  side  in  the  rebellions. 
His  rise  marks  the  decay  of  the  tribal  system  and  the  growth  of  the 
civil.  His  position  was  due  to  possession  of  property.  Several  of 
Sliocht  Ulick  were  his  seniors,  and  under  the  old  conditions  would 
have  been  leaders.  But  his  possessions  and  good  abilities  made 
him  a  man  of  great  importance.  He  was  brought  up  under  Sir  Geoige 
Bingham,  and  spoke  and  wrote  English.  He  married  Meadhbh,  called 
Maud  in  English,  sister  of  Donogh  O'Conor  Sligo.  His  inheritance 
was  estimated  at  40  quarters  in  Oarra  and  Gallen  and  the  Owles. 

It  does  not  appear  why  Edmund  MacJordan  and  the  Crobar  gar,  or 
Short  Woodcock,  who  was  Richard,  son  of  Ulick,  son  of  David  Ban 
Bourke,  were  excepted. 

Theobald  MacWalter  Kittagh  was  not  concerned  in  the  rebellion. 
He  had  been  prosecuted  by  his  uncles,  Richard  and  Edmund  Bourke, 
and  condemned  in  sessions.  Sir  Richard  reprieved  him,  and  pro- 
cured  a  pardon.     Hearing  of  the  sessions   to  be   held   in  Mayo,  he 


FROM  1590  TO  1595.  253 

went  into  the  Pale,  and  was  arrested  at  Athlone  on  the  day  the 
sessions  broke  up  in  Mayo.  He  could  not  have  fulfilled,  and  did  not 
mean  to  fulfil,  the  provisos  of  the  pardon.  To  have  effect,  a  pardon 
had  to  be  brought  to  the  sessions  and  pleaded.  While  he  was  thus 
confined  at  Athlone,  Sir  Richard  applied  to  the  Lord  Deputy  for  a 
new  pardon,  and  allowed  his  wife  to  visit  him,  who  was  supposed  to 
have  conveyed  a  file  to  him,  whereby  he  and  other  prisoners,  pledges, 
escaped  a  few  days  before  the  28th  September,  namely,  Edmvmd 
Bourke  of  Tirawley,  Henry  Keogh  MacMorris,  Dermot  O'Conor,  Rory 
MacFelim  Boy  O'Conor. 

He  fled  to  O'Donnell,  under  whose  protection  he  lived  in  future 
with  other  Mayo  and  Connaught  outlaws. 

The  effect  of  these  petty  revolts  and  invasions  appears  in  a  state- 
ment of  the  quantity  of  land  allowed  for  in  collection  of  the  composi- 
tion rent  up  to  Michaelmas  1592  as  waste  and  uninhabited  :  In  Mayo, 
392  quarters  ;  in  lar  Connaught,  44  quarters  ;  in  Sligo  and  Bally- 
mote,  264  quarters  ;  in  Maughery  Connaught,  i.e.  central  Roscom- 
mon, 182  quarters;  in  Clanricard,  8  quarters;  in  Thomond,  10 
quarters. 

The  receipts  of  the  year  were  £2700  out  of  £3164. 

Captain  John  Bingham  restored  Castlebar  in  the  spring  or  summer 
of  1593. 

Early  in  May  the  Governor  arrested  Tibbot  na  Long,  upon  infor- 
mation that  Tibbot  had  written  a  letter  to  Brian  Og  O'Rourk,  offei'ing 
to  raise  Mayo  men  for  joint  action  with  the  chiefs  of  Ulster,  if  Brian 
could  keep  the  war  up  for  a  month. 

Grace  O'Malley  went  to  England  in  June,  and  was  about  the  Court 
during  July  and  August,  a  visit  which  has  given  rise  to  well-known 
legends.  She  sought  the  release  of  her  son  Tibbot  and  her  brother 
Donnell  na  Pipee,  who  had  been  ai-rested  on  a  charge  of  being  con- 
cerned in  murdering  some  soldiers  ;  the  succession  of  her  sons  to  their 
father's  lands  ;  permission  for  them  and  Walter  and  John,  grandsons 
of  Walter  Fada  Bourke,  to  sui^render  their  lands  and  receive  them 
back  by  grant  under  letters-patent ;  and  maintenance  for  herself. 

Reference  to  Ireland  occupied  some  time,  but  in  the  end  she  re- 
turned to  Ireland  with  a  letter  from  the  queen  to  Sir  R.  Bingham 
which  procured  Tibbot's  release.  The  result  of  her  petition  appears 
in  a  draft  of  a  letter  from  the  queen  to  Sir  Richard,  dated  6th  Sep- 
tember ,i  to  this  effect : — 

Sir  Richard  has  given  no  just  cause  of  complaint  to  Sir  Murrough 
O'Flaherty,  Grany  ne  Maly,  and  Robuck  French,  who  have  to  come  to 
the  Court  with  suits  and  complaints. 

The  Queen  appx'oves  of  the  favour  which  Sir  Richard  has  shown  to 
1  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.     Cal.  MSS.  of  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  pt.  iv.  p.  368. 


254       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

her  eldest  sou  Morogh,  who  had  been  dutiful  to  the  Queen  when  his 
mother  preyed  him  with  her  galleys,  and  tlesires  him  to  continue  to 
favour  him. 

"  But  the  second  son  Tibbott  Burk,  one  that  hath  been  brought 
up  civilly  with  your  brother  and  can  speak  English,  is  by  you  justly 
detained,  because  he  hath  been  accused  to  have  written  a  letter  to 
Bryan  O'Kork,  the  late  traitor's  son,  though  it  cannot  be  fully  proved, 
but  is  by  him  utterly  denied  ;  and  for  her  brother  Donald,  he  hath 
been  imprisoned  7  months  past,  being  chai'ged  to  have  been  in  com- 
pany of  certain  that  killed  some  soldiers  in  a  ward." 

As  Bingham  thinks  they  may  be  released  upon  bonds  for  good  be- 
haviour, the  queen  is  content,  and  the  old  woman  has  departed  with 
great  thankfulness.  For  pity  of  this  aged  woman,  having  no  title  to 
any  livelihood  or  portion  of  her  husband's  lands,  she  desires  Sir  Richard 
to  deal  with  her  sons,  in  the  queen's  name,  to  yield  her  some  main- 
tenance for  the  rest  of  her  old  years.  She  has  confessed  her  ill  usage 
of  her  son  who  served  the  queen,  and  promises  by  oath  to  continue 
most  dutiful. 

Her  answers  to  a  set  of  questions  put  regarding  her  petition  throw 
light  on  the  social  condition  of  chieftain  families  which  is  instructive 
as  coming  from  one  of  that  class  who  was  free  of  any  tinge  of  Eng- 
lish culture.  She  tells  us  that  "among  the  Irishry  the  widow  of  a 
chieftain  never  got  any  thirds.  His  rent  was  uncertain,  for  the  most 
part  extorted."  "  "Woman  is  entitled  only  to  her  first  dowry,  for  which 
her  husband  has  to  give  security  for  restitution.  Chieftains  usually 
die  in  debt,  and  husbands  now  and  then  divorce  their  wives  on  pre- 
contracts, or  even  put  their  wives  away  without  any  lawful  proceed- 
ing and  bring  in  others." 

The  answers  make  clear,  what  could  be  inferred  from  other  facts, 
that  Edmund  and  Walter,  sons  of  Sir  Richard,  were  illegitimate. 
This  in  an  Irish  tribe  mattered  nothing.  Edmund  was  certainly  the 
principal  man  of  the  Sliocht  Ulick  after  the  Blind  Abbot  was  dis- 
abled, and  Avould,  but  for  the  Indenture  of  Composition  and  the 
introduction  of  English  law,  have  become  MacWilliam  if  he  lived 
long  enough. 

Walter,  son  of  Tibbot  Reagh,  son  of  Walter  Fada  Bovn-ke,  who 
was  in  England  with  her,  returned  in  September  and  joined  the 
rebels  in  Ulster. 

At  the  end  of  September  1593  the  Governor  was  leading  a  strong 
force  against  Maguire.  On  the  night  of  Thursday  before  the  30th 
September,  Richard  Bourke  passed  Sligo  on  his  way  to  Mayo  with 
160  men  detached  from  Maguire's  force,  who  soon  became  300.  He 
burnt  a  town  in  O'Hara's  country  and  carried  off  some  cattle.  This 
changed  the  Governor's  plans.     He  sent  off  a  strong  party  to  operate 


FROM   1590  TO   1595.  255 

against  Maguire,  and  stayed  himself  to  watch  the  MacDermots, 
O'Rourk,  and  Feiiagh  MacHugh  O' Byrne,  who  had  come  into  Ros- 
common from  Leinster.  The  English  of  Roscommon  soon  destroyed 
all  O'Byrne's  force  except  himself  and  four  or  five  others. 

The  Governor  sent  after  Richard  Bourke  his  brother  John,  Theobald 
Dillon,  and  Captain  Henry  Strete,  who  intercepted  him  and  killed  sixty 
of  his  men.  After  that,  David  an  Ry  Bourke  and  the  Bourkes  of 
Tirawley  attacked  him  with  their  own  forces  and  burnt  sixty  more  in  a 
house.  Richard  Bourke  went  into  Erris,  where  he  was  joined  by  his 
kinsmen  under  Ulick  Bourke  of  Erris,  the  principal  man  of  his  sept. 
Captain  Clarke,  with  two  bands  of  Irish  soldiers  raised  by  the  Governor, 
but  commanded  and  officered  by  Englishmen,  was  sent  after  him,  and 
pursued  him  in  boats  among  the  islands.  He  surprised  the  rebels  in 
Inishkea,  about  120  in  all,  of  whom  80  were  able  men.  Richard  and 
half-a-dozen  escaped  in  a  boat.  The  rest,  finding  escape  impossible, 
stood  manfully  to  it.  All  were  killed  or  droAvned.  Captain  Clarke  lost 
but  three  or  four  killed  and  four  wounded.  Before  this  action  had 
finished  Richard's  attempt,  Tibbot  na  Long  had  been  released,  and 
had  gone  to  help  in  hunting  down  his  rebellious  kinsmen.  Some  thirty 
heads  of  rebel  Bourkes  and  their  followers  were  sent  to  the  Governor 
at  Cloonagashel.     All  was  over  by  the  middle  of  November. 

In  April  1595  Tibbot  sent  a  list  of  the  Bourkes  whom  he  had  him- 
self slain,  as  evidence  of  his  loyalty  and  justification  of  his  applica- 
tion for  a  pension,  namely,  John  MacMeyler  of  Erris  and  his  three 
sons,  John  Og,  Ulick,  Antony  ;  Thomas  Ballagh  and  his  brother 
David ;  Richard  MacUlick  and  his  brother  Walter ;  Richard  ;  The- 
bault  Boy  ;  Thebault  MacThomas  Duff  and  his  brother  Edmond  Boy 
and  his  four  sons. 

David  an  Ry  had  twelve  months  before  broken  out  of  Athlone 
Castle,  where  he  lay  condemned  to  death  for  some  offence,  and  had 
failed  to  obtain  any  conditions  from  the  Governor  until  he  should 
do  some  special  service  as  assurance  to  the  State  of  his  fidelity. 
He  was  now  admitted  to  terms. 

Mayo  was  in  peace  until  after  the  surrender  of  Sligo  Castle  to 
O'Donnell  in  June  1595.  No  remarkable  events  are  recorded.  Small 
garrisons  were  kept  in  the  castles  of  Cloonagashel,  Castlebar,  and 
Belleek,  which  had  been  forfeited  by  the  attainder  of  Theobald  Mac- 
Walter  Kittagh. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

THE  BREAKDOWN  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

CoxxAUGHT  was  in  peace  in  the  beginning  of  1595.  O'Donnell  made 
small  raids  into  Roscommon  in  March  and  April,  but  was  driven  out 
quickly  by  the  Governor,  who  reported  after  the  second  raid  that 
he  could  not  resist  the  Ulster  invasions  with  the  risings  out  of 
the  country,  and  must  have  a  force  of  English.  The  Government, 
now  much  pressed  by  Ulster  affairs,  could  not  keep  O'Donnell  em- 
ployed or  give  support  to  Connaught.  Thus  O'Donnell  gained  power 
and  reputation,  and  the  loyalty  of  Connaught  was  proportionately 
strained. 

At  this  time  Sir  Richard's  cousin.  Captain  George  Bingham,  was 
stationed  in  Sligo  Castle  with  his  company,  in  which  Ulick,  son  of 
Redmond  na  Scuab,  son  of  the  first  Earl  of  Clanricard,  served  as 
ensign  with  twenty  Clanricard  men.  On  the  3rd  June,  when  Captain 
Bingham  sat  writing  in  a  room  of  the  castle,  Ulick  Burke  and  his 
men  fell  on  him  and  murdered  him  and  seven  English  gentlemen. 
They  wounded  the  sheriff,  Nicholas  Martin,  and  kept  him  and  his 
brother  and  the  wife  of  one  of  them  as  prisoners,  probably  with  a 
view  to  sale  for  money  or  terms,  as  the  Martins  were  nephews  of 
Sir  Richard.  The  design  failed  if  it  was  entertained.  Sir  Richard 
seized  Ulick's  mother  and  two  brothers. 

According  to  O'Clery,  who  was  a  contemporary  and  should  have 
good  information,  this  treacherous  murder  was  premeditated  and 
committed  with  an  intention  of  joining  O'Donnell.  The  murderers 
were  marked  men.  One  of  them,  Taylor,  was  taken  prisoner  in 
Dunboy  Castle  and  was  hanged  in  Cork.  Ulick  and  the  others  lost 
their  lives  in  the  course  of  the  wars. 

As  the  Governor  could  get  no  help  from  the  Lord  Deputy,  he  w-ent 
to  Sligo  with  such  force  as  he  could  collect — only  about  300  men — 
arriving  about  the  18th  June,  at  the  same  time  as  O'Donnell,  who 
came  with  300  horse  and  500  foot.  The  Burke  prisoners  were  handed 
over  to  O'Donnell  in  exchange  for  the  Martins.  The  castle  was  given 
up  to  O'Donnell  by  Ulick  Burke.  The  retreat  of  the  Governor  un- 
molested by  O'Donnell's  great  force  marks  the  difference  of  quality. 
He  cannot  have  had  more  than  100  foot  and  50  horse  of  the  garrison, 
well  drilled  and  ai-med,  most  of  them  Englishmen.     The  rest  must 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    GOVERNMENT.  257 

have  been  recruits  of  the  new  companies  or  some  rising  out  from 
Galway.  But  they  were  not  enough  for  an  attempt  to  take  the 
castle  or  to  attack  O'Donnell. 

This  treachery  was  a  great  blow  to  the  defence  of  Con  naught,  as  it 
laid  open  to  O'Donnell  the  best  passage  to  and  from  the  west.  Sir 
Richard  asked  for  six  companies  and  fifty  horse,  English,  to  enable 
him  to  recover  Sligo  and  take  Ballyshannon  from  O'Donnell,  and  so 
prevent  incursions.  The  Lord  Deputy,  Sir  William  Russell,  pressed 
by  Tyrone  and  Ulster,  could  send  him  only  a  few  English  soldiers. 

By  the  middle  of  July  Richard  Bourke  and  the  other  fugitive 
Bourkes,  O'Conors,  and  MacDermots  had  returned  to  their  countries, 
and  it  was  evident  that  the  government  could  not  protect  loyal  men 
in  those  parts.  Most  of  the  gentlemen  of  Mayo  and  Sligo  had  been 
forced  to  join  the  rebels,  and  the  O'Conors  of  Sligo  and  the  MacDermots 
were  out.  In  August  1400  rebels  were  out  in  Connaught  besides 
those  from  Ulster.  The  governor  believed  that  the  earls  and  others 
who  were  still  loyal  would  remain  so  if  the  queen's  army  were  strong. 
But  the  new  English  companies  Avere  much  wasted  already. 

In  August  the  government  held  in  Sligo  only  Ballymote,  which 
maintained  itself.  The  three  Mayo  garrisons  were  supplied  at  great 
expense.  Seven  hundred  rebels  were  out  in  Tirawley,  Erris,  the 
Owles,  Carra,  and  Gallen.  The  castle  on  Inisbofin  leased  to  Captain 
Fildew  had  been  betrayed  to  the  rebels. 

A  number  of  hostages  confined  in  the  castle  of  Galway  tried  to 
escape  one  day  in  August,  excited  thereto  by  drink,  according  to  the 
Four  Masters,  but  probably  also  by  the  abandonment  of  their  countries 
by  the  government.  They  svicceeded  in  breaking  prison  in  the  early 
part  of  an  August  night,  when  people  were  at  supper  and  the  gates  of 
the  town  not  yet  closed.  The  bridge  was  secured  before  they  could 
cross  it,  and  they  had  to  take  to  the  river.  Some  were  killed  and 
the  rest  captured  and  hanged.  Among  those  hanged  were  Edmund 
MacRichard  an  larainn,  Meyler,  son  of  Theobald,  son  of  Walter 
Fada,  Hubert  Bourke,  son  of  a  MacDavid,  two  O'Flahertys,  and 
two  O'Conors. 

After  the  middle  of  August  O'Donnell  made  a  sudden  raid  into 
Connaught.  He  captured  Castlemore,  and  made  it  over  to  MacCostello, 
who  joined  him.  Thence  he  went  into  the  barony  of  Dunmore,  where 
he  took  the  castle  of  Turlach  Mochain.  He  hoped  that  Lord  Clan- 
ricard  would  join  him,  but  that  lord  went  with  thirty  horse  to  join 
Sir  R.  Bingham,  who  hurried  from  Dublin  to  Connaught  and  went 
towards  O'Donnell,  who  turned  back  and  made  his  way  homewards 
through  Mayo.  The  governor  made  all  the  haste  he  could  to  inter- 
cept him  at  Ballysadare,  but  O'Donnell  got  over  three  or  four  hours 
ahead  of  him  and  escaped  into  Glencar,  where  it  was  useless  to  follow 

R 


258       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY'    OF    MAY'O. 

him.  O'Domiell  did  no  harm  on  this  raid  beyond  the  capture  of  the 
two  castles  and  the  useless  mischief  of  burning  a  few  houses  in  Dun- 
more.  The  cattle  of  the  country  were  driven  away  before  him  owing 
to  the  delay  at  Castlemore,  and  he  had  to  escape  with  all  speed  when 
the  country  did  not  join  him  and  the  governor  came  down. 

The  governor  had  not  enough  men  or  supplies  or  ammunition  to 
besiege  and  take  Sligo  Castle.  On  the  way  l)ack  he  took  Collooney 
Castle,  and  put  a  gai-rison  in  it,  and  then  distributed  his  men  in 
frontier  garrisons  to  act  on  the  defensive,  as  they  were  worn  out  by 
the  long  marches.  The  companies  were  wasting  daily  from  sickness. 
New-comers  to  Ireland  fell  sick  in  numbers  from  what  was  known 
as  the  country  sickness,  due  to  the  great  damp  and  exposure  on 
service.  Ammunition  was  so  sparingly  supplied  that  there  was  no 
more  than  enough  for  one  day's  fight  at  Sligo.  Two  new  English 
companies  had  been  promised  him,  whose  coming  would  enable  him 
to  undertake  active  operations. 

Meanwhile  Tyrone  was  making  offers  of  submission,  and  the  queen 
was  eager  to  end  the  war.  Bingham  was  ordered  to  abstain  from 
offensive  operations  and  to  enter  on  a  course  for  pacification. 

When  these  orders  arrived,  Theobald  MacWalter  Kittagh  was 
besieging  Belleek  Castle,  and  it  was  necessary  to  relieve  it. 

Captain  Fowle,  who  had  been  absent  from  his  duty  as  provost- 
marshal  for  five  years  and  had  lately  returned  from  England,  was 
sent  to  relieve  Belleek,  and  to  treat  with  the  rebels  as  a  person  likely 
to  be  acceptable  to  them.  Sir  Richard  remained  at  Tulsk  to  treat 
with  O'Conors  and  MacDermots  who  had  expressed  some  willingness 
to  do  so.  During  this  time  and  afterwards  the  governors  of  Connaught 
received  from  many  persons  in  the  districts  abandoned  to  the  rebels 
intimation  of  their  readiness  to  submit  if  the  queen  would  protect 
them. 

Captain  Fowle  set  out  from  Castlebar  on  the  3rd  October,  accom- 
panied by  Captains  J.  Bingham,  Mynce,  and  Dillon.  In  a  pass  not 
far  from  Castlebar  tlie  rebels  attacked  the  baggage,  and  slew^  Captain 
Fowle  and  three  or  four  soldiers,  deserted  by  the  baggage  guard. 
When  the  party  arrived  in  Tirawley  they  learnt  that  the  guard  of 
Belleek  had  surrendered  the  castle  on  terms  of  life  and  liberty. 

As  the  rebels  showed  no  disposition  to  treat,  the  force  retired  next 
day  by  another  way.  The  rebels — about  500  of  the  country  and  200 
Scots — skirmished  for  six  hours  until  the  soldiers  had  shot  away  their 
bullets  and  were  reduced  to  stones  and  buttons,  when  they  came  closer 
and  killed  and  wounded  many  with  arrows.  The  new  English  soldiers 
were  so  unskilled  in  use  of  their  weapons  that  the  captains  gave  their 
bullets  and  powder  to  the  Irish  shots,  who  did  best  on  that  day.  The 
losses  were  Captain  Mynce,  Lieutenant  Tuite,  and  about  20  soldiers 


THE  BREAKDOWN  OF  GOVERNMENT.        259 

killed  and  many  wounded  on  the  English  side,  and  on  the  other  side 
about  80  reported  killed.  The  rebels  did  not  press  their  attacks  to 
close  quarters,  and  did  not  molest  the  party  again. 

The  want  of  ammunition  was  very  great.  The  stock  was  so  low 
that  the  officers  were  constantly  calling  for  it.  The  English  soldiers 
sent  to  Ireland  were  untrained  and  therefore  not  much  good  at  first, 
and  died  in  numbers  from  sickness.  There  is  much  evidence  of  the 
unhealthiness  of  the  climate  for  new-comers  exposed  to  the  hardships 
of  Irish  life.  Those  who  survived  the  first  year  or  so  seem  to  have 
done  well  afterwards.  The  eight  companies  sent  against  the  Bourkes, 
supposed  to  be  each  100  strong,  were  in  fact  only  400  men  in  all. 

A  truce  until  January  was  made  with  O'Neill  and  O'Donnell  in 
October.  Mayo,  Sligo,  Leitrim,  and  North  Roscommon  were  left  in 
the  hands  of  the  rebels,  save  the  castles  occupied  by  garrisons.  Sligo 
bad  been  reoccupied,  but  not  rebuilt,  since  O'Donnell  broke  down  the 
castle  and  abbey  in  October. 

The  effect  of  withdrawal  of  the  queen's  power  was  that  from  the 
end  of  June  the  semblance  of  law  and  order  disappeared.  Those  who 
had  been  the  original  rebels  and  those  who  joined  them,  and  those 
who  were  in  a  position  to  gather  armed  men,  went  about  the  country 
living  upon  the  farmers,  robbing  whom  they  pleased,  provided  he  was 
weaker  than  they,  under  no  restraint  but  the  fear  of  coming  into 
collision  with  one  of  greater  power.  Before  eighteen  months  were  over, 
Mayo  and  the  countries  in  like  conditions  were  reduced  to  extreme 
poverty  and  misery  by  this  revival  of  the  ancient  customs.  In  addition 
to  the  waste  and  suffering  caused  by  the  great  men  resorting  to  their 
old  practices,  the  country  had  to  bear  a  heavy  burden  in  the  visits  of 
O'Donnell  with  considerable  foreign  forces.  Yet  to  most  of  the  great 
men  this  state  was  detestable  ;  all  who  had  not  too  deeply  committed 
themselves  were  ready  to  submit,  and  did  submit,  as  soon  as  the  queen's 
forces  relieved  them  from  the  foreign  oppressors,  who  made  the  insig- 
nificant local  rebels  formidable. 

Sir  Richard  Bingham's  government  practically  ended  in  September 
as  far  as  North  Connaught  was  concerned,  and  by  degrees,  under 
various  pretexts,  he  was  superseded  as  regards  the  rest. 

When  Mayo  and  Sligo  were  overrun  by  rebels  from  Ulster  and  the 
country  obliged  to  join  them  for  want  of  the  protection  of  the  State, 
Sir  Richard's  enemies  accused  him  of  having  driven  the  country  into 
rebellion  by  oppression  and  by  extorting  lands  and  goods  from  the 
people  for  himself  and  his  relations.  These  enemies  were,  in  his 
opinion,  Theobald  Dillon,  Anthony  Brabazon,  Malbie,  Taaffe,  and 
Justice  Dillon,  whose  enmity  he  incurred  by  restraining  their  corrupt 
practices  in  acquiring  lands. 

Sir  Richard  never  owned  a  foot  of  land  in  Ireland.     He  had  yearly 


260       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

leases  of  the  lands  attached  to  the  Castle  of  Athlone  and  of  the 
Abbey  of  Boyle,  at  full  rents  of  .£54  and  £16,  given  in  virtue  of  official 
position.  Sir  George,  as  Sherifif  of  Sligo,  had  a  similar  lease  of 
Ballymote.  Captain  John  Bingham  bought  the  leases  which  had 
been  given  to  Bryan  Fitzwilliam.  None  of  his  other  relations 
acquired  any  land. 

Sir  William  Russell  went  to  Galway  early  in  November,  in  order 
to  investigate  these  allegations  and  to  treat  for  peace  with  the 
Connaught  rebels — that  is,  with  the  Bourkes,  who  were  the  only 
body  to  be  satisfied.  He  sent  Sir  Geoflfrey  Fenton,  Bingham's  bitter 
enemy,  ahead  to  treat  and  get  up  the  complaints,  and  ordered  Sir 
Richard  to  remain  at  Athlone.  His  endeavour  to  get  complaints 
from  the  rebels  or  make  a  peace  was  a  failure,  though  he  was  at 
Galway  for  a  month.  Only  Dermot  O'Conor  of  Roscommon  lodged  a 
statement.  One  Lennan,  an  Irishman  of  the  Co.  Mayo,  put  in  a 
book,  and  Anthony  Brabazon  put  one  in  at  Loughrea,  which  was 
supposed  to  come  from  the  Bourkes. 

The  Mayo  complaints  alone  are  within  the  scope  of  this  work.  All 
have  been  dealt  with  at  length  in  the  Journal  of  the  Galway  Arch, 
and  Hist.  Society,  vol.  iv.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  these  complaints 
went  over  the  same  ground  as  the  inquiry  of  1589,  and  brought  in 
many  new  matters.  Actions  attributed  to  Sir  George  and  to  Captain 
John  Bingham  and  to  subordinate  officers  were  included.  Lennan 
did  not  allege  that  he  suffered  wrong  himself. 

Sir  W.  Russell  treated  Sir  R.  Bingham  as  Sir  W.  Fitz William  had 
treated  him.  The  charges  were  held  back  as  long  as  possible.  Sir 
Richard  pressed  for  trial,  which  was  put  off  as  no  evidence  could  be 
got.  The  queen's  government  interfered,  and  made  orders  for  the 
trial. 

Sir  W.  Russell's  successor,  Lord  Burgh,  seems  to  have  acted  fairly 
in  the  matter,  which  was  now  being  handled  by  the  queen's  govern- 
ment. He  and  his  council  repoi^ted  that  Sir  Richard  was  not  to 
blame  for  delay  ;  that  they  did  not  believe  that  these  books  had  been 
framed  by  the  rebels  or  even  seen  by  them,  but  by  Lennan  and 
others,  who  preferred  them  secretly. 

Sir  John  Norris  and  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton  had  been  appointed 
commissionei'S  for  the  trial,  being  already  employed  in  treating  with 
the  rebels. 

Sir  John  was  an  enemy  of  Sir  Richard,  and  had  applied  for  the 
governorship  for  his  brother  Thomas  in  November,  as  soon  as  Sir 
Richard  should  be  removed.  Sir  Geoffrey  was  an  old  enemy.  These 
put  off  trial,  unable  to  find  evidence. 

In  September  the  queen  ordered  that  the  trial  be  at  Athlone,  and 
added  Sir  Robert  Gardener  as  a  commissioner,  and  that  Lord  Clanri- 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    GOVERNMENT.  261 

card  and  others  should  be  summoned  to  hear  the  trial,  but  not  as 
judges  therein.  This  appointment  of  Gardener  gave  great  offence  to 
Norris  and  Fenton. 

The  proceedings  ended  suddenly.  Sir  Richard  Avas  in  Dublin, 
preparing  to  start  for  Athlone  so  as  to  arrive  at  the  same  time  as 
Sir  Robert  Gardener,  and  was  informed  on  the  23rd  September  of 
the  arrangements  made  for  his  reception  there.  Sir  John  Norris  had 
made  his  brother,  Sir  Thomas  Norris,  governor  of  Connaught ;  Sir 
Richard  was  not  to  live  in  the  Castle  of  Athlone,  which  he  held  by 
lease ;  he  must  live  five  or  six  miles  from  Athlone  ;  he  was  not  to 
have  any  of  his  own  horsemen  or  footmen  for  his  protection. 

Sir  J.  Norris  had  served  long  in  Ireland,  and  knew  the  consequences 
of  his  actions.  These  arrangements  admit  of  only  one  interpretation, 
that  it  was  intended  that  Sir  Richard  should  be  taken  prisoner  by  the 
rebels  or  murdered.  Sir  John  cannot  have  intended  capture,  because 
that  would  have  ruined  his  credit  with  the  queen,  who  would  have 
been  forced  to  buy  release  by  large  concessions  to  the  rebels.  They 
would  gain  nothing  by  murder,  but  would  rather  exasperate  the 
queen.  On  the  other  hand,  Sir  John  and  his  English  confederates 
would  have  settled  all  questions  in  their  own  favour  by  his  murder, 
and  could  have  charged  it  on  rebels  or  on  unknown  persons. 

Sir  Richard  embarked  for  England  that  evening.  On  arrival  in 
London  he  was  treated  as  a  fugitive  from  justice,  suspended  from 
office,  and  imprisoned.  The  trvith  becoming  known,  he  was  released 
and  ordered  to  go  to  Ireland  for  trial  in  charge  of  Sir  Conyers 
Clifford,  who  was  appointed  governor  of  Connaught.  Clifford  had  to 
leave  him  ill  at  Chester.  Bingham  embarked  in  a  ship  which  was 
driven  back  by  storm,  and  had  a  bad  relapse.  He  was  still  at  Beau- 
maris in  March  1597.  In  the  meantime  the  queen  had  ordered  the 
trial  to  be  before  the  whole  council  in  Dublin.  The  course  of  trial  is 
not  in  the  records,  but  he  was  in  London  in  July,  when  he  wrote  a 
letter  which  shows  that  he  had  been  acquitted. 

He  governed  Connaught  during  twelve  years,  which  covered  a 
most  difficult  time.  In  his  careful  hands  the  small  revenues  of 
Connaught  paid  the  cost  of  administration,  and  the  country  was  free 
from  the  oppression  of  the  cess,  except  at  the  hands  of  the  Lords 
Deputy. 

The  confidence  and  support  of  the  Irish  population  were  gained 
in  all  but  a  few  parts  of  the  province,  such  as  Leitrim,  where  the 
government  would  not  let  him  act  until  O'Rourk's  banishment, 
when  the  rest  of  that  clan  came  in  and  submitted  and  gave  no  more 
trouble. 

The  risings  originated  in  Mayo  with  the  Sliocht  Ulick,  and  were 
insignificant  until   the  actions   of    the   Lords  Deputy  fostered   their 


262       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

growth.  Rebellion  in  July  1595  was  not  an  original  rising,  but  due 
to  outside  causes,  and  absence  of  force  in  the  hands  of  the  State  to 
preserve  the  peace.  With  few  exceptions  the  people  then  and  after- 
wards sought  the  restoration  of  government. 

Histoiians  have  imputed  cruelty  and  oppression ;  authentic  records 
of  the  day  show  humanity,  uprightness,  and  justice.  The  power  of 
the  Lord  Deputy  was  used  twice  in  vain  to  procure  his  conviction 
upon  charges  of  cruelty,  harshness,  and  oppression,  which  were 
framed  by  English  officers  and  English  settlers  in  Connaught ;  and 
twice  the  endeavour  was  brought  to  naught  by  the  impossibility  of 
finding  evidence  of  wrong  done  by  him  or  by  his  relations  or  subor- 
dinates. Not  only  was  he  upright  in  his  own  dealings,  but  he  kept 
his  subordinates  strictly  within  their  duties. 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 

o'donnell's  domination  and  the  final  peace. 

The  conduct  of  operations  in  Connaught  was  taken  out  of  Sir  Richard's 
hands  in  September  1595,  and  by  degrees  he  was  left  to  carry  on  only 
routine  business.  Sir  G.  Fenton  was  sent  to  deal  with  the  rebels,  to 
induce  them  to  meet  the  Lord  Deputy  at  Galway  to  treat  for  peace. 
Sir  W.  Russell  was  at  Galway  for  a  month  up  to  the  11th  December, 
endeavouring  to  make  a  peace  and  to  get  complaints  against  Sir  R. 
Bingham,  who  was  forbidden  to  accompany  him. 

On  the  16th  November  Sir  Richard  made  an  accurate  forecast — 
"  The  Burkes  upon  this  offer  of  peace  will  make  a  MacWilliam  by  all 
likelihood."  Meanwhile  they  burnt  the  country  round  Tulsk,  and 
even  the  village.  The  situation  was  nearly  all  they  wanted.  The 
Lord  Deputy  was  suing  for  peace,  and  left  to  the  rebels  all  the  country 
outside  the  walls  of  a  few  castles  held  by  garrisons. 

Anthony  Brabazon  and  Theobald  Dillon  were  sent  to  treat.  At 
Brees  Castle  they  met  Richard  Bourke,  Theobald  Bovuke,  Mac- 
Jordan,  the  MacDonnells  and  the  rest,  who  demanded  only  the 
removal  of  all  the  Binghams,  and  their  kinsmen  and  officers.  They 
refused  to  go  to  Galway,  as  O'Donnell  had  required  them  to  meet 
him  at  Moyne  in  Tirawley.  The  Lord  Deputy  sent  Brabazon  again 
to  meet  O'Donnell,  who  said  that  no  peace  should  be  made  until  he 
himself  was  satisfied,  and  insisted  on  having  Ballymote  and  all  Sligo 
made  over  to  him  as  his  inheritance. 

Brabazon  was  sent  out  yet  again,  and  brought  to  Sir  W.  Russell 
at  Loughrea,  on  the  7th  December,  a  Book  of  Complaints  alleged 
to  have  been  made  up  by  the  Bourkes.  This  and  some  more  com- 
plaints were  all  that  came  of  this  journey  of  the  Lord  Deputy  and 
his  council. 

On  the  25th  December  Sir  Richard  reported  that  the  wards  of 
Tulsk,  the  Boyle,  Ballymote,  Collooney,  Sligo,  Castlebar,  and  Cloona- 
gashel,  were  likely  to  be  lost  for  want  of  relief,  and  that  the  sons  of 
Dualtagh  O'Conor,  first  cousin  of  Hugh  O'Conor  Don,  were  threaten- 
ing Athlone  by  water. 

O'Donnell  now  came  to  Connaught  to  restore  the  abolished  chief- 
tainships, and  arrived  at  Kilmaine  immediately  before  Christmas 
to  inaugurate  a  MacWilliam.     MacJordan,  MacCostello,  MacMaurice, 

2G3 


2G4      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

O'Malley,  MacDonnell  Ciallowglass,  and  all  the  nobles  of  the  country 
assembled  there.  The  competitors  for  the  name  of  MacWilliam  weie 
William  Bourke  of  Shrule,  the  senior  of  all ;  Edmund  of  Cong ;  John, 
son  of  Richard,  son  of  John  of  the  Termon  ;  Richard,  son  of  Deman  an 
Chorrain  ;  Theobald  na  Long  ;  David  an  Fraoch,  and  Oliver,  sons  of 
Sir  John  ;  and  Theobald,  son  of  Walter  Kittagh.  As  in  the  case  of 
the  Blind  Abbot,  the  place  of  inaugui'ation  was  Rausakeera.  The 
proceedings  are  thus  described  in  O'Clery's  "  Life  of  Hugh  Roe 
O'Donnell,"  Murphy's  edition,  p.  Ill  : — "  When  all  these  nobles 
had  assembled,  as  we  have  said,  to  Hugh  O'Donnell  in  the  same 
place,  Shane  Oge  O'Doherty  formed  (as  he  was  ordered  to  do),  four 
lines  of  troops  back  to  back  around  the  liss,  and  the  chiefs  all  about. 
Eighteen  hundred  of  his  soldiers  and  hirelings  and  mercenaries 
round  the  royal  rath,  were  the  first  body  ;  O'Doherty  himself  and 
Tadhg  Oge  O'Boyle  with  the  infantry  of  Tyrconnell  outside  them, 
in  the  second  circle  ;  the  three  MacSwineys  with  their  gallowglasses 
outside  them  ;  the  men  of  Connaught  with  their  party  outside  them 
all  ;  O'Donnell  himself  with  his  chiefs  and  nobles  in  a  close  circle 
on  the  summit  of  the  rath,  and  no  one  of  the  nobles  or  gentlemen 
was  allowed  to  go  into  his  presence  in  the  rath  but  whomsoever  he 
commanded  to  be  called  to  him  at  the  time.  He  proceeded  then  to 
consider  and  forecast  with  the  chiefs  who  were  with  him  what  to  do 
to  the  nobles  in  reference  to  the  title  for  which  they  were  in  conten- 
tion and  dispute.  He  called  to  him  the  barons  and  chiefs  of  the 
territory  in  their  order  to  ask  them  which  of  the  nobles  he  should 
appoint  to  the  chieftaincy  of  the  district.  MacMaurice,  MacDonnell, 
and  O'Malley  said  with  one  voice  that  it  was  right  that  the  senior 
William  Burke  should  be  styled  chief,  as  their  custom  was  to 
appoint  the  elder  in  preference  to  the  younger.  MacCostello  and 
MacJordan  said  it  was  right  that  Theobald,  son  of  Walter  Ciotach, 
son  of  Oliver,  should  be  styled  chief,  for  he  was  strong  and  vigorous 
by  day  and  by  night  at  home  and  abroad,  whether  he  had  few  or 
had  many  with  him. 

"  When  they  had  given  their  opinion  to  O'Donnell,  he  resolved  in 
the  end  to  confer  the  chieftainship  of  the  territory  on  Theobald,  son 
of  Walter  Ciotach,  and  he  ordered  the  son  of  Theobald  [MacTibbot] 
to  proclaim  him  MacWilliam.  That  was  done  to  him,  for  he  was 
called  by  the  name  in  presence  of  the  forces  publicly,  though  there 
were  others  of  the  tribe  older  in  years  and  better  qualified  than  he. 
Yet  it  was  he  that  had  come  first  to  him  after  his  expulsion  and 
banishment  from  his  teriitory,  and  he  had  promised  to  restore  him 
to  his  inheritance  if  he  could." 

Edmund,  John,  and  Oliver  were  carried  away  to  Tirconnell  as 
prisonei-s,  and  pledges  were  taken  from  other  competitors  and  from 


o'donnell's  domination  and  the  final  teace.     265 

MacDonnell.  After  celebrating  Christmas,  O'Donnell  went  to  the 
Bree  in  Clanmorris,  and  left  Connaught  on  the  15th  January  to  meet 
the  commissioners  sent  to  treat  for  peace  with  him  and  O'Neill. 
Before  leaving  he  appointed  an  O'Dowda,  an  O'Kelly,  a  MacUermot, 
two  MacDonoghs,  and  an  O'Hara  Reagh. 

Theobald  cannot  be  held  to  have  continued  the  line  of  MacWilliams 
by  bearing  the  name  without  the  authority.  Even  his  own  clan  of 
Tirawley  turned  against  him  when  they  could  do  so  safely.  Hence- 
foi'th  he  lived  in  Mayo  only  as  a  dependent  of  O'Donnell,  protected 
by  men  supplied  by  O'Donnell. 

The  appointment  was  an  unwise  act,  which  weakened  O'Donnell's 
influence  in  Mayo  by  giving  offence  to  every  family  of  the  Bourkes, 
whose  rights  and  feelings  were  openly  disregarded.  William  of 
Shrule  might  not  have  accepted  the  dangerous  eminence.  He  was 
on  the  queen's  side  as  long  as  possible  on  all  occasions,  and  for  that 
reason  might  not  have  been  generally  acceptable ;  but  any  of  those 
who  were  in  the  right  line  of  succession  as  sons  of  a  Mac  William, 
being  chosen  by  the  tribe,  would  have  got,  if  not  universal  support,  at 
least  a  friendly  neutrality  on  almost  all  sides,  and  the  active  support 
of  all  who  sought  the  restoration  of  the  old  practices.  Hitherto  the 
old  customs  were  the  alternative  to  the  queen's  government.  Now 
the  choice  was  between  the  queen's  government  and  the  old  customs 
subject  to  the  very  heavy  burden  of  O'Donnell's  domination. 

Those  who  had  been  active  to  restore  the  name  of  MacWilliam 
designed  to  secure  a  chieftain  of  their  own  choice  and  independence 
of  restraint,  and  to  preserve  the  advantages  of  the  composition.  It 
was  no  part  of  their  design  that  a  MacWilliam  should  be  imposed 
upon  them,  and  that  they  should  subject  themselves  to  O'Donnell's 
cess  and  oppression.  Yet  this  was  what  they  got  by  the  new  Mac- 
Williamship.  Henceforth  we  find  the  Mayo  gentlemen  ever  ready 
to  submit  to  the  queen's  government.  If  some  had  disliked  her 
government,  they  had  occasion  to  dislike  O'Donnell's  oppression 
more.  The  same  feelings  seem  to  have  gi-own  all  over  Connaught, 
which  gave  the  Ulster  chieftains  very  little  help  in  their  wars.  They 
had  a  few  bands  of  Connaughtmen  under  unpardonable  rebels  whom 
they  had  to  support,  but  no  independent  help  from  Connaught  chief- 
tains, no  co-operation. 

The  truce  with  Ulster  was  extended  for  two  months,  and  was 
ignored  in  Connaught,  where  only  Thomond  and  a  part  of  Clanricard 
remained  obedient.  O'Donnell  was  sending  Scots  and  Ulstermen 
into  Connaught,  where  the  rebels  were  estimated  to  be  3640  foot  and 
392  horse,  to  whom  the  governor  could  oppose  only  471  foot  and  86 
horse.  By  April  his  eight  companies  of  foot,  the  whole  force  of  foot 
in  Connaught,  were  but  167  pikes  and  246  shot,  but  35  of  the  shot 


2G6       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

were  unserviceable.  At  the  end  of  the  month  the  garrisons  were 
withdrawn  from  Mayo. 

The  Lord  Deputy  sent  Lord  Clanricard,  A.  Brabazon,  and  James 
Darcy  to  Mayo  to  treat  for  peace.  On  the  borders  of  the  county 
they  were  met  by  Tibbot,  MacWilliam,  who  was  accompanied  by 
O'Donnell's  brother  with  400  men,  Redmond  Bvirke's  sons  with  200 
men,  and  the  O'Kellys.  He  said  he  could  not  agree  to  be  severed 
from  O'Neill  and  O'Donnell.  A  treacherous  trap  was  laid  for  the 
commissioners,  who  had  to  retire  for  want  of  supplies.  At  this  time 
the  governor  was  receiving  from  some  of  the  best  of  the  Bourkes, 
and  of  all  the  other  septs,  secret  offers  of  their  services  if  sufficient 
force  were  set  on  foot  to  expel  the  Ulstermen. 

At  the  end  of  April  peace  was  made  with  Ulster.  The  Loid 
General  Sir  John  Korris  and  Sir  G.  Fenton  were  sent  into  Con- 
naught  as  commissioners  for  peace  by  the  queen's  orders,  with  a 
very  large  force. 

According  to  the  returns,  Sir  John  had  in  Connaught  from  the  1st 
May  to  the  30th  Septembei-,  2000  foot  and  600  horse,  with  which 
he  took  no  action  against  the  rebels,  beyond  killing  200  and  taking 
4000  cows,  according  to  his  own  account,  in  petty  raids  and  skir- 
mishes in  Galway  and  Roscommon.  The  time  was  wasted  in  talk. 
The  pacification  of  Connaught  depended  on  O'Donnell,  who  was 
arranging  to  carry  on  the  war  if  he  could  get  help  from  the  King 
of  Spain. 

The  Connaught  rebels,  to  whom  the  commissioners  sent  word  of 
their  coming,  replied  that  they  were  bound  not  to  make  peace  with- 
out O'Donnell's  consent,  and  so  gained  time  until  O'Donnell  came  on 
20th  June.  They  assembled  their  forces  in  the  north  of  Roscommon 
early  in  June.  The  commissioners  having  arrived  at  Athlone  on  the 
fith  June,  moved  their  forces  to  Boyle,  and,  finding  no  rebels  there, 
moved  to  Moyne  and  Kinlough  in  Mayo.  O'Donnell  came  and 
encamped  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  Robe,  near  Ballinrobe, 
accompanied  by  MacWilliam  and  the  other  chieftains  who  depended 
on  him. 

Warham  St.  Leger  and  A.  Brabazon  were  sent  to  Ballinrobe  to 
treat  with  O'Donnell  and  MacWilliam.  After  three  or  four  days' 
deliberation,  Theobald  accepted  the  articles  tendered  to  him  and 
signed  them  ;  then,  as  he  was  about  to  hand  them  to  the  envoys,  he 
suddenly  blotted  out  his  name  and  entered  his  amendments  of  the 
most  material  articles,  and  sent  the  envoys  back  with  a  statement  of 
his  demands.  The  articles  are  not  in  the  record.  His  demands 
were : — 

1.  To  have  the  name  of  MacWilliam,  with  the  lands  and  pre- 
eminences, by  grant  from  the  queen. 


ODONNELLS    DOMINATION    AND    THE    FINAL    PEACE.       267 

2.  To  have  the  composition  lessened  with  the  whole  province,  and 
to  have  for  himself  the  spiritual  and  temporal  lands. 

3.  Favour  and  mercy  for  O'Kelly  and  his  other  friends. 

4.  That  if  these  demands  were  not  accepted,  the  matter  should  be 
referred  to  the  decision  of  the  Earl  of  Tirone. 

The  commissioners  declared  the  first  demand  inadmissible,  because 
he  demanded  to  have  what  he  had  seized  by  rebellion,  and  also 
because,  at  the  composition,  the  lands  and  seigniory  of  Mac  William 
had  been  divided  by  consent  of  the  province,  and  they  could  not  be 
taken  from  the  owners,  of  whom  some  kept  loyal  and  others  had 
submitted  only  to  Tibbot's  superior  force  ;  the  second  as  against  the 
queen's  interest,  and  because  the  people  were  content  with  the  com- 
position if  it  were  kept  ;  the  fourth,  because  it  made  Tirone  a  judge 
between  the  queen  and  her  rebels. 

As  O'Donnell  concurred  in  these  demands  the  treaty  fell  through. 
He  refused  to  give  the  pledges  he  had  already  promised,  unless  a 
settlement  was  made  with  the  Connaughtmen.  O'Donnell  probably 
had  no  intention  of  making  a  peace  except  on  his  own  terms.  The 
King  of  Spain  was  feeding  the  Irish  with  hopes  at  this  time,  and 
sending  small  help  by  a  few  ships,  which  came  in  May  and  about  the 
1st  July. 

The  break  occurred  on  the  25th  June.  The  commissioners  allowed 
fifteen  days  more  time  for  consideration.  After  that,  as  the  army 
was  weakened,  and  in  want  of  supplies  and  ammunition  and  carriage, 
they  gave  time  to  the  1st  of  Avigust  at  the  request  of  the  rebels,  and 
withdrew,  leaving  a  garrison  in  Cong,  and  in  some  places  in  Galway. 
They  left  Cong  immediately  after  the  28th  June.  While  in  Mayo 
they  took  the  castle  of  Aghalahard.  This  was  all  they  did.  They 
retreated  in  face  of  O'Donnell,  disguising  their  retreat  by  the 
pretence  of  giving  the  rebels  time. 

After  this,  Theobald's  position  was  so  weak  that  he  would  have 
been  driven  out  or  killed  but  for  help  given  him  by  O'Donnell.  By 
the  end  of  November  all  the  Connaught  rebels  had  agreed  to  terms 
except  Theobald  and  the  few  who  adhered  to  him.  During  this 
summer  O'Donnell  entrapped  Tibbot  na  Long,  and  carried  him  off  to 
Ulster,  where  he  was  kept  for  some  time,  but  the  particulars  of  the 
affair  do  not  appear.     He  returned  to  Connaught  in  February  1597. 

Sir  Richard  Bingham  having  been  removed  from  the  government 
of  Connaught,  Sir  Conyers  Clifford  was  appointed  in  his  place,  and 
assumed  the  office  in  Dublin  early  in  January  1597. 

O'Donnell  collected  a  large  force,  and  started  for  Galway  in  the 
second  week  of  January.  He  passed  through  Costello,  where  Mac- 
William  joined  him.  Athenry  was  taken  and  destroyed.  Clanricard 
was  plundered,  the   earl  being   surprised   and   unable  to  collect  his 


268       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

foi'ces.  The  Earl  of  Thomond  was  on  the  coast  driving  off  a  party  of 
O'Malleys,  who  had  come  by  sea  to  rob  his  country,  and  arrived  in 
Chinricard  only  after  O'Donnell  had  got  away  with  his  plunder. 

Clifford  came  to  Connaught  in  February  with  about  twelve  hundred 
foot  and  two  hundred  horse,  and  acted  vigorously.  He  relieved  the 
garrisons  and  went  into  Mayo,  where  he  captured  John  MacMorris, 
an  adherent  of  MacWilliam,  in  Brees  Castle.  Then,  his  men  being 
worn  out  after  living  on  beef  and  water  for  fifteen  days,  and  his 
ammunition  being  spent,  he  disposed  his  men  in  garrisons  in  Mayo 
and  Sligo.  Sligo  Castle  was  recovered,  and  held  by  O'Conor  Sligo 
with  some  of  Clifford's  men.  In  a  skirmish  at  Bally sadare,  Richard, 
son  of  William,  son  of  Sir  Richard  Bourke,  was  killed. 

O'Donnell,  being  unable  to  keep  his  forces  together,  had  gone  away, 
leaving  Niall  Garve  and  some  soldiers  to  uphold  MacWilliam.  These 
went  into  Tirawley,  where  they  captured  Oliver,  son  of  Sir  Richard 
Bourke,  and  broke  down  David  an  Fraoch's  house  of  Castlereagh. 

By  the  end  of  May  Clifford  had  hunted  MacWilliam  out  of  Con- 
naught,  rescuing  his  pledges  of  the  Bourkes,  Clan  Jonyns,  and  Clan 
Maurices.  O'Neill  and  O'Donnell  wanted  Clifford  to  stay  operations 
for  negotiations,  but  Clifford,  like  Bingham,  saw  no  reason  to  stay 
his  action  because  the  enemy  disliked  it.  Having  shown  his  power 
to  protect  from  O'Donnell  he  obtained  submission  all  round.  By  his 
brother-in-law  O'Conor  Sligo's  mediation,  Tibbot  na  Long  came  to 
terms  and  offered  to  serve  the  queen,  handing  in  a  statement  of  his 
demands  at  Lehinch  on  the  24th  April. 

Tibbot  na  Long  and  Richard  Mac  an  Deman  an  Corrain,  and  the 
chief  gentlemen  of  Mayo,  met  Clifford  at  Castlebar  and  made  peace, 
presenting  a  very  humble  submission  and  petition  for  pardon.  The 
articles  of  peace  were  signed  on  the  20th  May.  They  agreed  to  pay 
within  one  year  the  arrears  of  the  composition  since  the  last  collec- 
tion in  Sir  Richard  Bingham's  time,  to  provide  the  rising  out,  to 
receive  the  sheriff  and  other  officers,  to  sue  for  their  pardons,  which 
Sir  C.  Clifford  engaged  that  the  government  should  grant,  to  give 
such  pledges  as  he  should  require,  to  receive  such  garrisons  in  such 
places  as  he  should  think  fit,  and  to  provide  them  with  beef,  to 
be  allowed  for  out  of  the  comj)osition  rent.  It  was  signed  by 
Olyverus  MacShane  Bourke,  Olyverus  MacEdmond,  Thybbott  Bom-ke, 
Ricard  Boork  alias  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  Davy  in  Ry  Boork, 
O'Malley,  named  Une  O'Malley,  MacJordan,  Edmond  Evaghery, 
Thomas  ny  Capell.  These  names  are  taken  partly  from  an  original 
at  Westport  House,  which  must  have  been  a  duplicate  in  posses- 
sion of  Tibbot  na  Long,  now  not  entirely  legible,  and  partly  from  a 
copy  in  the  Public  Record  Office  in  London,  in  which  the  names  are 
given  somewhat  differently,  being  not  exact  copies,  or  possibly  copied 


ODONNELLS    DOMINATION    AND    THE    FINAL    PEACE.       269 

from  another  original,  in  which  they  used  a  different  form.  It  is 
certified  that  these  signed,  for  brevity's  sake,  on  behalf  of  all  the 
other  gentlemen  and  freeholders  of  the  county,  and  that  those  pre- 
sent, to  whom  the  agreement  was  read  and  explained,  assented  to 
and  bound  themselves  to  it. 

On  the  8th  June  a  general  pai-don  was  given  to  all  in  Connaught, 
except  Theobald  Mac  Walter  Kittagh,  Brian  Og,  and  Teig  O'Rourk, 
and  Ferragh  MacHugh. 

The  following  is  the  list  of  the  pledges,  who  were  given  imme- 
diately : — 

1.  Moyler  Bourke — Tibbot  na  Long's  son,  for  himself  and  his  sept 

of  Ulick  (saving  the  Devil's  Hook). 

2.  Davy  Bourke — The   Devil's  Hook's  son,   as   pledge  for  himself 

and  his  followers  only. 

3.  Edmond  O'Malley — O'Malley's  son,  for  himself  and  his  sept  and 

followers. 

4.  Goree  MacDonnell — Mac  an  Ab  the  chief  of  the  Clandonnells' 

son,  for  self,  sons,  and  followers. 

5.  Walter  MacDonnell — For  the    sept   of  Rury   Og   MacDonnell, 

himself,  and  followers. 

6.  Hugh    Boy    MacDonnell — Mulmory    MacRanell    MacDonnell's 

son,  for  himself  and  his  brothers. 

7.  William  Bourke — Davy  MacMoyler,  Mac  Walter  Fada's  brother, 

for  himself  and  his  followers. 

8.  Brian  MacThomas  Reaugh — MacJordan's  pledge. 

9.  Walter    MacJordan — Thomas   ne   Capell    MacJordan's  son,   for 

himself  and  followers. 

10.  Colla    MacDonnell  —  For    the    Clandonnells    of    Costello    and 

Sleight  Markys,  Marcus  MacFerry's  son  as  pledge. 

11.  Shane  Boy — For  the  Clan  Jordans  of  Costello. 

12.  13.  MacWalber  and  Ricard  Boy's  son  — Walter  Fooff  Mac 
Moyler's  son,  and  Ricard  Boy  MacShane  MacMoyler's  son,  as 
pledges  for  them  and  their  followers. 

Clifford  reported  that  at  least  5000  were  famished  in  Connaught, 
and  that  he  had  great  difficulty  in  feeding  his  army  owing  to  the 
wasting  of  the  country.  To  this  pitch  it  had  been  brought  by  the 
rebels  and  O'Donnell. 

Tibbot  na  Long's  demands  had  been  received  by  Clifford,  and  in 
part  approved  by  him,  but  not  to  be  confirmed  to  him  unless  he 
should  do  service  deserving  confirmation,  and  had  been  sent  over  to 
England  for  orders.  On  the  25th  June  the  Privy  Council  of  Eng- 
land expressed  great  satisfaction  with  the  peace  and  submission  of 
the  Mayo  septs,  and  directed  that  the  pledges  be  treated  well.      On 


270       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

the  same  day  orders  were  passed  on  Tibbot  na  Long's  demands.  The 
way  they  were  dealt  with  confirms  the  opinion,  derived  from  other  cii'- 
cumstances,  that  he  was  now  the  real  leader  of  the  l^ourkes. 

"  He  undertook,  with  the  aid  of  Her  Majesty's  foi-ces,  to  banish 
Tibbot  Mac  Walter,  the  now  MacWilliam ;  for  reward  of  that  service 
to  have  all  MacWilliam's  lands  to  be  assured  unto  him,  and  in  lieu 
of  the  name  of  MacWilliam  to  have  some  title  to  be  bestowed  upon 
him  according  to  the  worthiness  of  his  service. — A  style  was  granted, 
whereof  consideration  should  he  had ;  the  lands  also,  conditionally 
that  it  should  bear  the  composition  which  Sir  Richard  Bingham  had 
formerly  imposed  upon  it. 

"  That  the  lands  in  Co.  Mayo  taken  from  the  possessors  in  Sir  R. 
Bingham's  time  and  conferred  upon  others  may  be  lestored  to  the 
right  owners. — This  larcre  demand  was  denied. 

"  That  the  benefit  of  Her  Majesty's  letters  in  the  behalf  of  his 
brotlier  Moroghe  ne  Muyre  [O'Flaherty],  and  the  like  for  Donnell 
O'Mayley  his  mother['s  brother],  might  be  confirmed  unto  him  if  he 
would  become  a  good  subject. — Granted. 

"  He  demanded  all  the  lands  of  such  persons  as  were  then  in  rebel- 
lion in  Co.  Mayo  to  be  granted  unto  him  and  his  heirs. — There  was 
granted  unto  him  all  the  rebels'  lands  that  were  of  his  own  sept. 

"  He  demanded  the  castle  and  lands  of  Castlebai-ry. — Denied. 

"  Pai-dons  for  sundry  persons. — Granted. 

"  That  for  seven  years  such  as  depended  upon  him  should  not  be 
questioned  for  any  harms  done, — Suspended. 

"  He  demanded  such  portions  of  MacWilliam's  seigniory  as  was  by 
the  Lord  General's  last  parley  agreed  upon. — Granted. 

"  A  company  of  foot  in  the  Queen's  pay. — Granted. 

"  A  commission  to  grant  protections  in  the  Co.  Mayo. — Mitigated." 

Tibbot  valued  his  own  services  very  highly,  and  the  government 
was  ready  to  give  him  good  consideration  for  them,  but  as  he  could 
not  fulfil  his  part  by  banishing  MacWilliam  the  agreement  fell 
through.  Nevertheless  he  was  treated  always  after  this  with  great 
consideration,  and  without  doubt  he  did  the  government  very  good 
service,  and  was  faithful  to  his  engagements  as  far  as  it  was  possible 
for  him  to  stand  to  them,  but  there  were  occasions  yet  to  come  when 
he  had  to  shift  for  himself  as  best  he  could. 

Apparently  in  order  to  carry  off  cattle  to  Ulster,  O'Donnell  brought 
MacWilliam  into  Tirawley  at  the  end  of  June,  and  left  him  there  with 
Rury,  Hugh's  brother,  and  a  body  of  soldiers.  Clifford  sent  O'Conor 
Sligo  and  Tibbot  na  Long  against  them,  and  posted  himself  at  Collooney 
to  cut  off  their  retreat.  MacWilliam  and  Rury  tried  to  escape  through 
the  Ox  Mountains,  and  passed  the  river  near  Collooney  before  day 
on  the  29th   June.     The  garrison*  discovering  them,  captured  1200 


ODONNELLS    DOMINATION    AND    THE    FINAL    PEACE.       271 

cattle  and  killed  200  men  besides  stragglers  in  pursuit.  MacWilliam 
and  Rury  escaped  with  a  few  men. 

At  the  end  of  July  Cliflford  led  his  forces  to  Ballyshannon,  where 
he  maintained  the  siege  for  five  days,  when  he  was  obliged  to  retire 
on  receipt  of  news  that  Lord  Burgh,  who  had  marched  against  Tyrone, 
had  retreated,  leaving  Tyrone  free  to  join  his  forces  to  those  of 
O'Donnell  and  Maguire  and  O'Rourk.  He  beat  off  O'Donnell's 
attack,  and  was  not  molested  after  passing  Bunduff.  On  the  way 
back  he  intercepted  letters  from  the  Clandonnells  offering  to  join 
O'Donnell  if  Cliflford  failed  to  take  Tyrconnell.  Orders  were  sent  to 
Tibbot  na  Long  to  arrest  the  Clandonnells. 

At  this  time  700  beeves  had  been  paid  on  account  of  arrears  of 
composition  rent  of  Mayo,  but  it  was  impossible  to  press  for  more. 
The  country  was  so  exhausted  that  it  was  harder  to  keep  soldiers  in 
Connaught  than  elsewhere. 

Towards  the  end  of  September,  O'Xeill  and  O'Donnell  sent  Mac- 
William  into  Mayo  with  700  men  and  Feriagh  MacHugh  and  Ulick 
Burke,  the  murderer  of  George  Bingham,  while  themselves  prepared 
to  meet  another  invasion  by  Lord  Burgh.  Cliflford  writes  that 
MacWilliam  means  to  keep  himself  in  Mayo  during  the  winter  by 
the  strength  of  the  bogs  and  woods,  presuming  that  Cliflford  cannot 
follow  him  for  want  of  victuals.  "This  is  true,  the  waste  of  the 
country  is  grown  so  great." 

In  other  respects  MacWilliam  failed  to  understand  the  situation. 
Tibbot  na  Long  fell  on  him,  and  killed  his  brother  Thomas  and  40  of 
his  men.  He  had  to  fly  to  Ulster  again.  All  his  followers  in  Mayo 
applied  to  Cliflford  for  protection,  and  promised  to  give  in  their 
pledges  by  the  end  of  October. 

Cliflford  gives  a  summary  of  results  up  to  the  30th  September,  as 
follows,  in  reference  to  Mayo  : — 

At  his  coming  all  Mayo  was  in  rebellion  except  William  Bourke 
of  Shrule  and  his  son,  Oliverus  MacShane  and  his  brother  Edmond, 
William  Bourke  FitzRichard  who  flew  into  Munster,  MacMorris  and 
Davy  MacMorris. 

After  Tibbot  na  Long  came  in,  MacWilliam  took  Oliverus  prisoner, 
whom  Cliflford  redeemed. 

Tibbot  and  the  Devil's  Hook,  and  others  to  the  number  of  1000, 
had  come  in  and  given  pledges. 

MacWilliam  had  lost  200  of  his  men  in  July.  At  his  coming  in 
this  month  his  brother  Thomas  and  one  of  the  chief  commanders 
of  the  MacDonnells,  with  30  or  40  of  his  men,  were  slain.  He  has 
only  200  to  300  of  this  county  and  400  from  Tirconnell,  700  in  all. 

The  provincial  rebels  are  4800  foot  at  least  and  400  horse. 

The  principal  prisoners  reserved  upon  several  killings  were  John 


2/  L'       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF   THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

INLicJonyn,  John  MacMorris,  Edmond  Melaghlen,   Davy  MacRicard 
Bourke. 

He  liad  taken  and  kept  the  important  castles  of  the  Brees,  Castlebar, 
and  JiallindeiTV  in  Gahvay. 

According  to  the  Four  Masters,  John  Og,  son  of  Richard,  son  of 
John  of  the  Termon,  was  slain  by  some  of  the  ClanDonnell  in  a  night 
attack  on  the  island  of  Annies  in  Lough  Carra.  These  MacDonnells 
were  probably  rebels,  but  it  may  have  been  the  result  of  a  private 
quarrel. 

By  the  middle  of  November  the  settlement  of  the  country  was 
advanced  so  far  tliat  sheriffs  were  put  in  Mayo  and  Sligo,  where  none 
had  been  for  three  years.  Clifford  engaged  most  of  the  late  rebels 
and  put  them  in  some  band  of  soldiers.  Tibbot  na  Long  and  his 
l)rother  Oliverus,  and  Ulick  MacEdmund  Bourke,  and  David  Mac- 
Ulick  e  Temple  (an  Timchill)  and  Morogh  ne  Moyre  O'Flaherty 
were  made  captains  over  their  own  men.  At  the  end  of  the  year 
only  the  O'Malleys  and  Tibbot  Mac  Walter  Kittagh  were  actually  in 
rebellion,  and  the  latter  was  hourly  expected  from  Ulster.  He  came 
in  January  1598,  and  was  quickly  expelled. 

A  truce  made  with  Tyrone  and  O'Donnell  was  extended  from  time 
to  time  until  the  7th  June.  The  negotiations  fell  through  because 
they  insisted  that  Theobald  should  have  the  seigniory  and  lands  of 
Mac  William.  They  were  obliged  to  insist  on  terms  for  their  con- 
federates to  save  their  credit  for  the  future.  The  queen  was  not 
yet  beaten  to  the  degree  of  restoring  the  abolished  chieftainships  and 
abandoning  the  government  of  their  countries. 

On  the  14th  August  the  English  suffered  their  greatest  defeat 
at  the  Yellow  Ford  from  Tyrone  and  O'Donnell,  with  whom  were 
MacWilliam  and  1000  Connaughtmen  in  O'Donnell's  pay.  This 
defeat  materially  affected  the  position  in  Connaught.  Reporting  the 
state  of  Connaught  on  the  13th  September,  Clifford  writes  that  the 
queen  controlled  fifty  or  sixty  castles,  and  that  the  owner  of  any  one 
■of  them  would  come  to  him  on  a  mere  message  or  surrender  the  castle 
ever  since  MacWilliam  was  banished,  though  they  were  only  upon 
protection,  and  desirous  of  receiving  pardons.  "  On  the  first  day  of 
MacWilliam's  coming  with  O'Donnell's  whole  force,  Mayo  and  81igo 
are  entirely  lost."  If  MacWilliam  get  footing  again,  all  must  join. 
No  pledges  can  hold  them  in  face  of  certain  loss  of  their  cattle. 

Two  of  the  MacDonoghs  of  Corran  had  got  possession  of  Ballymote 
Castle  in  June  by  treachery.  They  now  offered  to  sell  it  to  Sir 
Conyers  Clifford.  O'Donnell  came  with  a  large  army  at  the  end  of 
September,  to  buy  it  or  take  it.  It  was  not  easy  to  take  this  the 
greatest  castle  in  Connaught  except  Ballintubber.  He  agreed  there- 
fore to  pay  the  very  high  price  of  ^400  and  300  cows.     The  latter  he 


ODONNELLS    DOMINATION    AND    THE    FINAL    PEACE.       273 

acquired  quickly  by  a  raid   into  Roscommon  and  Galway,  paid  the 
price  and  received  possession. 

About  the  same  time  he  sent  MacWilliam  to  Mayo  with  O'Doherty 
and  MacSwiney  Banagh,  who  took  a  number  of  cattle  from  the  Owles 
and  drove  them  off  to  Ulster.  MacWilliam  was  now  set  up  again  in 
Mayo.  The  rebels  were  soon  reported  to  be  2000  foot  and  200  horse, 
increasing  daily  by  the  coming  of  Scots.  Tibbot  na  Long  was  obliged 
to  live  on  the  sea.  An  O'Brien  was  set  up  against  Lord  Thomond. 
Clifford  could  do  nothing  with  only  120  English  soldiers.  The 
government  in  Dublin,  terrified  by  the  defeat  of  the  Yellow  Ford, 
thought  only  of  their  own  safety.  Thus  all  Connaught  was  abandoned 
except  the  town  of  Galway,  which  held  its  own,  and  a  few  castles  held 
by  small  garrisons. 

In  the  beginning  of  1599  the  whole  country  was  at  the  mercy  of 
O'Donnell,  who  made  Ballymote  his  headquarters.  When  he  made  a 
raid  into  Thomond  with  a  large  force  at  the  end  of  January,  he  sent 
a  party  under  MacWilliam  and  ISTiall  Gai-bh  O'Donnell  into  Mayo, 
who  plundered  from  Costello  to  the  Owles  without  opposition. 

"  MacWilliam  and  Niall  Garbh  arrived  with  their  forces  at  the 
island  of  Leathardan,  and  they  attacked  the  place  boldly  and  fiercely, 
and  though  the  defence  was  made  against  them  bi\avely  it  did  not 
profit  those  who  made  it,  for  they  leaped  from  every  side  and  quarter 
into  the  place  among  them.  Eighteen  of  the  chief  men  of  Clan- 
gibbon  were  slain  and  slaughtered,  and  a  great  number  of  others 
besides.     The  place  was  plundered  by  them  also."  (F.M.) 

This  island  seems  to  have  been  a  crannog  on  the  little  lake  of 
Lahardane,  about  a  mile  from  Aghagower.  On  its  west  side  is  a 
small  mound  which  may  have  been  an  island  or  peninsula  before 
the  lake  was  lowered.  It  is  so  small  that  it  is  diflScult  to  believe 
that  many  men  were  inside  it.  This  is  the  only  case  I  know  of 
in  this  county  of  occupation  of  a  crannog  as  a  crannog  by  Anglo- 
Norman  settlers.  In  other  cases  a  stone  castle  was  built.  The 
detachment  rejoined  O'Donnell  on  his  way  back  to  Ballymote.  The 
despatch  of  a  party  to  rob  in  Mayo  shows  how  little  real  support 
O'Donnell  got  there. 

At  the  end  of  last  year  the  English  government  sent  1000  men 
under  Sir  Arthur  Savage,  and  £1500  to  Sir  Conyers  for  Connaught, 
forbidding  the  Irish  government  to  divert  them.  These  men  did 
not  arrive  until  February.  In  March  Clifford  began  the  restoration 
of  government  by  recovering  Clare  and  Galway,  but  was  called  away 
by  Lord  Essex  to  the  south,  and  so  obliged  to  leave  Mayo  and  the 
north  alone.  The  rebels  were  now  computed  at  600  foot  and  60 
horse  under  MacWilliam  and  the  Joys. 

In  July  Clifford  was  ordered  to  relieve  Collooney,  and  to  rebuild 

S 


274      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

the  castle  of  Sligo.  He  arranged  that  Tibbot  na  Long,  with  Morogh 
na  Maor  O'Fhiherty  under  him,  should  take  ships  to  Sligo  with 
provisions,  military  stores,  and  building  materials,  and  meet  him 
after  the  relief  of  Collooney.  Tibbot  brought  his  ships  round  and 
anchored  in  Sligo  Bay,  watched  by  a  detachment  from  O'Donnell's 
army. 

Now  the  English  suffered  the  defeat  of  the  Yellow  Pass  in  the 
Curlews.  The  Bourkes  of  Mayo  who  were  in  the  queen's  service 
were  probably  with  him,  but  Oliver  Bourke  and  Theobald  Dillon  are 
the  only  Mayo  men  mentioned. 

On  reaching  Boyle  fi-om  Tulsk  on  the  15th  August,  1599,  Clifford 
heard  that  the  pass  was  not  held  by  the  enemy.  At  4  p.m.  of  a 
dark  rainy  day  he  left  Boyle  to  get  through  the  pass,  which  was 
watched  and  guarded.  The  forces  of  O'Rourk  and  MacDermot  fell 
on  his  men,  routed  them,  and  killed  him  and  Sir  Henry  Radcliff. 
The  army  was  saved  by  the  cavalry,  whose  vigorous  charge  checked 
pursuit,  but  with  loss  to  themselves. 

The  English  loss,  according  to  the  official  return,  was  10  officers 
and  231  men  slain;  12  officers  and  196  men  wounded,  out  of  a  force 
of  1496.  The  army  was  badly  led,  and  was  fairly  beaten  and 
routed  by  a  lesser  number  skilfully  led,  but  was  not  broken  up 
and  was  not  pursued.  Nevertheless,  being  fairly  beaten  in  the 
open,  it  was  so  demoralised  and  disheartened  that  the  men  were 
dispersed  into  garrisons  to  recover  spirit.  The  results  show  how 
complete  the  beating  was. 

O'Conor  Sligo  surrendered  and  entered  into  alliance  with  O'Donnell, 
who  gave  him  cattle  and  sheep,  and  set  him  up  as  a  chieftain. 

The  day  after  the  battle  O'Donnell  came  to  the  sea-shore,  and 
begged  Tibbot  to  give  him  some  wine,  and  invited  him  to  come 
himself  to  help  to  drink  it.  Tibbot  was  cautious,  and  refused  to 
land  ;  but  on  receiving  pledges,  sent  Morogh  na  Maor  and  Baxter, 
who  tells  this  tale,  and  Captain  Coatch,  with  a  barrel  of  wine. 
O'Donnell  tried  to  get  Morogh  to  arrange  with  Tibbot  that  they 
should  seize  the  English  ships,  and  hand  them  over  to  him.  Tibbot 
would  not  lend  himself  to  this  scheme,  and  brought  his  little  fleet 
back  to  Galvvay. 

Tibbot  and  his  brother  and  O'Malley  had  three  good  galleys,  each 
able  to  carry  300  men,  at  this  place.  Captain  Fildew's  galley  had 
been  taken  by  treachery  in  1595,  and  two  more  had  been  built  on 
that  model. 

For  some  time  no  governor  was  appointed.  Sir  Arthur  Savage 
was  usually  in  chief  command  of  the  forces,  associated  some- 
times with  Lord  Dunkellin.  Civil  government  was  practically  in 
abeyance. 


o'donnell's  domination  and  the  final  peace      275 

Yet  the  victory  did  not  lay  all  Connaught  under  the  feet  of  the 
rebels.  Lord  Clanricard  killed  100  of  Redmond  Burke's  party  in 
Clanricard,  and  took  prisoner  Ricard  Og  MacJonyn,  who  was 
executed.  This  man  had  been  for  years  one  of  the  most  energetic 
of  the  Mayo  rebels,  and  had  gone  out  at  every  opportunity.  Tibbot 
na  Long  and  the  other  captains  in  the  queen's  pay,  by  having  men 
in  pay  under  their  command,  were  able  to  make  head  against 
Mac  William.  In  September  Tibbot  was  able  to  besiege  Mac  William, 
who  was  relieved  by  O'Donnell. 

Some  of  the  O'Malleys  and  O'Flahertys,  with  five  or  six  galleys 
and  a  number  of  boats,  stationed  themselves  in  the  Shannon  below 
Limerick,  in  order  to  help  the  rebels  by  transport  of  supplies,  and 
to  hamper  the  passage  of  the  river  by  the  queen's  subjects. 

In  December  O'Donnell  came  to  Mayo,  and  arranged  for  a  truce 
until  May  between  the  two  Tibbots.  The  terms  do  not  appear,  but 
we  can  infer  that  they  agreed  not  to  attack  each  other  in  Mayo, 
but  to  be  free  to  act  outside  Mayo  as  they  pleased.  It  also  seems 
to  have  restricted  Mac  William  to  his  own  barony  of  Tirawley.  The 
Bourkes  of  Kilmaine  did  not  adhere  to  him.  Whatever  the  arrange- 
ment may  have  been,  it  left  the  Mayo  men  in  peace  among  them- 
selves until  1601.  They  fought  in  other  regions,  some  for  the  queen, 
some  against  her. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1600  the  fortunes  of  Tyrone  and 
O'Donnell  reached  their  highest  point.  Tyrone  had  carried  the  war 
into  Munster.  O'Donnell  had  nearly  all  Connaught  under  his  power. 
After  Lord  Mountjoy's  coming  to  the  government  in  the  spring,  their 
power  waned  under  a  new  system  of  attack.  The  system  of  sending 
armies  in  force  to  attack  an  enemy  who  took  refuge  in  woods  and 
mountains,  and  who  came  out  only  when  opportunity  offered  for 
successful  attack  in  advantageous  conditions,  had  failed,  because 
such  large  bodies  could  not  be  maintained  for  long,  and  sometimes 
suffered  great  disaster.  The  forces  were  not  enough  to  occupy  the 
whole  country  at  once  in  irresistible  strength.  The  system  which 
was  effective  against  highly  organised  and  civilised  states  was  in- 
effective against  slightly  organised  tribes. 

The  Irish  method  of  warfare  was  adopted.  The  Irish  made  raids, 
robbed,  burnt,  and  destroyed  the  enemy's  country  until  he  submitted 
to  avoid  further  loss.  Their  eagerness  to  carry  away  their  plunder 
made  their  warfare  less  effective  than  it  might  have  been.  It  was 
very  satisfactory  to  the  Ulster  chiefs,  as  it  had  been  before  to  those 
of  Leix,  for  they  made  raids  around  them,  carried  off  much  cattle 
and  goods,  and  thus  their  countries  prospered  greatly,  so  long  as 
the  queen's  armies  came  in  large  bodies  and  left  the  country  again. 
For  they  got  easy  terms  for  submission,  and  did  not  restore  their 


276       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

plunder  or  make  good  their  damage.  Leix  liad  prospered  amazingly 
as  long  as  the  queen's  soldiers  were  kept  out  while  the  people 
of  Leix  plundered  around  them.  Lord  Sussex  had  ended  those 
ideal  conditions  by  adopting  Irish  methods.  So  now  again  Lord 
Mountjoy  and  Sir  George  Carew  set  to  work  in  the  Irish  fashion 
in  Ulster  and  Munster.  They  destroyed  growing  corn  and  every- 
thing that  could  serve  the  enemy.  Giving  time  to  the  work,  and 
having  the  advantage  of  organisation  and  discipline,  they  did  it 
thoroughly. 

In  the  middle  of  May  Sir  Henry  Docwra  landed  in  the  Foyle 
with  4000  foot  and  200  horse,  harassed  the  country  constantly, 
extending  his  power  and  establishing  garrisons,  and  soon  brought 
over  to  the  queen's  side  Niall  Garbh  O'Donnell  and  O'Doherty. 
Thus  Ulster  was  being  attacked  on  both  sides. 

Connaught  and  Mayo  were  left  alone.  The  government  was  not 
strong  enough  to  do  everything  at  once.  All  Connaught  was  ready 
to  submit  as  soon  as  the  power  of  O'Donnell  and  O'Neill  was  broken 
in  Ulster,  and  it  was  not  in  the  meantime  a  source  of  strength  to 
Ulster.  O'Donnell  domineered  there  while  his  strength  was  being 
sapped  in  Ulster.  From  this  time  his  presence  in  Connaught  may 
be  taken  to  mark  real  weakness.  His  proper  place  was  in  his  own 
country  protecting  his  people.  He  could  not  protect  them  effectively. 
His  enemy  was  steadily  gaining  ground. 

Dermot  O'Conor,  son  of  Dualtagh  O'Conor,  of  the  O'Conor  Donn 
family,  commanded  1500  Connaughtmen,  who  formed  a  strong 
element  in  the  rebel  forces  of  Munster.  On  the  12th  March  he 
sent  a  company,  commanded  by  Ricard  Bourke,  into  Lord  Barry's 
barony  of  Ibaune  to  levy  money  and  food.  Lord  Barry's  nephew, 
with  100  men  of  his  own  and  some  men  from  the  garrisons,  attacked 
the  company,  which  he  drove  away,  killing  llicard  and  Theobald 
Bourke,  MacTibbot  Bourke's  two  sons,  Teig  and  Owen  O'Malley, 
and  other  leaders,  and  about  60  men.  But  he  was  killed  himself. 
The  names  show  that  this  was  a  company  of  Mayo  men. 

In  August  Teig  O'Kelly  and  Walter  MacCostello,  two  chief  leaders 
of  rebels  under  James  Fitz-Thomas  and  Pierce  Lacy,  were  killed 
by  the  Knight  of  Kerry.  The  Mayo  men  were  evidently  doing  a 
fair  share  of  the  fighting  in  that  country. 

Dermot  O'Conor  retired  to  his  own  country  after  the  failure  of 
his  treacherous  seizure  of  the  Sugan  Earl  of  Desmond  in  order  to 
band  him  over  to  Sir  George  Carew.  In  the  autumn  he  offered 
to  support  the  Earl  of  Desmond  against  the  Sugan  Earl,  and  was 
given  a  letter  of  protection  to  pass  into  Munster.  On  the  22nd 
November  he  reached  Gort  with  a  small  force.  Tibbot  na  Long 
and    his    cousin,    David   MacUlick,   came    up    with    him    with    their 


o'donnell's  domination  and  the  final  peace.     277 

companies,  attacked  him,  and  drove  him  into  a  church,  which  was 
set  on  fire.  Forty  of  his  men  Avere  killed,  and  he  was  captured. 
Kext  morning  Tibbot  hanged  him. 

Tibbot  thought  this  action  worthy  of  reward,  Dermot  being  a 
notorious  traitor  in  command  of  armed  men.  But  Tibbot's  action 
was  believed  to  have  been  due  less  to  his  zeal  for  the  queen's  service 
than  to  a  desire  to  avenge  the  death  of  Tibbot's  cousins,  Lord 
Castleconnell  and  his  brother,  in  whose  death  Dermot  had  been 
concerned.  Lord  Mountjoy  looked  on  it  as  a  murder,  and  suspended 
Tibbot  from  his  employment,  intending  to  dismiss  him.  But  no 
action  was  in  fact  taken.  It  seems  to  have  been  impossible  to  prove 
that  Tibbot  knew  of  Dermot's  arrangement  and  protection,  and  it 
was,  on  the  other  hand,  knowui  to  all  men  that  Dermot  had  'been 
hitherto  an  open  and  active  rebel. 

O'Donnell  had  given  Theobald  the  name  of  MacWilliam,  but  had 
failed  to  invest  him  with  the  power  and  the  profits.  After  four 
years  Theobald's  position  was  worse,  as  the  power  of  the  Sliocht 
Ulick  confined  his  MacWilliamship  to  Tirawley.  The  establishment 
of  Sir  H.  Docwra's  force  in  Tirconnell  altered  O'Donnell's  own 
position.  It  was  no  longer  a  question  whether  he  could  maintain 
his  Connaught  adherents  against  the  queen,  but  whether  he  could 
hold  his  own  country  against  her.  Theobald,  seeing  the  risk  of 
losing  all,  opened  negotiations  to  secure  himself  at  O'Donnell's 
expense. 

Theobald  communicated  a  project  to  a  Captain  A.  Blackcaddell, 
i.e.  Blake,  who  passed  it  on,  for  submission  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  to 
Captain  Thomas  Lee,  of  the  family  of  Ditchley  in  Oxfordshire,  who 
had  become  acquainted  with  Captain  Blake  at  Galway,  which  he 
had  left  not  long  before  Blake  wrote  on  the  26th  June.  He 
designed  to  carry  O'Donnell,  and  O'Rourk,  and  half-a-dozen  of 
the  principal  chieftains  of  O'Donnell's  party  off  into  England, 
alive  or  dead.  Blake  believed  the  offer  to  be  genuine,  but  had 
reasonable  doubt  whether  the  queen  ought  to  part  Avith  her 
£1000. 

The  scheme  in  detail  was  as  follows.  Theobald  was  sure  of  a 
welcome  in  Tirconnell  whenever  he  came  with  300  or  400  men. 
Under  colour  of  having  a  place  of  retreat  and  safety  during  troubles 
in  Connaught,  for  his  goods  and  for  his  wife  to  live  in,  he  would  get 
the  castle  of  Killybegs  into  his  own  hands  by  means  of  moi-tgage, 
by  lending  .£800  or  X900  to  the  owner,  MacSwiney,  whose  wife 
was  his  sister. 

O'Donnell  was  in  the  habit  of  coming  to  Donegal  for  rest  and 
conference  with  a  few  of  his  principal  chiefs,  and  for  communication 
with  those  who  came  in  French  and  Spanish  ships.     Theobald  being 


278       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

one  of  these  would  watch  his  opportunity,  and  had  no  doubt  of  his 
ability  to  seize  O'Donnell  and  the  others  and  take  them,  alive  or 
dead,  to  Killybegs,  only  twelve  miles  away,  where  they  could  be 
held  against  the  whole  country,  until  one  of  the  queen's  ships,  which 
should  be  off  the  coast,  could  come  in  and  take  them  off. 

His  demands  were  that  he  should  be  restored  in  blood,  and  should 
be  made  Earl  of  Mayo;  to  have  150  foot  and  50  horse  in  pay;  to 
have  c£1000  immediately. 

This  project  was  submitted  to  Sir  R.  Cecil,  who  was  reminded  of  it 
by  Captain  Lee  on  the  7th  September.  Some  further  communications 
must  have  been  made,  as  at  the  final  decision  MacWilliam's  demands 
were: — 1,  The  Earldom  of  Mayo;  2,  to  be  her  Majesty's  lieutenant 
of  the  county  ;  3,  to  have  150  horse  and  50  foot ;  4,  to  receive  at  once 
■£1000  ;  5,  O'Rourk  to  be  made  lord  of  his  country  and  her  Majesty's 
lieutenant  for  it,  with  100  horse;  6,  Captain  T.  Lee  to  be  governor 
of  Connaught. 

The  queen  agreed  to  these  demands,  except  that  the  jfilOOO  would 
be  paid  after  performance,  and  that  she  would  not  make  Captain  Lee 
governor  of  Connaught,  though  she  might  appoint  him  elsewhere,  but 
would  not  be  bound. ^  The  decision  was  not  made  until  the  24th 
December.  The  refusal  to  advance  the  XI 000  made  it  impossible  for 
Theobald  to  carry  out  the  project.  If  he  had  got  the  £1000,  it  is  not 
certain  that  enough  would  have  been  left  in  his  hands  by  the  time  his 
negotiations  with  MacSwiney  were  over  to  satisfy  MacSwiney,  and 
it  is  certain  that  if  he  had  failed  to  arrange  with  MacSwiney  the 
queen  would  not  have  got  her  money  back.  Even  after  the  essential 
preliminary  was  arranged,  the  enterprise  would  have  been  full 
of  risk. 

In  the  beginning  of  1601  the  two  Theobalds  quarrelled  again  for 
unknown  reasons.  On  the  2nd  March  Tibbot  na  Long  made  a  sudden 
attack  on  MacWilliam,  who  lost  many  men  and  most  of  his  arms, 
but  escaped  to  Ulster.  The  scene  of  attack  is  not  named,  but  was 
most  likely  somewhere  in  South  Mayo,  as  this  success  was  followed 
next  day  by  an  assembly  of  the  Sliocht  Ulick,  in  which  Richard 
Bourke,  the  Devil's  Hook's  son,  was  proclaimed  MacWilliam. 

O'Donnell  could  not  help  his  MacWilliam  until  after  Michaelmas, 
when  he  sent  him  back  to  Mayo  with  soldiers.  The  rivals  met 
in  battle,  when  Richard  was  killed.  Thus  tlie  old  condition  was 
restored. 

H.M.S.  Tremontana  cruised  for   two  months  up   to  the  middle  of 

July  off  Donegal   Bay  to  intercept  ships  from  Spain  with  supplie.s  for 

the  rebels.     It  seems  to  have  been   their   custom  to   make  first  for 

Broadhaven  Bay  in  Erris.     In  this  time  she  had  met  only  one  galley 

1  S.r.I.E.,  CCVll.  part  vi.  Nos.  98,  100,  101. 


o'donnell's  domination  and  the  final  peace.      279 

of  38  oars  with  100  shot  on  board,  which  she  forced  to  run  on  the 
rocks  between  Teelin  and  Killybegs.  They  fired  on  a  boat,  but  the 
Tremontana  came  up  and  ended  the  affray  with  her  guns.  It  was 
reported  that  this  and  another  galley  manned  by  O'Flahertys  had 
been  fitted  out  to  plunder  the  MacSwineys.  Captain  Plessington 
of  the  Tremontana  writes  that  she  belonged  to  Grace  O'Malley,  whose 
base  son  was  her  captain.  That  she  belonged  to  Grace  is  not  unlikely, 
but  that  her  captain  was  Grace's  base  son  is  untrue.  He  was  pro- 
bably one  of  her  sons,  or  an  O'Malley,  and  the  error  must  have 
arisen  in  the  interpretation  of  information  given  in  Irish.  MacSwiney 
Banagh  was  MacWilliam's  brother-in-law.  These  must  have  been 
on  their  way  to  plunder  MacSwiney  ne  Doe,  who  was  on  the  English 
side  at  this  time. 

There  was  no  more  fighting  in  Mayo.  MacWilliam  went  with 
O'Donnell  to  the  relief  of  Kinsale,  and  went  with  him  to  Spain  after 
the  battle  of  Kinsale.  The  name  of  MacWilliam  disappeared  for 
evei'.  This  great  title  seems  to  have  come  into  use  to  denote  the 
head  of  the  line  of  William  Og  in  Connaught  in  the  beginning  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  and  may  be  said  to  have  lasted  for  exactly  three 
hundred  years,  if  we  count  the  nominal  chiefs  after  Sir  Richard 
Bourke.  The  Gaelic  tribal  organisation  disappeared  with  that  great 
name  for  ever. 

Sir  Oliver  Lambert  had  but  to  restore  government  in  a  country 
where  resistance  was  impossible,  where,  so  far  as  we  have  material 
for  judgment,  almost  none  were  left  who  wished  to  resist  since  the 
Sliocht  Ulick  Bourke,  the  intractable  element  in  Mayo,  came  over  to 
the  queen's  side.  Warfare  and  hope  of  unsettlement  by  war  were 
over.  Organisation  and  administration  on  the  new  basis  proceeded 
in  peace. 


CHAPTEE   XXX. 

THE    BARONY    OF    KILMAINE. 

In  the  earliest  legendary  period  this  country  was  within  the  kingdom 
of  Irrusdomnonn,  and  was  inhabited  by  a  Clann  Umoir  tribe  called 
Tuath  Resent  Umoir.  The  Partraighe  in  the  western  part  and  in 
Ross  wei'e  of  that  race. 

Afterwards  the  great  tribes  called  Conmaicne  and  Ciarraighe  and 
Corcamogha  grew  up,  whom  I  take  to  be  descendants  of  a  Fergus  of 
the  Fir  Craibe  race,  who  has  been  confused  with  Fergus  MacRoigh  of 
Ulster.  They  settled  over  the  old  tribes  as  the  Ui  Briuin  and 
Silmurray  settled  on  other  tribes,  and  were  the  mainstay  of  the  Ui 
Briuin  kings  of  Connaught,  being  in  fact  the  royal  tribes,  as  the 
Silmurray  were  in  later  times. 

Their  settlement  was  at  the  expense  of  the  kingdom  of  Irrusdom- 
nonn, and  marks  the  decay  of  the  Gamanraighe  power  before  that  of 
Fir  Craibe  and  of  the  Tuatha  Taidhen,  as  shown  in  the  list  of  kings  of 
Connaught.  The  Ui  Briuin  having  gained  ascendency  in  Connaught 
were  able  to  settle  themselves  upon  weaker  neighbours  in  Roscommon, 
and  Mayo,  and  Galway. 

The  following  genealogy  from  the  Book  of  Fenagh,  though  it  cannot 
be  taken  as  accurate,  may  be  taken  to  express  the  tribal  relationships 
of  the  Conmaicne  families  of  Mayo  and  Galway  : — 

Cumascrach. 


Findchaem.  Fraech. 


I  III 

Cairid.  Dubhan.  Cas.  Lugna. 


Brugad.  Lugaid.  Cinel  Cinel  Cinel 

i  I  Dubhain.        Cais.  Lugna. 


Enna.         f  Conmaicne  Cuile  Muinter 

I  A  Toladh.  Crechain. 

Cinel  Enna.    v  Conmaicne  Mara. 

Cairid  and  a  daughter  of  Enna,  son  of  Brugad,  are  said  to  have 
been  contemporaries  of  St.  Patrick. 

280 


THE    BARONY    OF    KILMAINE.  281 

The  Conmaicne  of  Cuil  Toladh  occupied  the  baronies  of  Ross  and 
Kilmaine,  except  the  parts  north  of  the  Robe,  and  a  tiact  in  the 
east  of  Kilmaine  occupied  by  the  Muinter  Crechain.  The  other 
clans  seem  to  have  been  under  the  Cinel  Dubhain,  called  also  *'  of 
Dunmore."  The  Cinel  Enna  seem  to  have  been  on  the  southern 
slope  of  Slieve  Dart.^ 

The  chief  of  the  Cuil  Toladh  Clan  bore  the  name  of  O'Talcharain. 
These  tribes  make  little  show  in  the  annals  and  legends. 

The  great  cairns  and  other  monuments  in  the  country  between 
Ballinchalla  and  Cross  show  it  to  have  been  the  seat  of  a  great 
reigning  family  in  prehistoric  times. 

Cuil  Toladh  (Corner  of  Piercing),  seems  to  have  been  applied  to  the 
covintry  of  Cong,  where  the  waters  sink  and  rise  among  the  rocks. 

The  country  about  Kilmaine  is  distinguished  by  important  forts, 
which  mark  it  as  the  residence  of  the  local  chiefs,  if  not  of  prin- 
cipal kings.  Lisnatreanduff  in  Ballymartin  is  a  singular  fort.  It 
has  three  deep  ditches,  whose  sides  were  once  faced  with  stone. 
A  strong  stone  wall  surrounded  the  space  inside  the  inner  ditch. 
Similar  walls  were  on  the  top  of  the  inner  sides  of  the  other  ditches, 
and  a  smaller  wall  was  on  the  outer  edge  of  the  outer  ditch.  Four 
entrances,  dividing  the  defences  into  quadrants,  gave  access  by  ground 
of  the  natural  level.  It  was  probably  the  greatest  fort  in  Mayo  of 
the  earth  and  stone  type,  and  must  have  been  an  impressive  building 
in  its  time. 

Rausakeera  (Rath  Essa  Caerach),  near  Kilmaine,  where  the  Blind 
Abbot  and  Theobald  Bourke  were  inaugurated  MacWilliam,  is  a 
common  earthen  fort  with  a  slight  ditch  and  a  souterrain  inside. 
This  use  suggests  that  it  was  the  inauguration  place  of  former  chief- 
tains, adopted  by  the  Bourkes. 

As  noted  before,  the  whole  cantred  came  into  the  hands  of  Maurice 
FitzGerald.  When  Sir  Maurice  FitzMaurice  died  in  1288,  it  was 
divided  between  his  daughters  Amabill  and  Juliana.  The  Earl  of 
Kildare's  Red  Book  notes  many  deeds  conveying  Amabill's  share  to 
John  FitzThomas,  which  give  a  glimpse  of  territorial  subdivision. 
■  Of  her  share  the  western  part  seems  to  have  been  known  as  Lough 
Mask,  and  the  rest  to  have  been  known  as  Dannocharne,  Athecarta, 
Moyenry,  Kollnegassill,  Molesuarne.  The  first  and  last  I  take  to  be 
meant  for  Domnach  Uarain  and  Maol  Lios  Uarain,  the  divisions  of  a 
large  denomination  known  as  Uaran,  the  Fountain.  Petty's  map 
places  the  former  near  Fountain  Hill  and  Kilmainebeg.  Maol 
Lis  survives  in  Mweelis,  near  Roundfort.  In  modern  dress  these 
five  would  be  Donaghoran  or  Church  Fountain,  Carras,  the  Heath, 
Cloonagashell,  Mweelis-Oran  or  Roundfort  Fountain. ^ 

1  Healy,  "  Life  and  Writings  of  St.  Patrick,"  221.  "  R  S.A.I.,  xxxi.  32, 


282       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

As  John  FitzThomas  gave  the  manors  of  Lough  Mask  and  Dona- 
ghoran  to  the  earl  as  compensation,  it  is  probable  that  the  whole  of 
his  share  was  organised  in  those  two  manors. 

After  this  transfer  it  seems  to  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  Sir 
William  de  Burgo  or  of  his  sons,  as  tenants  under  the  earl.  But  he 
may  have  been  in  possession  already  as  tenant  of  considerable  por- 
tions, inherited  from  his  father,  as  we  find  the  descendants  of  his 
brothers  John  and  Philip  in  possession  of  large  freehold  estates. 

From  Juliana  the  northern  half  passed  to  her  De  Clare  descendants. 
Of  their  connection  with  it  we  know  only  that  Margaret  de  Badeles- 
mere,  as  co-heiress  of  her  brother  Thomas,  killed  in  1318,  held  a 
messuage  and  a  garden  and  half  of  a  weir  in  Ballinrobe,  which  was 
then  a  small  town.  It  is  most  likely  that  the  castle  of  Ballinrobe  and 
most  of  her  lands  were  let  to  Sir  William  or  one  of  his  sons.  At  the 
first  occupation  of  the  country  Maurice  FitzGerald  must  have  given 
the  western  part,  forming  the  bulk  of  the  barony  of  Ross,  to  a  Joy. 
This  is  the  only  family  of  the  original  colonists  which  survived  to  the 
sixteenth  century. 

By  unrecorded  means  the  whole  came  into  possession  of  Mac- 
William.  Much  land  must  have  been  held  by  small  freeholders 
and  on  burgage  tenure,  but  all  disappeared  with  the  English  law  save 
the  great  freeholders  of  Clan  Jonyn,  Clan  Meyler,  and  Sleight  vie 
Tibbot.  The  remainder,  exclusive  of  the  ecclesiastical  lands  and  those 
reserved  as  demesnes  of  the  castles  belonging  to  the  title  of  Mac- 
William,  were  assigned  in  freehold  to  branches  of  MacWilliam's 
family  or  to  MacDonnells  in  payment  for  military  service,  all  subject 
to  MacWilliam's  customary  exactions  or  rights  of  service. 

The  great  partition  began  at  the  death  of  Sir  Thomas  Bourke, 
when  his  sons  were  provided  with  hereditary  estates,  as  is  shown  in 
the  notes  on  the  Historia  et  GeneaJogia  Familiae  de  Burgo. 

When  baronies  were  formed  it  was  intended  that  Kilmaine  should 
consist  of  the  lands  of  Mac  William,  Sleight  Walter,  Clan  Jonyn,  Clan 
Meyler,  and  Sleight  vie  Tibbot.  Muinter  Crechain  was  thrown  into 
Carra  becaxise  the  Bourkes  of  Bellanaloob  were  chieftains  over  it.  The 
list  of  townlands  of  Muinter  Crechain  shows  the  position  of  their 
territory,  but  not  the  original  extent  of  land  held  by  that  tribe,  which 
may  have  been  more.  The  whole  Bellanaloob  estate  bore  the  name. 
Later  it  was  found  more  convenient  to  bring  the  estate  into  Kilmaine 
because  the  Muinter  Crechain  part  was  not  conveniently  situated  to 
form  a  part  of  Carra.  The  whole  estate  was  put  at  32  quarters  in  the 
composition,  but  it  was  much  larger,  being  nineteen  towns  according 
to  the  Hist,  et  Gen.  This  agrees  with  inquisitions  of  4th  April  1609 
and  11th  January  1610,  which  recite  that  David  Bourke  of  Bellana- 
loob had  a  head  rent  of  3s.  4d.  from  each  quarter  of  the  80  quarters 


THE    BARONY    OF    KILMAINE.  283 

of  Muinter  Crechain.  This  must  have  come  to  him  by  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  head  rents  granted  in  the  composition  to  MacWilliam. 

Thus  the  part  lying  north  of  the  Robe  came  into  the  barony. 
According  to  D.  MacFirbis,  in  his  Great  Book  of  Genealogies,  the 
estates  of  Sir  Thomas  Boui-ke  were  divided  between  five  sons,  who 
were  thus  settled  :  Walter  in  Conmaicne  Chuile,  Edmond  na  Fesoige 
in  Clann  Chuain,  Richard  of  Turlach  in  TuathTruim,  John  in  Muinter 
Chreachain,  and  Thomas  Og  in  Pobal  Ghearr. 

The  descendants  of  Walter  and  Edmond  and  Richard  are  found  in 
those  lands.  John  is  probably  the  son  who  died  of  the  plague  in 
1384.  The  important  family  of  Bellanaloob,  who  cannot  be  connected 
with  the  Bourkes  of  Cavra  and  Kilmaine,  may  be  assumed  to  have 
been  John's  descendants. 

Thomas  Og  is  called  also  Thomas  of  Moyne.  The  Pobal  Ghearr  must 
be  the  same  as  Eraght  Thomas.  Lord  Clanricard's  claim  in  1566  and 
1571,  and  an  inquisition  of  4th  April  1609,  show  that  Moyne  was 
part  of  Eraght  Thomas.  It  must  be  included  within  one  of  the 
Ballys  in  Hist,  et  Gen.  It  is  recited  that  Eraght  Thomas  consisted 
of  eighteen  towns  divided  between  five  brothers,  of  whom  two  conveyed 
their  shares  to  the  first  Earl  of  Clanricard,  who  entered  into  the 
castle  of  Moyne  and  all  the  territory  except  a  mill  and  four  acres  at 
Moyne.  In  the  end  the  earl  got  Moyne  and  four  quarters  and  two 
quarters  in  Ballymartin. 

The  dispute  of  1566  was  with  MacWilliam,  that  of  1571  was  with 
Walter  FitzJohn  Bourke,  a  man  of  considerable  importance  whom  I 
cannot  connect  with  the  Sliocht  Walter,  and  whom  I  suspect  in  the 
circumstances  to  have  claimed  as  one  of  the  hereditary  owners  of 
Eraght  Thomas.  The  family  of  Thomas  Og  seems  to  have  been 
extinct  by  the  end  of  the  century.  Their  extinction  would  result  in 
the  division  of  the  inheritance,  or  of  as  much  as  was  left,  between 
the  descendants  of  Walter,  whose  descendants  we  find  to  have  become 
owners  of  parts  of  this  territory. 

The  rest  of  the  barony  of  Kilmaine,  exclusive  of  the  ecclesiastical 
lands,  was  held  in  demesne  by  MacWilliam  and  by  the  great  clans 
mentioned.  At  the  close  of  the  century  only  two  or  three  Gaelic 
families,  besides  the  newly  imported  MacDonnells,  were  owners  of 
freehold  land,  and  they  held  very  little. 

Bellanaloob  and  the  part  of  the  estate  lying  north  of  the  river 
Rodte  were  no  part  of  Muinter  Crechain,  though  that  name  came  to 
cover  the  whole  estate.  Sliocht  Walter  likewise  held  a  part  of 
ancient  Carra. 

These  three  estates  were  minor  chiefries  carved  out  of  the  cantred 
of  Conmaicnecuile  and  part  of  Carra,  and  each  probably  originally 
included  a  quantity  of  freeholders'  lands  which  paid  only  fixed  rents. 


284      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

The  arrangements  must  have  been  much  modified  in  this  respect  in 
course  of  time  since  the  first  assignment,  which  should  have  been 
made  by  Sir  Thomas  or  after  his  death. 

The  Sliocht  Walter  estate  was  further  subdivided.  William  of 
Shrule,  head  of  the  sept  in  1585,  had  80  quarters  with  his  free- 
holders. Edmond  of  Cong  and  his  freeholders  had  48  quarters.  The 
Bourkes  of  Cloonagashel,  grandsons  of  Richard  III.,  had  a  large 
estate,  the  extent  not  exactly  stated.  These  latter  estates  seem  to 
have  been  minor  chiefries.  Other  Bourkes  had  minor  estates,  such 
as  those  of  Monycrower.  It  is  impossible  to  make  out  any  system 
of  assignment  of  hereditary  estates  of  any  particular  amount  to  junior 
branches  of  these  clans.  So  far  as  the  evidence  goes,  we  may  say  that 
a  certain  amount  in  Kilmaine  was  allotted  for  maintenance  of  the 
dignity  of  MacWilliam,  namely,  the  castles  of  Ballinrobe,  Lough 
Mask,  and  Kinlough,  with  their  demesne  lands.  The  re3t  was  divided, 
and  each  sept  in  turn  subdivided  its  inheritance.  MacWilliam  had 
rights  as  chieftain  over  all.  The  only  thing  that  comes  out  clearly  is 
that  there  was  no  system  of  redistribution  at  intervals,  as  has  some- 
times been  alleged.  These  remarks  apply  equally  to  all  the  families 
of  colonists.  But  our  evidence  is  slight,  and  the  later  tenures  were 
no  doubt  considerably  affected  by  the  earlier  English  tenures. 

The  MacSeonins  were  the  next  family  of  importance.  They  owned 
a  considerable  estate  lying  mainly  from  Kilmaine  eastwards,  but  as 
we  have  not  records  of  their  tenures  until  the  seventeenth  century 
inquisitions,  when  many  changes  had  taken  place,  their  original 
estates  cannot  be  exactly  defined.  They  were  a  very  large  family, 
and  occupied  many  castles  and  lands  as  tenants  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Tuam  and  of  the  Bourkes.     This  name  is  now  rendered  Jennings. 

MacTibbot  of  the  Crich  was  the  head  of  the  family  called  the 
Sliocht  Mhic  Teboid  na  Criche.  His  castle  of  the  Crich  was  in  the 
townland  of  the  Creevagh  in  the  parish  of  Kilmolara.  The  sept 
owned  lands  thereabouts,  and  Rahard,  and  Cuslough,  and  near  Annies 
on  the  shore  of  Loch  Carra.  "  Every  MacWilliam  has  a  penny  and 
thirteen  ounces  in  the  country  of  MacTibbot's  sept  in  Cos  Locha." 
To  the  family  of  MacTibbot  may  be  attributed  the  thirteenth  or 
fourteenth  century  manor  house  called  the  castle  of  Cuslough,  and 
formerly  the  castle  of  Ballyneglonty,  Town  of  the  Cloons — i.e.  Cloon- 
liffen,  Cloonenagh,  and  other  cloons  near  it. 

The  family  did  not  increase.  There  were  but  few  members  of  it 
in  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  MacMeylers  of  the  Neale  held  an  estate  about  the  Keale, 
adjoining  that  of  the  MacTibbots.  MacMeyler  was  a  juror  of  one 
of  the  inquisitions  taken  for  the  prepaiation  of  the  indenture  of 
composition.     They  did  not  increase ;  were  a  small  family  like  the 


THE    BARONY    OF    KILMAINE.  285 

MacTibbots.  The  greater  part  of  their  estate  was  sold  by  them  to 
Mr.  John  Browne,  but  some  of  them  retained  their  shares  in  the 
castle  and  lands  of  the  Neale  into  the  seventeenth  centui'y. 

The  Clandonnell  Gallowglass  spread  all  over  Mayo,  found  in  every 
barony  except  Ross,  and  Murrisk,  and  Erris.  In  many  cases  they 
were  ordinary  tenants  under  the  Bourkes  and  other  lords,  but  they 
held  much  land  as  bonaught,  fees  for  military  service,  which  they 
held  of  the  Crown  after  Sir  Henry  Sidney's  arrangement  with  Sir 
John  Bourke  in  1586.  In  this  barony  they  were  settled  in  the  castles 
and  lands  of  Aghalahard,  Ballykine,  Mocorha,  Moylla  or  HoUymount, 
Togher,  and  Liskillen. 

Their  appearance  in  Ireland  was  a  consequence  of  the  settlement 
in  Antrim  of  John  Mor  MacDonnell,  son  of  John  of  Islay,  upon  his 
marriage  with  Margery  Bisset,  heiress  of  the  Glens,  about  1399. 
The  wars  of  the  Kings  of  Scotland  with  the  Clandonnells  caused 
much  dispersal,  to  which  we  may  ascribe  the  appearance  of  so  many 
MacDonnells  in  Ireland  about  that  time  as  constables  of  Gallow- 
glasses. 

Sir  Henry  Sidney  mentions  seven  lineages,  or  families,  as  coming 
from  Mayo.  Their  relationships  cannot  be  made  out,  but  they  held 
together  very  much  as  a  clan,  having  a  "  MacDonnell "  as  chief, 
whereby  they  had  great  influence  in  the  country.  At  the  close  of 
the  sixteenth  century  they  were  only  country  gentlemen,  no  longer 
the  leaders  of  drilled  mercenary  soldiers. 

Their  principal  settlements  were  in  Kilmaine,  Carra,  Burrishoole, 
and  Tirawley,  under  the  Bourkes,  those  in  Clanmorris,  Costello,  and 
Gallen  being  insignificant. 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

THE    BAROXY    OF    CARRA. 

Carra  was  a  well-defined  territory  from  early  times,  occupied  by  old 
Domnonian  clans.  After  the  fourth  century  Hy  Fiachrach  clans 
settled  over  them,  leaving  in  view  only  a  few  families  of  the  Partry 
in  Odhbha  if,  as  is  probable,  their  descent  from  Fiachra  is  fictitious. 
Odhbha  included  the  parishes  of  Ballintubber  and  Ballyheane,  in  yet 
earlier  times  when  the  Partry  had  their  own  king. 

MacFirbis's  tract  on  the  Hy  Fiachrach  gives  a  detailed  account  of 
the  families  settled  in  Carra  and  Tirawley  and  Erris,  defining  the 
seat  of  many  families  with  great  accuracy  as  they  were  about  the 
thirteenth  century.  The  chieftains  of  Carra  were  of  the  families  of 
O'Tierney,  O'Mvirray,  MacNeill,  O'Gormghail,  and  used  the  title  of 
kint^.  The  Clann  Cuain,  known  also  as  Fir  Thire  and  Fir  Siuire, 
Men  of  Siuir,  the  river  which  flows  by  Castlebar,  had  as  chieftain 
O'Cuinn.  Their  territory  comprised  the  parishes  of  Clancowane,  now 
called  Aglish,  Islandeady,  Turlough,  Breaghwy,  and  Kildacommoge, 
and  seems  to  have  been  the  same  as  that  of  the  earlier  Corcu  Themne. 
Clann  Cuain  transferred  its  allegiance  to  MacDermot  in  the  twelfth 
century,  under  the  circumstances  stated  in  Chapter  V. 

By  the  thirteenth  century  the  tribal  distinction  between  Odhbha 
and  Carra  was  lost.  The  whole  was  divided  between  Carra  and 
Clancowane.  The  Hy  Fiachrach  clans  were  so  feeble  that  Torlogh 
Moi-'s  descendants  were  being  settled  over  them,  as  they  had  settled 
over  the  Domnonians  600  years  before.  None  survived  as  freeholders 
to  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century.  We  know  only  the  names  and 
positions  of  these  tribes. 

Fert  Lothair,  Aenach,  and  Loch  Buadhaigh  are  named  as  the  three 
royal  forts  of  Carra.  Fert  Lothair  is  mentioned  as  occupied  by 
Ailill  Inbandha  when  St.  Cormac  visited  him.  There  is  no  indica- 
tion of  its  position  or  of  that  of  Loch  Buadhaigh.  Aenach  was  in 
O'Gormgialla's  lordship  to  the  south  of  Toberloona.  The  great  fort 
in  the  field  to  the  north  of  Liskillen  farmyard  is  likely  to  be  the 
place.  It  was  a  fort  of  the  first  rank,  having  a  diameter  of  104  feet 
within  the  wall  inside  the  inner  ditch,  a  wall  on  the  rampart  between 
the  inner  and  outer  ditches,  and  a  wall  on   the  outer   edge   of   the 

286 


THE  BARONY  OF  CARRA.  287 

outer  ditch  ;  and  all  the  faces  of  these  ditches  were  revetted  with 
stones. 

When  the  0' Conors,  who  seem  to  have  held  all  Carra  as  principal 
chiefs,  were  ejected  by  Richard  de  Burgo  in  1236,  Carra  was  let  out 
in  two  great  fees,  called  Carra  and  Clancowane. 

Adam  Staunton,  a  great  baron  of  Kildare,  or  his  son  Philip,  got 
Carra,  wherein  he  built  Castlecarra  immediately,  one  of  the  earliest 
Norman  castles  in  Mayo,  but  the  present  building  in  ruins  may  be 
of  later  date.  The  wall  across  the  isthmus  may  well  be  original. 
He  founded  also  a  small  town,  whereof  only  the  name  survives  in 
Burriscarra. 

Adam  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Philip,  and  he  by  his  son  Adam, 
who  died  in  1299.  His  estates  were  divided  between  five  daughters. 
Carra,  having  been  assigned  first  to  Nesta  and  another,  became  the 
share  of  Nesta.  When  her  father  died  she  was  married  to  Simon  de 
Flatisbury,  but  by  1316  was  wife  of  Fromund  Le  Brun.  By  1325 
Fromund  and  Nesta  had  transferred  the  manor  of  Carra  to  John, 
Earl  of  Louth.  I  find  no  indication  of  the  further  devolution  of  the 
estate. 

The  original  grantee  gave  a  large  fee  to  one  of  his  relations,  from 
whom  came  the  Stauntons  of  Carra,  known  as  Mac  an  Mhilidh  in 
Irish,  now  MacEvilly.  MacEvilly  owned  the  castle  of  Kinturk,  which 
was  most  likely  the  original  fee,  and  the  castle  of  Manulla  until  1592, 
and  Kilvonell,  now  called  Castlebourke,  and  Castlecarra.  Castlecarra 
was  the  manor  house,  and  head  of  the  fee.  Its  devolution  is  un- 
certain, but  it  was  in  MacEvilly's  hands  vuitil  it  was  sold  to  Lord 
Trimleston  in  Sir  N.  Malbie's  time,  and  by  him  to  Captain  W.  Bowen 
in  1586. 

We  have  no  genealogy  of  this  family.  It  was  said  to  dei'ive  from 
a  Bernard  Staunton.  A  Bernard  was  extant  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, who  had  a  son  Philip.  A  Sir  Bernard  of  Connaught  was  alive 
in  1333. 

A  branch  of  the  Stauntons  took  the  name  of  MacUlkin  or  MacHul- 
kin.      Some  owned  Ballybanan  and  other  townlands  in  that  district. 

A  family  of  Branaghs  or  Walshes  of  Rosslahan,  near  Welshpool, 
are  the  only  other  early  colonists  who  survived  as  freeholders  to  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

In  1306  a  family  named  Savage  held  some  lands.  In  1316 
Fromund  le  Brun  and  Nesta  claimed  from  William,  son  of  William 
de  Burgo,  suit  and  service  in  their  court  of  Carra  in  respect  of  his 
freehold  in  Sauvage's  castle,  and  four  vills  of  land  therein.  This 
castle  is  not  identified,  but  is  likely  to  be  Castle  Lucas.  The  name 
of  Le  Sauvage  survived  in  the  denomination  of  the  eight  quarters 
of  land  called   Levally   ne   Tavese   in   the   composition,   but   in   the 


288       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

preliminary  inquisition,  Levally  in  Tavase,  Halftown  of  le  Sauvage. 
This  is  some  evidence  that  Sir  William  had  got  a  footing  in  Carra. 

From  Hir  William's  brother  Philip,  and  Philip's  son  John,  came 
the  MacPhilpins  who  are  found  at  Bellabourke  and  near  Castlebar. 

The  Clancowane  division  called  Clancowane  and  Fertyr  was  given 
to  a  Barry,  whose  name  survives  in  Castlebarry.  This  family  gave 
the  rectories  of  Turlough,  Breaghvvy,  and  Kildacommoge  to  the 
family  abbey  of  Kilnamullagh  near  Buttevant.  By  1333  the  fee  had 
passed  to  the  heir  of  Peter  de  Cogan. 

The  further  devolution  of  these  two  fees  does  not  appear,  but  by 
some  means  they  came  into  the  hands  of  MacWilliam  Bourke.  We 
may  accept  MacFirbis's  statement  that  Castlebar  fell  to  Edmond  na 
Fesoige,  with  so  much  of  Carra  as  was  not  assigned  to  the  families 
of  his  Ijrothers,  Walter  and  Richard  and  John.  His  descendants 
increased  i-apidly. 

His  sons,  Richard  and  Ulick,  succeeding  to  the  MacWilliamship, 
founded  the  two  great  families  called  Sliocht  Ricaird  and  Sliocht 
Ulick.  Castlebar  remained  in  possession  of  the  senior  line,  but 
Richard's  son  John  founded  the  more  numerous  and  powerful  branch 
in  Tirawley. 

Ulick  was  ancestor  of  Sliocht  Ulick,  which  spread  over  Carra  and 
into  Burrishoole  and  Erris,  having  Ballynacarra  as  the  chief  castle. 

The  MacDonnells  of  this  barony  owned  the  castles  of  Clooneen 
and  Touaghty.     Others  lived  at  Manulla  and  at  Keelogues. 

The  castle  and  lands  of  Donamona  belonged  to  a  family  of  O'Kellys, 
whose  ancestor  is  said  to  have  settled  there  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
as  mentioned  on  p.  156. 

At  the  composition  the  barony  is  divided  into  nine  cowrynes  or 
divisions,  exclusive'  of  church  lauds,  of  nearly  equal  value,  21  and  22 
qrs.,  except  Kinturk  and  Slewoney  of  25  and  24  qrs.,  and  two  half 
cowrynes,  and  four  still  smaller  denominations  amounting  to  22  qrs. 
They  seem  to  have  been  laid  out  for  some  purpose  of  administration 
or  survey,  as  they  cannot,  according  to  present  information,  be  made 
to  fit  into  a  scheme  of  assignment  of  inheritance. 

The  Earl  of  Ulster's  rent  of  ^16,  13s.  4d.  on  the  two  Carra  fees, 
the  twenty-four  bailies  of  MacWilliam's  mensal  lands  in  the  Hist, 
et  Gen.,  and  MacWilliam's  composition  rent  charge  of  £17,  6s.  8d.  on 
twenty-four  towns  coincide  so  closely  as  to  suggest  that  the  latter 
are  based  on  the  original  tenures  acquired  by  MacWilliam,  that 
these  rents  were  assigned  to  the  MacWilliamship,  and  the  beneficial 
occupation  to  Edmond  na  Fesoige's  family. 

Edmund  Bourke  of  Castlebar  had  an  annual  rent  of  <£21,  6s.  8d. 
out  of  Clancowan,  which  would  be  in  part  his  share  of  the  profits  of 
the  MacWilliamship. 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

THE    BAROXY    OF    TIRAWLEY. 

Whex  this  country  comes  into  history  the  family  of  Fiachra  Folts- 
nathacli  is  settling  over  the  early  Domnonian  tribes,  of  whose  names 
only  that  of  the  Calry  of  Moyheleog  has  survived.  The  descendants 
of  Fiachra's  son  Amalgaid,  who  gave  it  his  name,  spread  over  all 
this  barony  and  Erris,  except  the  parishes  of  Killala  and  Ballysakeery, 
occupied  by  the  Hy  Eachach  of  the  Moy,  descended  from  Eochaidh 
Breac,  son  of  Dathi. 

Amalgaid,  son  of  Fiachra  Elgach,  is  said  to  have  built  Carnawley 
on  Mullaghcarn  near  Killala,  as  a  place  for  assemblies  and  fairs,  and 
to  have  been  buried  there.  Seventy  years  ago  O'Donovan  found  that 
the  earn  on  top  of  the  hill  had  been  nearly  all  removed,  but  not  far 
from  it,  on  the  same  hill,  he  found  a  monument  "  like  an  earthen 
fort  with  round  stones  of  great  size  placed  in  a  circle  on  its  border. 
The  internal  diameter  of  this  circle  is  about  seventy-eight  feet,  and 
its  external  diameter  is  two  hundred  and  forty  feet."  ^  The  arrange- 
ment of  the  boulders  marks  it  as  a  sepulchral  or  ceremonial  rath,  and 
it  is  perhaps  the  actual  burying-place  of  this  Fiachra,  the  earn,  like 
Carnfree,  being  the  place  of  inauguration.  Oarnfree  is  likewise  near 
a  sepulchral  mound  called  Duma  Selca. 

Carn  Amalgaid  became  one  of  the  inauguration  places  of  the  King 
of  Hy  Fiachrach.  It  is  recorded  that  if  O'Dowda  should  be  in 
Tirawley  he  may  be  inaugurated  on  Carn  Amalgaid ;  if  he  should  be 
at  Carn  Ingine  Bhriain  he  may  be  inaugurated  there  ;  in  either  case  he 
need  not  cross  over  (the  Moy).  Carn  Ingine  Bhriain  has  not  been 
identified.  Carn  Amalgaid  seems  to  have  eventually  superseded  it, 
or  possibly  it  was  adopted  after  the  conquest  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, when  O'Dowda  was  confined  to  the  barony  of  Tireragh. 

MacFirbis's  tract  on  the  Hy  Fiachrach  gives  the  names  and  situations 

of  the  families  living  in  Tirawley  and  Erris  who  descended  from  King 

Amalgaid,  son  of  Fiachra.       Seven   of  his   sons  left  descendants  in 

Tirawley  and  Ei-ris  : — 

Enda  Crom    1   .     ,^     ,    ,  ^ 

^  TTi-       r  in  Moyheleog,  Crossmolina. 

Uengus  I<innJ  •'  °' 

Conall  in  Moyheleog. 

1  H.F.,  p.  443. 

289  „, 


290      THE    EARLY    HISTORY-  OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Oengus  in  the  Lagan,  Kilbride,  Doonfeeny,  Ilathreagb. 

Eochaidh  in  Killardutf. 

Fergus  in  Caille  Conaill,  Bac,  Glen  Nepliin,  Bredach. 

Fedelmid  in  Erris. 

The  part  of  the  county  of  Sligo  lying  south  of  the  Bunree  river, 
which  was  originally  in  this  county,  was  occupied  by  O'Moran  of 
Ardnarea  as  sub-chief  under  O'Caomain,  whose  lordship  included  all 
Coolcarney  from  Toomore,  and  Tireragh  to  the  river  Leaffony, 

None  of  Amalgaid,  son  of  Fiachra's  descendants  attained  to  the 
chieftainship  of  the  Hy  Fiachi-ach.  We  do  not  find  that  they  had  a 
common  chieftain,  probably  because  the  king  of  the  whole  tribe  had 
three  forts  in  the  barony,  whereby  his  influence  was  felt  constantly. 

O'Lachtna,  lord  of  Bac  and  Glen  Nephin,  was  the  greatest  chieftain 
next  after  the  king,  and  perhaps  had  been  in  some  measure  a  general 
chief  of  the  Hy  Awley.  His  lordship  comprised  the  parishes  of 
Kilmoremoy  west  of  the  Moy,  Ballynahaglish,  Kilbelfad,  Ardagh, 
Addergoole,  and  a  small  part  of  Ballysakeery,  and  perhaps  a  part  of 
Moygawnagh,  where  some  descendants  of  Fergus  lived.  The  Abbey 
of  Errew  appears  to  have  been  the  ecclesiastical  head  of  his  lordship, 
and  to  have  owed  its  greatness  to  the  connection  with  his  tribe,  and 
that  of  Killala  to  have  owed  its  superior  importance,  whereby  it 
became  the  seat  of  the  bishopric,  to  its  connection  with  O'Dowda. 

The  MacFirbises  were  of  the  race  of  O'Lachtna.  They  lived  first 
in  Maghbroin,  supposed  to  lie  about  Killybrone  near  Castlegore,  and 
afterwards  at  Rosserk,  and,  after  the  O'Dowdas  were  turned  out  of 
Tirawley,  at  Lackan  MacFirbis  in  Tireragh,  where  they  built  a  castle. 
The  MacFirbises  were  the  chief  ollavs  and  poets  of  O'Dowda.  To 
them  we  are  indebted  for  the  great  volume  known  as  the  Yellow 
Book  of  Lecan,  for  books  of  genealogies,  and  for  the  detailed  accounts 
of  the  Hy  Fiachrach  from  which  this  statement  is  drawn,  and  nearly 
all  that  we  know  of  the  early  history  of  this  barony  and  of  Carra. 

O'Murray,  chief  of  the  Laggan,  seems  to  have  been  next  in 
importance. 

The  king  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach  had  his  own  forts  at  Inishcoe  and 
Annagh  on  L.  Con,  and  at  Rathfran. 

At  the  Conquest  Tirawley  was  considered  to  be  two  cantreds,  one 
called  Tirawley,  the  other  called  Bac  and  Glen.  Tirawley  was  let  to 
Nicholas  Petit,  who  enfeoffed  Adam  Cusack  of  the  whole  or  part,  but 
the  Petit  tenure  and  the  chief  Cusack  tenure  had  come  into  the 
Earl's  hands  by  13.33.  The  Petit  tenure  accounts  for  the  grant  of 
the  rectories  of  Rathfran  and  Kilmoremoy  and  others  to  the  Priory 
of  Mullingar,  which  was  in  the  Petit  country. 

The  transactions  mentioned  hereafter  show  that  Bac  and  Glen  had 
been  let  to  a  lord  whose  tenure  had  disappeared,  so  that  Barrett  and 


THE    BARONY    OF    TIRAWLEY.  291 

others  held  directly  from  the  Earl  in  1333.  This  chief  lord  was  pi-o- 
bably  Richard  Carew. 

The  Barretts  were  the  principal  colonists,  and  next  after  them  the 
Cusacks. 

The  Barretts  came  from  Munster,  where  they  have  left  their  name 
to  the  barony  of  Barretts  in  Cork.  I  give  MacFirbis's  Genealogy  of 
the  Barretts  of  Tirawley  ;  it  is  certainly  wrong  in  the  early  part, 
but  may  be  right  at  or  soon  after  Wattin,  He  says  that  William 
Finn  may  be  the  same  as  William  Mor  na  Maigne,  who  is  also  called 
William  Breathnach,  and  that  the  Welsh  White  Knight  was  William 
Finn's  brother,  showing  that  he  had  no  authentic  account  of  the 
family  at  that  period.  We  cannot  rely  on  the  Irish  genealogies 
alone  for  Anglo-Norman  families  until  the  fourteenth  century,  when 
they  become  accurate  regarding  important  families. 

The  English  records  enable  us  to  identify  William  Mor  na  Maigne 
as  the  man  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Kilroe.  Na  Maighne  may 
mean  "  of  the  Wound,"  and  this  is  the  probable  meaning.  At  his 
death  he  was  tenant  of  the  cantred  of  Bac  and  Glen  and  of  at  least 
part  of  Bredagh. 

The  first  mention  of  a  Barrett  in  Connaught  is  in  1253,  when  Adam 
Petit  recovered  eleven  vills  in  Bredagh  from  William  Barrett,  who 
had  "called  Richard  Carew  to  warranty.^  Meddling  with  Bredagh 
perhaps  cost  him  his  life.  The  story  is  of  interest  as  an  illustration 
of  the  complexity  of  titles,  conflict  of  obsolete  and  extant  titles,  and 
the  consequent  opportunities  for  a  quarrel. 

In  the  year  1300  the  Prior  of  Mullingar  sued  Elias  of  Dundonnell 
for  the  advowson  of  the  church  of  Bredagh.  Elias  called  the  Earl  of 
Ulster  to  warranty,  and  pleaded  that  Walter  de  Burgo  gave  to  Elias's 
father,  by  a  charter  which  he  filed,  ten  vills  in  Bredagh  to  which  the 
advowson  belonged.  The  Earl  pleaded  that  his  great-grandfather, 
William  de  Burgo,  being  seised  of  the  whole  Theodum  of  Bredagh 
enfeoffed  therein  Nicholas  le  Petyt,  who  enfeoffed  the  Prior  of  the 
advowson,  and  afterwards  enfeoffed  Adam  Cusack,  senior,  of  the  land. 
Thus  the  advowson  was  separated  from  the  land.  Afterwards  William 
Barrett  entered  on  the  land,  ejecting  Adam,  who  gave  ten  vills  to 
Richard  de  Burgo  for  maintaining  him  in  the  remainder.  Walter  de 
Burgo  gave  seven  of  the  vills  to  Milo  de  Curcy  with  his  sister,  which 
Milo  gave  to  Elias's  father.  Elias  replied  that  Walter  was  seised 
of  the  advowson  and  claimed  trial.^     The  result  does  not  appear. 

William  de  Bui^go's  grant  of  Connaught  never  took  effect.  Adam 
Cusack's  title  from  him  was  valueless,  so  must  have  been  renewed 
by  Richard  de  Burgo.     In  January  1299  the  Earl  of  Ulster  petitioned 

1  D.I.,  II.,  Nos.  292,  474. 

2  Plea  Rolls,  30  Ed.  I.,  R.  62,  M.  14  D. 


292       THE    EARr.Y    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

the  justiciary  for  seisin  of  the  lands  of  which  William  Barrett  was 
seised,  which  he  held  of  the  Earl  in  rapite,  according  to  the  sheriff's 
inquisition  which  had  found  that  William  held  the  cantred  of  the 
Bac  and  Glen  by  the  service  of  20  marks  yearly,  and  two  knights' 
fees,  and  doing  suit  at  the  Earl's  court,  and  rendering  39  marks 
yearly  to  John  Roche,  and  that  the  land  was  worth  20s.  yearly  beyond 
these  charges.  The  land  had  been  taken  into  the  king's  hand  after 
the  death  of  William  in  Adam  Cusack's  prison.  The  escheator  re- 
ported that  William  held  all  his  lands  in  Connaught  of  the  Earl  ;  that 
he  held  also  (irennach  in  Muscry  of  John  de  Cogan ;  Fresketh  [in 
Cork?]  of  Maurice  Eochfort ;  AUe  of  Peter  Butler;  Castelgeych  of 
John  de  Barry ;  Drumbolgyn  of  the  Bishop  of  Ross ;  Clardor  of 
Maurice  de  Carew ;  that  William  his  heir  was  three  years  old  at  his 
father's  death.     Seisin  was  given  to  the  Earl.^ 

Maurice,  son  of  Richard  de  Carew,  summoned  William  in  1300  to 
do  suit  and  service  which  he  owes  to  him  for  his  freehold  in  Bac  and 
Glen  and  Bredagh,  i.e.  homage  and  £4  when  royal  service  runs,  as 
heir  of  his  father  William.  William  admitted  the  claim,  and  seisin 
was  ordered  to  be  given  to  Maurice. - 

The  tenant  apparently  held  directly  from  two  lords.  The  payment 
to  a  Roche  shows  some  unexplained  transactions.  William  Barrett 
certainly  held  Bac  and  Glen  in  fee.  This  cantred  now  comprised 
only  the  parishes  of  Ballynahaglish,  Kilbelfad,  and  Addergoole  or 
thereabouts. 

The  Munster  estates  must  have  been  large.  Castelgogh,  or 
Castelgeych,  Manor  comprised  7|  knights'  fees  held  by  the  service 
of  two  knights.  He  held  also  land  at  Tyberneyvin  in  Limerick 
from  Maurice  Eochfort,  who  seems  to  have  been  his  chief  lord,  as 
William  settled  with  him  regarding  his  marriage,  which  was  valued 
at  £100. 

William  senior  is  said  to  have  built  Caislen  na  Circe  on  the  Tiraw- 
ley  bank  of  the  Moy  opposite  to  Foxford,  at  which  a  small  market 
town  grew  up. 

William  na  Maigne  had  a  brother  Robert,  who  survived  him. 

After  1284  Batin,  Thomas,  Richard  and  his  son  William,  and 
Philip  Barrett  are  mentioned.  From  Batin  the  chief  of  the  Barretts 
took  the  name  of  MacBhaitin.  He  must  have  been  the  principal 
Barrett  in  Tirawley.  He  had  to  pay  a  fine  of  £163,  18s.  8d.  for 
peace,  and  Gilbert  Lynet  had  to  pay  £33,  6s.  8d.  Adam  Bretuath 
paid  £3,  6s.  8d.  Batin  must  have  had  a  very  large  estate  to  afford 
such  a  fine,  which  we  may  take  to  have  been  imposed  for  taking  part 
in  the  battle  of  Kilroe. 

1  Cal.  Just.  Rolls,  Irel ,  1295-1.300. 

2  Plea  Rolls,  28  Ed.  I.,  R.  47,  M.  13  D. 


THE    BARONY    OF    TIRAWLEY.  293 

Batin's  estate  was  outside  the  cantred  of  Bac  and  Glen.  We  may 
take  it  to  have  been  in  the  cantred  of  Tirawley.  Ballysakeery  was 
the  castle  of  the  MacWattin  of  the  composition.  Belleek  was  that  of 
a  branch  of  his  family  who  divided  their  possessions  with  Walter 
Kittagh  Bourke  in  1584. 

Batin's  son  Robert  succeeded  him,  was  lord  in  1335,  and  may  have 
lived  until  1365.     In  1356  Robert  was  seneschal  of  Connaught. 

The  Barretts  broke  up  into  several  clans,  some  taking  new  sur- 
names : — 

1.  Clann  Andriu,  who  lived  in  the  Bacs,  descendants  of  a  Sir 
Maigiu. 

2.  Clann  Toimin  of  Erris. 

3.  Clan  Philip  or  Philpin,  descended  from  Philip  or  Philpin,  grand- 
son of  Toimin's  brother. 

4.  Clann  Toimilin. 

5.  Clan  Ricin  of  Glen  Nephin,  descended  from  Ricin  Og,  son  of 
Ricin. 

6.  Clann  MecRoiberd,  descended  from  the  sou  of  William  Mor  na 
Maighne,  whose  inheritance  is  along  the  river  Deel. 

The  above  is  MacFirbis's  account  of  these  clans  as  he  gives  it  in 
the  Tract  on  the  Hy  Fiachrach.  His  authorities  are  at  variance, 
and  we  cannot  give  much  credit  to  what  was  based  only  on  traditions 
of  his  day  regarding  clans  of  no  great  importance.  The  Barretts 
probably  did  as  the  Bourkes  in  the  matter  of  taking  new  names,  and 
on  those  grounds  it  is  probable  that  the  clans  MacRobert,  Toimin, 
Philip,  Ricin  are  descendants  of  the  Robei-t,  Thomas,  Philip,  and 
Richard,  who  would  have  no  claim  on  the  inheritance  of  Batin. 
According  to  the  pedigree,  the  clan  Andrew  did  not  come  from  Batin. 

A  Mathew,  son  of  Mathew  Barrett,  was  extant  in  1303,  who  may 
be  the  ancestor. 

In  the  sixteenth  and  early  seventeenth  century  we  find  the  Mac- 
Andrews  holding  much  land  in  the  Bacs,  MacTomyn  in  Ballycroy, 
MacPhilips  at  Portnahally  near  Ballycastle  and  at  Dookeeghan  in 
Erris. 

One  of  the  Barretts  became  chief  lord  of  Erris  at  some  time. 

MacFirbis  failed  to  disentangle  the  traditions  regarding  the  eaidiest 
Barretts,  and  worked  them  into  a  symmetrical  genealogy  from  the 
uncertain  William  of  Kilcommon,  who  had  a  brother  called  An  Ridire 
Fionn,  the  Welsh  White  Knight.  Breathnach  comes  in  also  as  a 
name  of  William.  The  Barretts  seem  to  have  thrown  off  a  clan 
which  adopted  Breathnach  as  a  surname,  translated  again  into  Welsh. 
In  1407  a  priest  is  described  as  "  Maurice  Bared  alias  Brechnach." 
I  find  evidence  for  a  suspicion  that  the  Carra  Branaghs  of  Rosslahan 
may  have  been  Barretts. 


294       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

"  The  Welsh  Pauper,"  An  Failgliech  Bieatlmach,  is  made  a  brother 
of  Batin,  and  a  grandson  of  William  Mor  na  Maighne.  That  the 
Failghech  was  Batin's  brother  is  very  likely  to  be  correct,  but  he  has 
put  them  too  late.  The  Failghech  and  Thomas  Barrett  were  killed  at 
Coin  Berrain  in  1260  (L.C.).  The  Failghech  left  sons  who  held  a  good 
position  ;  it  is  recorded  that  Felim  O'Conor  plundered  them  and  took 
Richard  himself  prisoner  in  1316  (L.O.).  The  Clann  an  Fhailghigh 
disappears  from  history  until  we  find  the  Clannenallies  mentioned  in 
1588,  and  some  families  called  MacEiially  among  the  small  freeholders 
of  Carra  and  Kilmaine  in  the  early  seventeenth  century. 

Seeing  the  uncertainty  of  this  genealogy,  I  am  still  inclined  to 
think  that  the  Irish  used  An  Failghech  as  a  translation  of  Le  Poher, 
supposing  it  to  be  the  French  Le  Paurre.  Some  of  the  names  in  the 
pedigree  are  very  unusual. 

On  the  whole,  we  cannot  be  sure  of  more  than  that  several  Barretts 
came  from  Munster  soon  after  the  Conquest  and  settled  in  Tirawley. 

The  Cusacks. 

According  to  MacFirbis,  Adam  Cusack  built  the  castle  of  Meelick. 
Adam  Cusack,  junior,  the  victor  at  Kilroe,  owned  also  the  manor  of 
Cuilcnama,  the  parishes  of  Skreen  and  Dromard.  He  died  by  1297, 
leaving  only  daughters.  One  of  his  daughters  surrendered  Cuilcnama 
to  the  Earl  of  Ulster.  We  have  no  particulars  of  Adam  Cusack 's 
Tirawley  estate,  but  it  must  have  been  large.  Rathreagh  was  pro- 
bably in  it,  as  it  was  once  known  also  as  Cusackstown.  Though  the 
great  estate  ceased  to  be  held  by  a  Cusack,  the  memory  survived,  so 
that  in  the  Division  of  Connaught  the  barony  of  Moyne  is  described 
as  containing  "  Tirawley  and  the  Cusacks'  country." 

A  junior  branch  of  the  family  survived.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century  Robert  Cusack  owned  the  castle  and  lands  of 
Ross,  together  with  other  lands  in  the  parishes  of  Killala  and  Bally- 
sakeery. 

The  Carews. 

A  branch  of  this  great  family  also  survived.  One  of  them  was  of 
sufficient  importance  to  be  a  party  to  the  Indenture  of  Composition. 
His  castle  of  Dunmacnyny  has  not  been  identified.  His  family  are 
later  found  in  possession  of  Cloonawillin  in  Ballysakeery,  and  other 
lands  not  identified. 

The  Lynotts. 

Gilbert  de  Lynet  was  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  Sheriff  of  Con- 
naught  from  1287  to  1289.     The  family  appear  again  as  owners  of 


THE    BARONY    OF    TIRAWLEY.  295 

half  the  castle  and  lands  of  Oarn — the  other  half  owned  by  Carews — 
and  of  the  lands  of  Kincon,  Ellagh,  and  Seehaunmore  in  Kilfian. 

The  Merricks. 

Some  of  this  family  survived  in  possession  of  a  small  freehold  at 
Ballyteige  in  Glenhest,  which  takes  its  name  fi'om  Hosty,  whose 
descendants  in  the  barony  of  Dunmore  are  the  MacCostys. 

The  De  Exeters. 

A  branch  of  this  family  called  Clan  Stephen  settled  at  Rathfran, 
where  the  monastery  was  founded  by  one  of  the  de  Exeters  in  1274, 
who  probably  came  in  as  tenant  of  another  lord  of  his  own  family,  as 
the  estate  held  by  this  family  at  Rathfran  in  the  sixteenth  century 
was  small.     This  family  is  dealt  with  at  length  in  Gallen. 

The  Lawlesses  and  Cogans. 

MacFirbis  says  that  Sir  William  Lawless  had  the  country  of  Caille 
Oonaill.  There  is  some  doubtful  evidence  of  a  Lawless  connection 
with  Ballycastle. 

There  is  reason  to  suspect  that  a  de  Barry  owned  a  fee  about 
Crossmolina,  as  we  find  that  the  Augustinian  monastery  of  Ballybeg, 
near  Buttevant,  a  de  Barry  house,  owned  the  rectory  of  Crossmolina. 
In  1306,  John,  son  of  William  de  Rathcogan,  Walter  de  Usser, 
and  Walter  de  Cogan  were  indicted  for  robbing  the  abbot  of  the 
monastery  of  Crossmolina.  Rathcogan  is  a  name  of  Charleville, 
which  was  in  the  Cogan  estate  in  the  county  of  Cork.  We  may 
suspect  that  an  estate  hereabouts  passed  like  Castlebar  from  a 
de  Barry  to  a  Cogan. 

The  Berminghams. 

This  great  family  comes  into  the  barony  because  Ardnarea  was 
within  it  as  originally  laid  out.  But  none  of  the  family  settled 
permanently.  At  or  soon  after  the  Conquest,  Peter  de  Bermingham 
held  the  manors  of  Ardnarea  and  Castleconor.  The  former  was  the 
parish  of  Ardnarea  or  Kilmoremoy  in  Sligo.  The  latter  extended 
north  from  it  so  as  to  include  a  great  part  or  whole  of  Easky  parish. 
The  original  grant  may  have  been  of  all  Tireragh,  which  was  called 
by  the  Irish  MacFheorais's  country.  It  is  afterwards  found  broken 
up.  There  were  many  transactions  regarding  lands  in  those  days, 
and  we  know  that  Cuilcnama  was  surrendered  to  the  Earl  of  Ulster, 
and  there  are  indications  that  some  de  Berminghams  had  an  interest 
therein  superior  to  that  of  Adam  Cusack. 

Within  the  next  fifty  years  Ardnarea  belonged  to  Peter,  son  of 


296       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Meiler  Bermin^'liam,  and  Castleconor  to  his  cousin  Peter,  son  of 
James.  But  under  this  Peter  an  Andrew  Bermingham  seems  to 
have  held  the  manor,  whose  daughter  and  heiress,  being  married  to 
Stephen  Le  Poer,  conveyed  her  rights  to  Eustace  Le  Poer,  a  great 
baron  of  Munster,  who  had  a  large  estate  in  the  south  of  Galway. 
His  family  did  not  settle.  Under  him  a  Martin  Taaf  held  a  great 
part  of  the  manor.  In  a  settlement  of  claims  regarding  Andrew's 
inheritance,  Castleconor  was  let  to  Eustace  Le  Poer  at  a  nominal 
rent. 

No  more  is  known  regarding  their  devolution  until  they  appear  in 
the  possession  of  the  Bourkes,  who  lost  Castleconor  and  retained 
Ardnarea,  which  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Bunree  river 
when  the  county  bounds  were  laid  down. 

If  we  suppose  that  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh  or  his  father  had  acquired 
the  Bermingham  or  Le  Poer  rights,  and  that  O'Dowda  had  acquired 
the  Taaf  or  Le  Poer  rights  when  the  Taafs  retired,  we  can  understand 
that  there  were  grounds  for  conflicting  claims  between  MacWilliams 
and  O'Dowdas  Avhicli  led  to  wars,  and  that  Cathal  Duff's  payment  of 
five  marks  yearly  to  MacWilliam,  as  recorded  in  the  Hist,  et  Gen., 
may  have  been  a  recognition  of  ancient  right,  and  not  submission  to 
arbitrary  oppression. 

The  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  century  records  show  a  good  many 
names  of  colonists  in  Tirawley  whose  position  is  not  ascertained.  It 
is  evident  that  there  was  a  large  English  population  then.  But  all 
have  disappeared  save  those  who  have  been  noted  above,  who  are 
far  more  families  of  the  early  colonists  than  have  survived  in  other 
baronies. 

The  Period  of  the  MacWilliamship. 

The  death  of  William  Saxonagh  at  Iniscoe  in  1368,  and  his  grand- 
son's attack  on  Bishop  BaiTett  in  1396,  and  the  existence  of  a 
Redmond  Bourke  who  described  himself  as  of  Iniscoe  in  1452, 
afford  ground  for  supposing  that  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh,  having 
acquired  the  de  Barry  or  de  Cogan  rights  over  Crossmolina  to- 
gether with  Castlebar,  settled  his  son  and  his  family  there,  and 
that  the  long  quarrel  between  the  Bourkes  and  the  Barretts  may 
date  from  that  affray,  to  end  only  with  the  agreement  regarding 
Belleek  in  1584.  We  have  no  glimpse  of  the  cause  of  quarrel.  But 
if  Sir  William  Liath  or  his  sons  bought  rights  or  took  tenures  from 
the  absentee  lords  and  made  them  effective,  we  have  the  conditions 
needed  for  a  crop  of  quarrels  which  must  be  settled  by  sword  and 
spear  in  absence  of  the  courts  of  the  earl  and  the  king. 

When  those  courts  disappeared,  and  most  of  the  smaller  colonists 
and  farmers  fled  from  disorder  and  oppression,  the  head  of  the 
Barretts   was   the    greatest   lord   in  Tirawley,   and   might  count   on 


THE    BARONY    OF    TIRAWLEY.  297 

general  support  from  the  other  resident  lords,  whose  independence 
was  equally  threatened  by  MacWilliam's  claims. 

A  picturesque  tradition,  handed  down  to  us  as  it  was  told  in 
D.  MacFirbis's  time,  tells  precisely  how  the  Bourkes  came  to  spread 
all  over  Tirawley. 

The  Lynotts  murdered  the  Barretts'  steward  who  came  to  collect 
their  rents,  and  threw  his  body  into  a  well  near  Carn  Castle,  after- 
wards called  Tubberscorney  from  his  nickname.  The  Barretts  captured 
the  Lynotts  and  blinded  them,  testing  the  thoroughness  of  the  blinding 
by  making  them  cross  the  stepping-stones,  called  from  them  Clochan 
na  ndall,  near  the  castle.  Any  one  who  crossed  withovit  stumbling 
was  blinded  again. 

To  strengthen  themselves  against  the  Barretts,  the  Lynotts  got 
Teaboid  Mael  Bourke  as  a  foster-son,  said  to  have  been  a  son  of 
Sir  Edmond  Albanagh.  This  foster-son  was  killed  by  the  Barretts 
at  the  stream  at  Cornasack  on  the  road  to  Ballycastle. 

As  an  ei'ic  the  Barretts  gave  up  to  the  Bourkes  eighteen  quarters 
of  land,  Teaboid's  foster-father  took  as  his  share  of  the  eric  the 
assignment  of  the  quarters,  and  chose  them  throvighout  Tirawley, 
that  the  Bourkes  might  plague  the  Barretts  everywhere. 

This  last  item  seems  to  be  the  Belleek  agreement,  whereby  about 
eighteen  quarters  were  given  up.  The  other  facts  are  likely  to  be 
separately  true — the  murder  of  the  steward  and  the  punishment  of 
the  Lynotts ;  the  alliance  of  Lynotts  with  Bourkes ;  the  killing  of 
Teaboid  by  Barretts — all  brought  together  to  account  for  the  mixture 
of  clans,  contrary  to  the  usual  practice  of  each  clan  having  a  separate 
defined  territory. 

MacDonnells  were  settled  at  Rathlacken,  Ballycastle,  Ballinglen, 
Ballykinlettragh,  and  Cloonenass.  Most  of  them  were  of  a  family 
called  the  clan  of  Aedh  Buidhe. 

The  Bourkes  of  Tirawley,  so  far  as  they  have  been  traced,  were  all 
of  the  Sliocht  Ricaird,  descendants  of  John,  son  of  Ricard  O'Cuairsci, 
except  that  the  Bourkes  of  Turlough  had  the  castle  of  Addergoole  and 
some  lands  there  and  about  Levally  and  Bogadoon,  and  the  descendants 
of  David  Ban  had  a  small  estate. 

MacWilliam's  rent  charge  of  <£40  on  160  quarters  in  the  composition 
is  so  close  to  the  sum  allowed  on  164i  quarters  scattered  through 
Tirawley,  that  they  must  be  the  same  assessment ;  and  they  are  both 
so  close  to  the  Earl  of  Ulster's  rents  of  1333,  that  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  they  are  the  survival  of  the  Eai-l's  rents  but  slightly 
modified. 

As. in  Carra,  so  here  the  cowrines  seem  to  have  been  of  the  nature 
of  survey  divisions,  not,  as  far  as  we  know,  representing  estates  or 
minor  chiefries. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

THE    BAROXY    OF    ERRIS. 

Erris,  lorrus  larthar,  or  Western  District,  was  the  inheritance  of  the 
Cinel  Fedhlimidh  branch  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach.  Their  chieftain  was 
O'Caithniadh,  whose  death  is  recorded  in  the  Annals  under  the  years 
1180,  1206,  and  1274.  He  had  three  sub-chiefs  —  O'Callaghan, 
O'Muimhneachain  (now  called  Minahan),  and  MacCoinin  (which  is 
anglicised  in  various  ways).  Dumha  Oaechain  was  the  fort  of  the 
king  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach  in  this  country. 

In  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  Clan  Murtough 
Mweenagh  were  in  this  country  up  to  their  expulsion  in  1274.  The 
country  as  a  whole  is  next  found  to  be  held  under  the  de  Burgo  lord 
by  Jordan  de  Exeter. 

From  the  Plea  Rolls  we  learn  that  John  Butler,  who  died  leaving 
a  son  Henry  who  was  under  age  in  1306,  held  the  manor  of  Ballycroy 
from  Jordan  de  Exeter  by  knight-service,  namely,  by  half  a  mark  of 
royal  service  when  scutage  runs,  and  by  a  yearly  rent  of  <£1,  16s.  8d. 
From  the  Justiciary  Rolls  we  learn  that  when  Adam  Flemyng  was 
killed  in  the  battle  of  Kilroe  fighting  against  Adam  Cusack,  his  lands 
of  Kildarvila,  Kilcommon,  Killannan,  and  Caher  were  taken  into  the 
king's  hands  by  order  of  the  justiciar.  From  these  denominations 
we  may  infer  that  he  held  a  great  part  of  Erris. 

The  widow  of  Stephen,  son  of  Stephen  de  Exeter,  claimed  dower  in 
his  manor  of  Dookeeghan  in  1320. 

The  history  of  Erris  is  a  blank  until  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  when  it  is  mentioned  as  the  barony  of  Invermore,  and  is  in 
possession  of  Barretts  and  Bourkes.  The  Barretts  appear  to  have 
acquired  the  lordship  of  the  whole,  MacWattin  being  called  chief 
therein.  The  Bourke  intrusion  into  Tiran  and  an  estate  thereabouts 
appears  to  have  been  of  recent  date,  when  the  family  first  appears  in 
Erris.  Upon  what  claim  they  came  in  does  not  appear.  The  Clan- 
william  had  power  to  enforce  any  claim  which  one  of  the  family  might 
acquire  against  any  Barrett.  The  Barretts  styled  them  forcible 
intruders. 

The  Butler  title  to  Ballycroy  came  to  the  hands  of  the  Earl  of 
Ormond    by    some    means,   and    was    made    effective    with   the   re- 

298 


THE    BARONY    OF    ERRIS.  299 

stoi-ation  of    English  law.      MacToimin   and   Barretts  were  tenants 
there. 

At  the  time  of  the  composition,  Edmond  Barrett  of  the  castle  of 
Dowlagh  was  head  of  the  Erris  family.  His  sons  Edmond  and 
Richard  were  brought  up  in  England,  and  were  attached  to  the 
household  of  Lord  Essex  in  1594.  Edmond  did  good  service  in  the 
wars  as  captain  of  a  company,  and  received  grants  of  abbey  lands 
and  of  forfeited  estates,  and  a  pension  in  respect  of  his  wounds  and 
services. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

TIIK    BARONY    OF    BURRISIIOOLE. 

TiiK  baiony  owes  its  form  to  the  tenures  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
which  owed  their  form  to  those  of  the  thirteenth  ;ind  fourteenth 
centuries  as  settled  by  the  de  Burgo  lords  of  Connaiight,  which  again 
depended  largely  on  the  existing  thirteenth-century  (Jaelic  territorial 
divisions  in  accordance  with  tribal  occupation.  Up  to  that  time  it  is 
only  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Umall.  The  Clan  Murtougli  Mweenagh 
settled  upon  the  O'Malleys  in  the  thirteenth  century.  The  kingdom 
of  Umall  became  the  de  Burgo  cantred  of  Owyll,  and  was'  split  into 
several  fees  when  wo  get  details  for  the  first  time  in  1333. 

We  first  find  Henry  Butler  in  possession,  who  has  a  castle  at 
Tyrenmore,  and  has  established  there  a  small  town  called  by  the  Irish 
Burgheis  Cinn  Trachta,  now  known  as  Burrishoole.  The  estate  was  a 
little  more  than  the  parish  of  liurrishoole,  which  was  called  Leath 
Fherghuis,  Fergus's  half,  whence  we  may  infer  that  O'Fergus,  head 
of  one  of  the  three  great  divisions  of  Clann  Maille,  held  it  as  a 
chiefry.  The  Norman  grants  of  large  fees  followed  existing  known 
divisions. 

Clan  Murtough  remained  in  Umall  under  the  liutlers  until  their 
rising  in  1272  led  to  their  expulsion. 

John  '  Butler  held  Owyll  Butler  in  1333.  The  liutlers  do  not 
appear  again  until  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  Lord 
Ormond's  title  is  acknowledged  to  this  estate  and  to  that  of  Ballycroy. 
By  unknown  means  the  right  of  the  descendants  of  Henry  Butler 
passed  to  the  earls,  who  made  their  title  efTective  when  English  law 
became  so  again. 

There  is  indication  that  the  earls  got  no  rents  from  the  estate  in 
the  interval,  that  their  rights  were  in  abeyance,  that  the  Bourkes  and 
O'lNIalleys  treated  the  country  as  their  own,  perhaps  acknowk'dging  a 
bare  ownership.  The  O'Malleys  were  in  Achill.  The  Bourkes  of 
Sliocht  Ulick  had  the  rest  of  the  estate  under  MacWilliam  in  respect 
of  his  chieftainship. 

The  barony  was  made  up  of  this  estate  and  of  those  of  the  Bourkes 
of  Sliocht  Ulick,  the  MacPliilpins,  JNlacTibbot,  MacMeyler,  Mac- 
Daibheog  Boy,  MacWalter  Boy,  some  minor  estates,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop's Aghagower  estate.     These  clans  are  given  in  the  genealogical 


THE  BARONY  OF  BURRISHOOLE.         301 

tables  except  Sliocht  Walter  Boy  of  unknown  origin.  Thus  the 
eastern  boundary  is  not  the  same  as  that  of  Umall,  but  includes  parts 
of  the  parish  of  Islandeady. 

Those  of  Clan  Philpin  and  MacTibbot  seem  to  be  the  freeholds  of 
the  fourteenth  century. 

The  Sliocht  Ulick  Bourkes  had  castles  at  Newport,  then  called 
Bally veghan,  and  Rockfleet  and  Burrishoole. 

The  MacPhilpins  had  the  castles  of  Aille  and  Aghle  and  Doon 
in  this  barony,  and  those  of  Bellabourke  and  the  New  Castle  near 
Castlebar  in  Carra. 

MacTibbot  had  the  castle  of  Moyour,  now  called  Castleaffy. 

This  estate  may  be  taken  to  represent  that  which  William  of  Umall 
held  in  1333. 

The  MacMeylers  seem  to  have  been  tenants  of  other  freeholders, 
and  were  very  few.     Some  are  described  as  of  Kilmaclasser. 

Sliocht  MicDaibheog  Buidhe  were  a  branch  of  the  Clan  Gibbon. 
Three  of  the  name  of  M'Cavoke  Boy  are  described  as  of  Rosscleave, 
which  was  within  the  Butler  estate.  The  Sliocht  Walter  Buidhe  are 
perhaps  of  the  same  clan,  but  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  their  dwell- 
ing-place. Both  of  these  clans  are  named  in  the  composition  as  liable 
to  a  rent  charge  for  Mac  William. 

The  Clan  Gibbon  had  little  land  of  their  own  in  this  barony.  They 
had  Ballyknock  Castle  and  lands,  and  were  chiefly  tenants  under  the 
Archbishop  and  others. 

A  family  of  MacDonnells  called  Clanrannell  were  settled  in  the 
castle  of  Cai-rickenedy  and  at  Clogher. 

These  were  the  only  freeholders  of  importance. 

Rockfleet,  in  itself  a  poor  little  tower,  deserves  notice  as  the  only 
castle  known  to  have  been  the  dwelling-place  of  Grainne  ni  -Mhaille. 
In  early  youth  she  may  have  lived  with  her  father  in  any  of  the 
O'Malley  castles,  and  after  marriage  she  lived  in  her  husband's  castles. 
After  Sir  R.  Bourke's  death  she  settled  in  this  tower  within  the 
country  where  her  son-in-law,  Richard  Bourke  the  Devil's  Hook's  son, 
was  chief. 

A  lawsuit  relating  to  the  manor  of  Aghagower  shows  the  difliculties 
arising  from  coexistence  of  English  and  Brehon  Law.^ 

John  Stanton  and  his  wife  Joan  sued  Archbishop  William  Berming- 
ham  for  two  parts  of  that  manor  as  the  inheritance  of  Joan,  whereof 
the  Archbishop  dispossessed  Mathew  Magelaghy,  brother  of  Joan,  who 
is  his  heiress. 

The  Archbishop  replies  that  he  need  not  answer  Joan,  because  she 
is  an  Irishwoman  and  is  not  of  the  five  families  entitled  to  use 
English  law. 

1  Cal.  Plea  Rolls,  25  Ed.  I.,  R.  38,  M.  21. 


302      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

Tliey  reply  that  he  must  answer,  because  his  predecessor,  Ai'chbishop 
Marianus,!  enfeoifed  Benyach  Macgreathey,-  with  assent  of  his 
chapter.  After  death  of  Benyach,  Adam,  his  son  and  heir,  being  a 
minor,  was  a  ward  of  the  king  during  vacancy  of  Tuam,  and  after 
Thomas  O'Connor  was  made  Archbishop,  Thomas  took  homage  of 
Adam,  being  of  full  age.  After  Adam's  death,  Mathew  was  a  minor 
and  was  in  custody  of  Archbishop  Stephen  Fulebourne,  to  whom 
Mathew  did  homage,  and  suit  and  service  at  the  Court  of  Archbishop 
William,  of  which  Mathew  Joan  is  heiress. 

They  say  that  the  charter  of  enfeoffment  was  burnt  at  Athlethan 
and  can  be  proved.  The  Archbishop  replies  that  she  cannot  prove 
it,  because  she  is  an  Irishwoman.  A  day  is  given  for  judgment.  The 
decision  is  not  enrolled. 

The  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Windsor  in  1175,  preserving  to  the 
Irish  the  use  of  their  own  customs,  might  have  worked  fairly  well  if 
English  manors  had  been  inhabited  only  by  the  English,  and  Irish 
lands  only  by  the  Irish.  These  pleas  show  the  incompatibility  of  the 
two  systems.  Two  questions  were  raised  here — Were  the  archbishops 
debarred  from  pleading  that  Joan  is  an  Irishwoman  by  having  treated 
her  brother,  father,  and  grandfather  as  Englishmen  ?  and  can  an  Irish- 
woman prove  a  lost  document  by  secondai-y  evidence  when  it  is  neces- 
sary to  establish  her  right  to  English  la\v  ?  But  the  second  question 
may  not  have  been  in  issue,  as  the  Archbishop's  plea  may  have  been 
intended  as  a  general  denial  of  the  right  claimed. 

If  she  failed  to  establish  English  light,  the  King's  Court  would 
have  dismissed  the  suit  for  want  of  jurisdiction,  without  pronouncing 
on  the  claim.  She  would  have  been  left  to  her  Irish  law  for  redress. 
It  would  have  given  her  none.  The  Archbishop  would  not  have  sub- 
mitted himself  to  a  Brehon's  judgment  voluntarily,  and  there  was  no 
force  behind  a  Brehon  to  compel  submission.  It  shows  where  Irish 
laws  failed. 

The  plea  shows  also  that  Irish  archbishops  let  out  see  lands  to 
middlemen  in  large  holdings.  If  the  name  is  MacOirechtaigh,  we 
see  that  the  old  comarb  lands  were  let  out  to  the  Airchinnechs. 

^  O'Lachtnain,  who  died  in  1249. 

-  Benedict  Mageraghty  (see  a.d.  1247). 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

THE    BARONY    OF    MURRISK. 

This  barony  is  the  country  in  which  O'Malley  was  chief  when 
baronies  were  laid  out.  With  Burrishoole  it  forms  the  kingdom  of 
Aicill  and  Umall,  which  comes  into  history  at  the  battle  of  Moy 
Lena. 

Aicill  seems  to  be  a  descriptive  term  applied  to  mountainous 
country.  Umall  means  low,  and  applies  in  this  sense  to  the  country 
lying  east  of  Clew  Bay,  as  Aicill  applies  to  the  parts  lying  north  and 
south  of  the  bay.  The  title  may  be  translated  as  King  of  Highland 
and  Lowland.  Aicill  survives  in  Achill  Island  and  Ourraun  Achill. 
The  term  was  applied  to  the  country  between  Clew  Bay  and  the 
Killeries  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

Though  at  all  times  an  independent  kingdom  acknowledging  supre- 
macy of  only  the  King  of  Connaught,  it  was  too  small  to  play  an 
independent  part,  and  therefore  is  rarely  mentioned  in  the  Annals. 

The  earliest  chieftains  were  families  of  the  Clann  Umoir.  Clann 
Maille  probably  descended  from  one  of  them,  but  were  tacked  on 
to  Brian  Orbsen  by  the  genealogists,  and  were  known  as  Hy  Briuin 
Umaill.  The  early  part  of  the  pedigree  of  O'Malley  is  not  trust- 
worthy. Seven  generations  will  not  fill  the  space  between  Brian 
Orbsen  and  Flannabhra,  who  died  in  773,  the  first  lord  of  Umall 
mentioned  in  the  Annals.  A  couple  more  are  missing  between  him 
and  Domnall  Ruadh. 

Clann  Maille  were  renowned  as  seamen  in  eaidy  times.  The  entries 
in  the  Annals  and  the  sixteenth-century  State  Papers  show  how  they 
maintained  their  renown. 

(F.M.)  1384.  A  meeting  took  place  between  O'Flaherty  and 
O'Malley,  but  a  quarrel  arose  between  them,  in  which  Owen  O'Malley, 
Cormac  O'Malley  (i.e.  Cormac  Cruinn),  and  many  others  besides  these 
were  slain  by  the  people  of  O'Flaherty. 

1396.  Melaghlin,  son  of  Conor  O'Malley,  and  a  son  of  Theobald 
of  the  Kerne,  one  of  the  Clanrickard,  went  with  a  ship  to  plunder  in 
Connemara.  They  killed  a  grandson  of  Cathal  Boy  O'Flaherty,  and 
filled  their  ship  with  spoils,  but  the  ship  was  wrecked  between  Aran 
and  the  mainland,  and  all,  thirty-three  in  number,  or  all  but  one, 
were  drowned. 

303 


304       THK    EARr.Y    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

1413.  Tuathal  O'Malley  had  been  serving  in  Ulster  as  a  soldier 
for  a  year.  He  was  going  home  with  seven  ships,  when  a  storm 
drove  them  to  Scothmd  about  tlie  feast  of  St.  Columcille,  when  six 
of  the  ships  were  wrecked  and  the  crews  drowned,  upwards  of  240. 
Some  MacSweenys  were  with  him. 

1415.  O'Malley,  Hugh,  plundered  Dermot  O'Malley.  Dermot 
took  O'Malley's  island.  A  battle  ensued,  in  which  Hugh  and  his 
son  Conor  were  killed,  and  Dermot's  son  Donnell  and  a  son  of  Thomas 
O'Malley.  The  sovereignty  now  passed  from  Hugh's  descendants, 
and  Dermot  became  king. 

1427.  Hugh  O'Malley,  son  of  Dermot,  heir  to  the  lordship,  went 
with  a  fleet  to  Tirconnell,  and  was  slain  in  retiring  to  his  ships. 

(D.F.)  1460.  Donnell,  son  of  Dermot  O'Malley,  and  William  and 
John  O'Malley  joined  O'Brien's  sons  in  an  attack  by  sea  on  Corco- 
vaskin  against  MacMahon.  They  were  driven  back  to  their  ships, 
and  the  three  O'Malleys  were  slain  befoi-e  they  reached  them,  and 
many  of  their  men  were  killed. 

(A.XJ.)  1513.  Eoghan  O'Maille  went  to  Killybegs  with  three  ships 
when  the  nobles  of  the  country  were  absent  on  a  rising  out.  They 
burnt  the  town  and  took  many  prisoners.  A  storm  prevented  them 
fi'om  embarking,  and  they  had  to  wait  near  their  ships.  A  young 
MacSweeuy  boy  and  some  O'Gallaghers  collected  some  idlers  and 
farm  hands  and  rushed  on  them.  They  slew  Eoghan  and  five  or  six 
score  of  his  men,  rescued  the  prisoners,  and  took  two  ships. 

(L.C.)  1524.  Cormac  O'Malley's  son  Dermot  was  killed  while  help- 
ing O'Conor  Kerry  in  a  raid  into  Duhallow. 

1560.  Tuathal  O'Malley  joined  an  O'Brien  of  Aran  in  an  expedi- 
tion against  Desmond.  On  their  return  the  ship  was  wrecked  at 
Invermore.     Only  O'Brien  and  three  men  escaped. 

1568.  John  na  Seoltadh,  son  of  Donnell  O'Malley,  went  with 
a  long  ship  to  pay  a  visit  to  MacMaurice  of  Kerry  at  Lixnaw. 
MacSweeny,  a  constable  of  Gallowglasses,  was  also  there  on  a  visit, 
with  only  fifty  of  his  men,  after  his  engagement  with  MacMaurice 
had  ended.  James  FitzGerald,  who  had  charge  of  Lord  Desmond's 
estate,  came  against  Lixnaw  in  gieat  force.  The  visitors  stood  by 
MacMaurice,  and  advised  to  attack  the  enemy.  He  did  so,  and  de- 
feated them  with  great  loss. 

1583.  Some  O'Malleys  went  to  Ulster  and  killed  Donogh  O'Boyle 
on  Iniscaoil  in  Gweebarra  Bay. 

1594.  In  July  some  O'Malleys  of  the  Out  Isles  plundered  the 
shore  of  MacSweeny  Banagh's  country. 

We  must  regret  that  the  Irish  writers  have  not  recorded  the 
exploits  which  earned  for  Grainne  ni  Mhaille  so  great  a  name  among 
her  Irish  and  English  contemporaries. 


THE    BARONY    OF    MURRISK.  305 

The  following  collection  of  obits  shows  that  the  O'Malleys  fought  a 
good  deal  with  each  other  : — 

(F.M.)  1094.  Gilla  na  ninghen  Ua  Cobhthaigh,  King  of  Umhall, 
Airchinnech  of  Aghagower,  was  killed  by  the  men  of  Carra.  1176. 
Donnell  O'Malley,  Lord  of  Umhall,  died.  1220.  Dubhdara,  son  of 
Muredhach  O'Malley,  was  killed  by  Cathal  Ci'ovdeig.  1235.  Donnell 
and  Murtough,  sons  of  Muredhach  O'Malley,  were  killed  by  O'Conors. 
(L.C.)  1337.  Donnell  Ruadh  and  his  son  Cormac  were  killed  by 
Merricks.  1361.  Tuathal  died.  1362.  Owen  and  his  son  Dermot 
died.  1401.  Donnell,  the  king,  died.  1408.  Cormac  O'Malley  was 
killed  by  his  brother.  (A.U.)  1416.  Tuathal  was  killed  by  the  sons 
of  his  brother  Dubhgall.  (L.C.)  1429.  Melaghlin,  heir  to  the  lord- 
ship, was  slain  by  the  sons  of  O'Malley.  (D.F.)  14S0.  Brian 
O'Malley  was  slain  by  his  brother  Hvigh,  son  of  Teige,  in  a  dispute. 
(L.C.)     1467.  O'Malley,  i.e.  Tadhg,  son  of  Dermot,  died. 

But  one  fight  with  Bourkes  is  recorded.  In  1378  the  O'Malleys 
killed  Walter,  son  of  William. 

The  principal  dwelling  of  the  kings  was  at  or  near  Belclare  from 
very  early  times.  The  castle  of  Belclare,  near  the  modern  house, 
may  be  taken  to  have  been  the  successor  of  the  fort  called  Cruachan 
of  Aigill,  if  it  was  not  on  the  site  of  the  Dun.  Cruachan  had  the 
meaning  of  a  king's  fort,  and  we  have  evidence  that  this  Cruachan 
was  in  that  neighbourhood  in  the  record  of  St.  Patrick's  visit  to 
Cruachan  of  Aigill,  which  was  under  the  Hill  of  Aigill,  now  called 
Croaghpatrick.  The  old  church  of  Cloonpatrick  represents  the  Patri- 
cian foundation. 

O'Malley  was  the  only  Gaelic  chieftain  of  Mayo  who  retained  his 
rank  until  the  extinction  of  the  title.  He  appears  as  a  tenant  of  the 
Earl  of  Ulster  in  1333.  He  must  have  acquired  the  Lawless  and 
Knappagh  estates  of  that  time,  which,  with  some  see  lands,  and 
perhaps  some  land  not  let  out  for  money  rent,  covered  the  barony 
of  Murrisk.  We  can  take  O'Malley's  towns  to  have  been  about 
Belclare  and  in  the  east,  and  the  Lawless  estate  to  have  been  towards 
the  west,  because  John  Sturmyn  sued  Maurice  Lawless  and  his  wife 
for  warranty  of  the  Isles  of  Inishboffin  and  Inishark.^  This  also 
shows,  what  we  would  not  have  supposed  likely,  that  Englishmen 
were  then  able  to  get  enough  profit  out  of  those  isles  to  make  them 
worth  litigation. 

O'Malley  owed  no  rent  to  Mac  William,  only  a  rising  out.  He  was 
so  hemmed  in  by  the  Bourkes  as  to  be  necessarily  dependent  on 
Mac  William,  and  especially  on  his  nearest  neighbours,  the  Sliocht 
Ulick. 

The   MacGibbons   had   no   separate    clan    lands,    were    freeholders 
1  Cal.  Plea  Rolls,  9  Edw.  I.,  R.  7. 

U 


306       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

under  O'Malley  or  tenants  under  other  freeholders,  and  dwelt  chiefly 
in  the  east  and  round  by  the  south  to  Aillemore.  The  MacGibbon 
estate  in  Knappagh  may  have  dated  from  the  fourteenth  century, 
but  all  who  dwelt  within  the  barony  held  under  O'Malley  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  except  the  tenants  of  the  ecclesiastical  lands. 

The  O'Malleys  alone  possessed  castles.  That  of  Belclare,  and 
perhaps  more,  went  with  the  chieftainship.  The  other  castles  were 
at  Caher  na  Mart,  one  near  Louisburgh,  now  named  Crania's  Castle 
on  the  maps,  Clare  Island,  and  Inishboflin.  Clare  Island  castle  alone 
remains.     The  family  occupied  Kildavnet  Castle  in  Achill. 

The  composition  describes  O'Malley's  country  as  consisting  of  two 
divisions  of  thirty-six  quarters  each,  called  Lorge  Owle  O'Mayle  and 
Ilane  ne  Moghere.  If  the  former  be  meant  for  Lurg  Umhaill  O'Maille, 
it  means  "End  of  O'Malley's  TJmhall,"  and  describes  the  western 
half  of  the  country  and  the  great  islands. 

Ilane  ne  Moghere  is  the  small  island  in  Moher  Lake  on  which  are 
traces  of  stone  building.  It  must  have  been  a  place  of  note,  or  it 
would  not  have  given  a  name  to  half  the  chiefry.  We  may  take  it 
to  have  been  O'Malley's  principal  crannoge  and  place  of  safety  for 
his  valuables  in  troublous  times  ;  it  may  be  O'Malley's  island  which 
Dermot  took  in  1415. 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

THE    BARONY    OF    GALLEN. 

This  barony  is  the  lordship  of  MacJordan  de  Exeter,  which  was  the 
western  part  of  O'Gadhra's  kingdom  called  Gailenga,  whereof  the 
eastern  part  was  Sliabh  Lugha.  The  barony  boundary  follows  parish 
boundaries,  except  where  a  part  of  the  scattered  parish  of  Kilda- 
commoge  is  split. 

Coolcarney  came  into  O'Gadhra's  kingdom  before  the  de  Burgo 
conquest,  having  been  previously  under  the  lordship  of  O'Caomhain. 
Its  inhabitants  were  then  of  the  Oalry  race.  In  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  centuries  some  families  of  Clan  Donogh  O'Dowda  settled 
there,  whence  arose  an  objection  to  the  county  boundaries  as  first  laid 
down,  the  county  of  Sligo  claiming  Coolcarney  as  lying  jDroperly 
within  its  bounds,  which  were  intended  to  include  all  the  families 
which  acknowledged  O'Dowda  as  their  head.  But  their  landlord  Avas 
MacJordan,  O'Dowda  being  only  a  tribe-lord. 

Ko  more  is  known  of  the  early  history  of  this  territory  than  what 
has  been  given  elsewhere. 

Hugh  de  Lacy  was  R.  de  Burgo's  grantee  of  this  cantred,  which  he 
soon  transferred  to  Jordan  de  Exeter  or  his  father,  but  Jordan  is  the 
first  person  who  is  known  to  have  been  in  actual  occupation.  Jordan 
is  first  mentioned  in  a  grant  of  1239-40,  by  which  Maurice  Fitz- 
Gerald  conveyed  to  him  part  of  the  barony  of  Leyny,  which  he 
afterwards  surrendered. 

In  1250  the  king  gave  him  twenty-five  marks  yearly  in  reward  of 
services  vmtil  he  should  be  given  waste  lands  worth  ^£20  a  year,  which 
were  given  about  the  parish  of  Killallaghtan  in  Galway,  to  be  held 
by  the  service  of  one  knight. 

He  was  killed  in  1258  while  Sheriff  of  Connaught. 

To  him  we  must  attribute  the  building  of  the  castle  of  Ballylahan, 
the  only  thirteenth-century  castle  in  Mayo  whose  plan  can  be  made 
out.  It  stands  on  a  spur  of  high  ground  overlooking  Athlethan,  the 
Broad  Ford,  having  a  gate-tower  as  princij)al  dwelling,  and  a  wall 
with  flanking  towers  following  the  crest  of  the  ground,  enclosing  an 
irregularly  shaped  court. 

He  founded  the  Dominican  Friary  at  Strade  in  1253.  According 
to  the  Registry    of    the   Dominican  house   of  Athenry,  he  had  pre- 


308       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

viously  put  Franciscans  there,  but  turned  them  out  at  instance  of  his 
wife,  Basilia,  dau«,'hter  of  jNIeyler  de  Bermingham. 

He  was  succeeded  in  this  lordship  by  his  son  Meiler,  who  was 
killed  in  1289,  and  he  by  his  son  Meiler,  who  was  killed  in  1317, 
whose  heir  was  his  uncle  Jordan. 

This  Jordan  was  active  in  Connaught,  was  sheriff  in  1269  and 
asrain  in  1279,  and  was  constable  of  Roscommon  Castle  in  1280.  He 
is  found  in  possession  of  the  cantred  of  Erris.  At  the  close  of  the 
century  he  held  from  the  king  the  barony  of  Athmethan,  in  Co. 
Waterford,  at  a  rent  of  =£20,  13s.  4d.  He  died  about  1319,  leaving 
a  widow,  Barnaba.  His  son  John  was  lord  of  Athlethan  in  1335. 
In  1302  he  is  named  with  his  wife  Ismania,  who  seems  to  have  been 
heiress  of  a  Christophre.  Their  son  Jordan  Bacach  seems  to  have 
claimed  lands  in  Cork  through  Ismania. ^ 

This  Jordan  Bacach  does  not  appear  in  Connaught  history.  It  may 
be  inferred  that  he  succeeded  to  his  father's  Munster  estate,  and 
John  to  the  Connaught  estate,  and  that  his  descendants  recorded  by 
MacFirbis  were  a  junior  branch. 

The  relationship  of  the  branches  of  the  de  Exeter  family  extant  in 
the  thirteenth  century  are  obscure,  but  the  family  was  rich  and  of 
high  rank. 

Internal  evidence  suggests  that  the  Annals  called  "  of  Multifarn- 
ham  "  were  written  at  Strade  by  Brother  Stephen  de  Exeter.  They 
close  in  1274,  when  a  monastery  was  founded  at  Rathfran,  where  the 
author  may  have  gone.  They  record  the  death  of  John  de  Exeter  in 
1261  ;  of  Eva,  Richard's  first  wife,  in  1262  ;  of  Mabilia,  his  second 
wife,  in  1264  ;  his  marriage  to  Ysemain,  daughter  of  David  de  Pren- 
dergast,  in  1269  ;  the  birth  of  her  son  John  in  1270  ;  and  the  succes- 
sion of  Richard  to  the  place  of  the  Justiciary.  These  Annals  ignore 
Jordan  and  his  line.  The  Irish  Annals  ignore  Richard's  line.  The 
John  who  died  in  1261  was  probably  Richard's  father. 

Sir  Richard  was  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas  in  1273  ;  con- 
stable of  the  castles  of  Roscommon  and  Randown  in  1282-84  ;  and 
was  killed  in  battle  in  Thomond  in  1287.  He  acquired  a  large  estate 
in  Roscommon,  where  he  built  a  castle  at  Athleague. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  son.  Sir  Richard,  who  became  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  and  was  keeper  of  the  castles  of  Ros- 
common and  Randown  in  1302  and  1304.  He  was  Sheriff  of  Ros- 
common in  1292  and  in  1302.  He  died  in  1327.  His  son  Simon, 
who  had  been  a  justice,  became  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas 
in  1335.     His  son  Richard  owned  the  manor  of  Derver  in  1347. 

A  conveyancing  transaction,  for  which  no  reason  is  given,  intended 
probably   to   clear    title,  shows  the  estates   of  Sir   Richard  in   1305. 
1  Cal.  Justiciary  Rolls. 


THE    BARONY    OF    GALLEN.  309 

He  transfers  by  several  deeds  all  his  lands  held  of  the  king  to 
Nicholas  de  Exeter,  a  priest.  The  king  conj&rms  the  transfer  on 
the  20th  May.  Nicholas  transfers  them  back  to  Sir  llichard.  The 
king  confirms  on  the  30th  June.  Like  transactions  take  place  in 
respect  of  lands  not  held  in  capite} 

He  held  in  capite  in  Meath  the  manors  of  Staghcallan,  Carrig, 
Listathell,  Bryaneston,  Crowenbeg,  and  Rathslyberaght,  messuages 
and  lands,  and  =£21,  9s.  4d.  rents  in  Rathbranna,  Donneyvin,  Imelagh- 
began,  and  le  Newenhagard  near  Trim  ;  the  manors  of  Derver  and 
Corbally  ;  in  Roscommon,  the  Athleague  estate.^ 

From  the  lords  of  the  fees  he  held  the  manors  of  Bellaghlysconan 
and  Lynne,  and  houses  and  lands,  and  40s.  rents,  and  the  manors  of 
Baronnyston  and  Phelipyston  de  Nugent  in  Louth.  The  last  two 
manors  seem  to  have  been  held  in  right  of  his  wife,  Elizabeth.  In 
Roscommon  he  had  lands  and  houses  in  Roscommon  and  in  the  Ii'ish 
town  of  Roscommon,  and  5|  villatas  of  land. 

The  family  must  have  held  a  very  high  position  in  Meath,  whence 
we  may  infer  that  Jordan  and  Stephen  were  junior  members  of  that 
family. 

MacFirbis  derives  Clan  Stephen  from  Jordan  Og,  but  there  was 
another  earlier  and  more  important  line  of  Stephens  connected  with 
Mayo. 

Stephen,  son  of  Stephen,  and  Johanna,  widow  of  Stephen,  filed  suits 
against  R.  Fleming  at  Dublin  in  1280.  In  1290  Sir  Stephen  acted 
in  Meath  inquisitions,  and  is  mentioned  in  1302  with  his  son  S.^ 

Stephen  was  killed  at  Athleth'an  in  1316,  called  lord  of  the  place 
in  the  Annals  of  Ulster,  bub  in  the  Hid.  et  Gen.  chief  of  his  nation, 
which  would  apply  to  Sir  Stephen  if  he  was  not  a  grandson  of 
Jordan  Mor.  It  is,  indeed,  not  improbable  that  Jordan  was  a  younger 
son  of  the  family  of  which  Sir  Stephen  was  the  head.  Meiler  was 
killed  in  1317.  In  1318  Matilda,  widow  of  Stephen,  son  of  Stephen, 
sued  for  dower  in  the  manors  of  Moyrathir,  Dawathlethren,  Dowath- 
myl  .  .  .  ,  and  in  the  manor  of  Duffathkeeghan  in  Urrus.^  Only 
the  last  is  identified  as  Dunkeeghan  in  Erris.  At  the  same  time, 
the  Pipe  Rolls  mention  the  estate  of  the  late  Stephen,  son  of  Stephen, 
in  Athmethan,  and  state  that  Meiler,  son  of  Meiler,  had  the  ward- 
ship of  the  lands  in  Connaught  which  Stephen  held  in  capite  during 
nonage  of  the  heir,  whose  name  is  not  given,  and  that  Meiler  having 
died,  his  uncle  Jordan  was  his  heir.  I  find  nothing  to  show  what 
lands  Stephen  held  in  capite  in  Connaught.  They  must  have  been  in 
the  king's  cantreds. 

Sir  Stephen,  therefore,  was  a  man  of  high  position,  in  close  rela- 

1  P.K.,  83  Ed.  I.  2  E,s.A.I..  1903,  p.  2i0. 

3  P.K.,  8  Ed.  I.,  and  D.I.  *  P.R.,  13  Ed.  II. 


310      THE   EARLY    HISTORY    OF   THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

tions  with  the  race  of  Jordan  by  occupation  of  lands  in  Mayo  and 
Waterford.  He  and  Jordan  Og  were  heads  of  two  independent 
branches,  and  he  was  recognised  by  the  Irish  as  the  head  of  a  family. 
It  is  therefore  probable  that  his  father  is  the  Stephen  from  whom 
MacStephen  sprang,  and  that  he  had  a  position  analogous  to  that  of 
MacSeonin,  holding  an  estate  by  a  title  independent  of  that  of 
Jordan  de  Exeter.  The  position  of  the  three  castles  of  Clan  Stephen 
in  a  part  of  a  parish  divided  arbitrarily  from  the  barony  of  Carra 
raises  a  suspicion  that  the  MacStephen  estate  was  originally  in 
Carra,  and  that  MacStephen  transferred  his  allegiance  to  his  kins- 
man of  Gallen  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

This  case  of  Sir  Stephen  shows,  what  appears  clearly  in  the  Plea 
Rolls,  that  in  King  Edward  I.'s  time  law  was  so  well  established  in 
these  parts  that  a  Meath  family  could  profitably  hold  remote  manors 
in  Eriis  and  Waterford. 

To  his  father  we  may  with  most  probability  assign  the  foundation  of 
Eathfran  Abbey,  though  there  is  no  record  of  his  connection  with  it, 
and  it  may  have  been  founded  by  Joi'dan  Og.  A  Thomas  de  Exeter 
is  found  at  Rathfran  in  1577  (13  D.K.  3081).  The  family  had  an 
estate  there  in  the  seventeenth  century.  It  alone  retained  the  name 
of  de  Exeter  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  other  branches  using  Irish 
surnames,  as  MacJordan  and  MacStephen.  We  must  hold  MacFirbis's 
descent  of  this  family  from  Jordan  Og  to  be  doubtful. 

The  MacJordans  were  not  always  on  good  terms  with  the  Mac- 
Williams.  The  hostility  resulted  in  a  settlement  made  by  Sir  IST. 
Malbie,  whereby  Mac  William's  chieftain  rights  were  commuted  for 
money  rent,  reducing  occasions  of  quarrel.  Though  this  settlement 
is  not  recorded  in  the  State  Papers,  it  has  support  from  Sir  N.'s 
dealings  with  MacJordan  in  his  early  compositions. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  MacJordan  sold  to 
Theobald  Dillon  his  heritable  rights. 

The  following  entries  appear  in  the  Annals  after  1320  : — 

(L.C.)  1336.  Meyler  MacJordan  de  Exeter  died.  1355.  Stephen 
was  killed.  (F.M.)  MacJordan,  lord  of  Athlethan,  and  John  were 
killed.  Here  we  must  refer  to  the  calendar  of  the  Patent  Rolls, 
4  Rich.  II,,  wherein  it  appears  that  the  Bishop  of  Clonmacnoise  as 
Sheriff  of  Connaught  reported  that  John,  son  of  John,  is  heir  of 
Meiler  de  Exeter  deceased,  and  is  under  age.  This  must  be  the 
Meiler  who  was  killed  in  1380  ;  it  is  most  unlikely  that  any  other 
family  is  referred  to.  If  so,  the  genealogy  requires  reconstruction. 
We  should  make  5  (1)  John  to  be  a  son  of  4  (2)  John,  taking  him  to 
be  the  heir  of  1381.  The  Bishop  would  follow  the  English  law  of 
succession,  but  at  this  period  the  family  would  disregard  English 
law  and  the  succession  would  fall  to  the  eldest  of  the  family  or  the 


THE  BARONY  OF  GALLEN.  311 

* 

most  active.  The  following  entries  show  how  imperfect  the  genealogy 
really  is.  1394.  Mac  Jordan,  John,  son  of  Meiler,  lord  of  Athlethan, 
was  killed  by  the  sons  of  John.  (F.M.)  1416.  MacJordan  attacked 
the  western  O'Haras,  intervening  in  an  existing  O'Hai'a  quarrel. 
O'Hara  and  some  Sligo  O'Conors  met  the  van  of  his  army,  when 
O'Hara  and  several  of  his  allies  were  slain.  MacJordan  plundered 
the  country,  but  was  attacked  in  his  retreat  and  killed  with  O'Rowan 
and  Hugh  O'Rowan  and  MacDuarcan,  lord  of  Culneiridh.  1426. 
Richai'd  MacJordan  of  the  Wood  was  killed  by  MacJordan  Duff 
(MacCostello).  (A.U.)  1497.  The  sons  of  John  Mor  MacJordan  were 
slain  in  treachery  in  the  spring  by  MacJordan,  Thomas,  and  by  his 
sons.  (L.C.)  1520.  William  MacJordan  died.  1584.  MacJordan,  i.e. 
Thomas  Duff,  died. 

We  have  two  entries  relating  to  the  great  bardic  and  literary 
family  of  O'Higgin,  which  had  a  good  estate  in  Leyny  :  (A.U.)  1448. 
O  hUiginn,  Tadhg  Og,  a  very  eminent  scholar  who  kept  a  great  school, 
died  at  Kilconla,  and  was  buried  at  Athlethan,  i.e.  Strade.  1476.  Brian, 
son  of  Farrell  Roe  O'Higgin,  head  of  his  tribe,  an  eminent  poet,  died 
on  Maundy  Thursday  and  was  buried  at  Athlethan. 

This  barony  is  remarkable  among  the  Mayo  baronies  for  the  number 
of  Gaelic  families  who  had  small  freeholds  at  the  close  of  the  sixteeiith 
century,  as  shown  in  the  Inquisitions  of  14  James  I.  These  inquisi- 
tions, after  making  allowances  for  changes  arising  from  sales  and 
forfeitures,  represent  fairly  the  general  state  of  the  tenures  as  they 
were  when  the  composition  prepared  new  conditions.  O'Rowans, 
MacDurcans,  O'Higgins,  O'Haras,  O'Hennegans  held  a  considerable 
extent,  usually  in  small  parcels.  MacNicholases  held  estates  near 
Bohola.     Their  name  suggests  that  they  were  of  English  descent. 

As  MacJordan  sold  his  estate  to  Dillon,  so  other  MacJordans  sold 
to  him.  Sir  Theobald  Bourke,  and  other  persons  before  inquisitions 
were  taken  in  the  time  of  King  James  to  ascertain  the  names  of  all 
the  freeholders  and  the  extent  of  their  lands.  Hence  we  cannot 
tell  how  the  bai-ony  was  divided  among  the  de  Exeters  except  in  a 
general  way. 

Our  first  information  is  in  the  Division  of  Connaught,  showing  the 
castles  of  Corraun,  Bellavary,  and  Danganmore  in  possession  of  the 
MacStephens,  as  they  were  in  1617.  The  Sleight  Henry  had  Kean- 
condroe,  Bohola,  and  Newcastle.  The  first  is,  I  think,  Ballinamore. 
They  form  a  compact  block  next  east  of  Clan  Stephen.  MacJordan  na 
Kelle  has  Clanvara  Castle,  not  identified,  probably  in  the  Swinford 
district,  the  castle  of  the  Tuath  of  Clanmanny. 

The  composition  has  eight  denominations,  whereof  two  are  parcels 
of  ecclesiastical  lands,  as  follows  :  Clan  Stephen,  16  qrs.  ;  Clanmanny, 
16  qrs. ;  Toae  Bohola,  16  qrs. ;  Toae  Newcastle,  16  qrs. ;  Coolcarney 


312       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

ancl  Toae  Bellahaghe,  64  qrs.  ;  Bellalahen,  16  qrs.  ;  Kinaff  and  Kille- 
dan,  6  qrs.  ;  Strade  Abbey,  4  qrs.  Excluding  the  ecclesiastical  lands 
and  Bellalahen,  which  seems  to  have  gone  witli  the  chieftainship,  the 
barony  is  divided  into  five  portions,  whereof  one  is  equal  to  the  other 
four  together.  Mac  Jordan  got  10  qrs.  free  in  Coolcarney  and  Bella- 
haghe, and  Jordan  FitzThomas  of  Bellahaghe  got  4  qrs.  free.  This 
Jordan,  therefore,  was  the  next  most  important  man  after  the 
chieftain  in  the  branch  of  the  family  to  which  the  chieftainship 
was  attached.  The  first  four  tuaths  thus  appear  to  be  heredi- 
tary estates  of  branches  of  the  family  which  had  lost  right  to  the 
succession,  comprising  most  of  the  land  south  of  the  Moy.  These 
tuaths  did  not  belong  exclusively  to  the  families  which  we  know  or 
suppose  to  have  occupied  them.  Other  freeholders  were  mixed  with 
de  Exeters.  We  may  take  it  that  while  these  represent  hereditary 
estates  in  a  general  way,  the  great  tuath  of  Coolcarney  and  Bellahaghe 
was  under  the  direct  management  and  control  of  the  chieftainship 
branch — the  line  of  Thomas  Duff — and  that,  but  for  the  change  of 
tenui-e,  estates  would  have  been  provided  for  other  branches,  and  had 
been  to  some  extent. 

In  1617  we  find  Henry  Mac  Jordan  owning  the  castle  of  Bellahagh, 
or  Old  Castle,  and  Callough,  Calbhach,  owning  that  of  Toomore  or 
Cloongee,  with  large  estates  attached — Henry's  mainly  in  Attymas, 
and  a  little  near  Bellahagh  ;  Callough's  mainly  in  Kilgarvan,  and  a 
little  in  Kilconduff  and  Meelick.  As  they  held  shares  in  two  quarters 
in  Attymas,  Callough  may  be  taken  as  of  the  family  of  Thomas  Mac- 
Jordan  of  Bellahagh. 


CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

THE     BARONY     OF     COSTELLO. 

This  barony  is  the  lordship  of  MacCostello,  from  whom  it  takes  its 
name,  but  was  first  named  after  Belahaunes.  The  part  north  of  the 
parish  of  Aghamore  was  in  the  kingdom  of  Luighne  or  Gailenga,  and 
was  a  subdivision  of  the  latter  called  Sliabh  Lugha.  In  St.  Patrick's 
time  the  Ciarraige  had  some  of  the  eastern  part  about  Castlemore 
and  the  Letter,  which  they  had  lost  by  the  thirteenth  century. 

As  far  back  as  history  goes  clearly,  the  southern  part  was  in 
possession  of  the  Ciarraige,  successors  of  tribes  called  Cruithnech 
in  the  Attacottic  list ;  but  they  make  no  great  show  in  history,  being 
one  of  the  tribes  on  which  Brian  Orbsen's  ancestors  and  descendants 
rested  their  supremacy  in  that  early  period  when  the  legends  give 
little  more  than  names  of  chief  kings. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  it  was  held  by  two  divisions  called 
Ciarraige  Uachtarach  and  Ciarraige  lochtarach,  the  latter  better 
known  as  Ciarraige  of  Loch  na  nAirneadh,  i^ow  Lough  Mannin. 
O'Ceirin  was  chief  of  all,  and  had  his  principal  dwelling  on  or  near 
the  lake.  Mannin  House  is  close  to  the  site  of  Mannin  Castle,  which 
is  on  a  small  peninsula.  The  country  about  the  lake  is  full  of 
cashels  and  duns.  In  the  lake  were  many  crannoges.  About  the 
lake  are  many  prehistoric  graves  and  remains  of  cromlechs,  evidence 
that  for  many  ages  the  lake  has  been  surrounded  by  the  dwellings  of 
families  of  high  position. 

In  the  de  Burgo  partition  Hugh  de  Lacy  had  a  grant  of  81iabh 
Lugha.  We  next  find  Miles  MacGoisdelbh  established  as  lord  of 
Sliabh  Lugha.  As  he  is  said  to  have  been  married  to  a  daughter  of 
the  Earl  of  Ulster,  he  probably  got  it  from  Hugh. 

Jocelyn  de  Angulo  came  to  Ireland  with  his  sons  Philip  and 
Gilbert,  called  by  the  Irish  MacGoisdelbh,  where  Goisdelbh  is  a 
corruption  of  Jocelyn,  corrupted  back  into  English  as  MacCostello. 
In  Hugh  de  Lacy's  enfeoffment  of  Meath,  Jocelyn  got  the  barony  of 
the  Navan,  and  his  son  Gilbert  got  Machaire  Gaileng,  comprising  Mor- 
gallion  and  Ratoath. .  Philip  and  Gilbert  were  outlawed  for  rebellion 
in  1195.  Gilbert's  fiefs  were  forfeited,  and  were  given  by  Walter  de 
Lacy  to  his  brother  Hugh  about  1198.  In  1206  King  John  pardoned 
Philip  and  Gilbert  and  William  de  Angulo.     This  William  had  been 


314       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

associated  with  Philip  and  (iilbert  in  their  rebellion,  and  had  held 
lands  under  the  king  and  under  Walter  de  Lacy,  which  Avere  restored 
to  him.^  As  he  is  the  ancestor  of  the  MacGoisdelbhs  of  Mayo,  we 
must  take  him  to  have  been  a  son  of  Jocelyn. 

Philip  was  allowed  to  succeed  to  his  father's  lands.  Gilbert  lost  all 
his  Meath  hinds.  He  had  taken  service  as  a  soldier  under  King 
Cathal  Crovderg,  who  gave  him  lands  in  Hy  Many.  When  he  was 
pardoned,  King  John  confirmed  to  him  what  he  held  from  King 
Cathal  so  fai-  as  it  lay  in  that  king's  part  of  Connaught,  and  made 
him  a  grant  of  other  lands,  probably  the  rest  of  Cathal's  grant. 

Being  afterwards  in  the  king's  service,  he  built  the  castle  of 
Caeluisce  with  King  Cathal's  help,  probably  near  Ballyshannon,  and 
was  killed  there  and  the  castle  burnt  in  the  following  year,  1213. 

His  family  held  the  Hy  Many  estates  until  the  partition  by 
Richard  de  Burgo,  when  they  seem  to  have  been  taken  up  in  an 
amicable  way  from  his  successoi'S,  as  Muintermailfinnain,  a  part  of 
them,  was  held  by  Earl  William  on  a  different  tenure  from  that  of 
the  rest  of  Connaught.  The  family  probably  died*  out  in  the  male 
line,  as  no  more  is  heard  of  this  branch. 

Miles  MacGoisdelbh  now  appears  fighting  in  Conmaicne  in  Co. 
Leitrim  for  the  Lord  of  the  Navan,  who  had  a  grant  from  Walter 
de  Lacy.  He  built  the  castle  of  Athanchip  in  1245,  but  was  driven 
out  of  the  country  in  1247.  Thus  ended  the  attempt  of  the  Lord  of 
the  Navan  to  hold  that  country  directly. 

He  appears  next  as  Lord  of  Sliabh  Lugha,  holding  the  great  castle 
of  Sliabh  Lugha,  Castlemore,  which  replaced  Ailech  Mor  Ciarraige, 
a  few  yards  away.  He  died  in  1259.  His  wife  had  been  buried  in 
Boyle  Abbey,  which  we  may  take  to  have  been  the  family  burying- 
place  until  Urlare  was  built. 

In  1324  Matilda,  widow  of  Jordan  de  Angulo,  and  her  husband, 
Nicholas  de  Kerdyff,  sue  John  and  Gilbert  de  Angulo  for  her  dower 
in  the  manor  of  Castlanmor  in  Connaught ;  and  John  sues  certain 
persons  for  lands  in  Angevyneston  near  Ardbraccan,  and  other  places, 
claiming  as  son  of  Jordan,  son  of  Hugo,  son  of  Milo,  son  of  Philip, 
son  of  William,  who  lield  them  of  the  king  in  capite  in  the  time 
of  King  John.  Matilda  sought  dower  also  in  the  manors  of  Kilbixi 
and  Kinclare  in  West  Meath.-  This  suggests  that  Jordan  was  not 
long  dead. 

John  pleaded  that  his  father  had  not  such  fee  and  freehold  in 
Castlemore  on  the  day  of  his  marriage  as  to  enable  him  to  endow 
Matilda. 3     Gilbert's  position  in  the  suit  does  not  appear.     He  was 

1  D.I.,  I.,  Nos.  36.3,  43G,  GTS.  2  P.K.,  17,  18  Ed.  II. 

=*  Matilda's  claim  was  admitted  except  as  to  Castlemore,  regarding  which  the 
result  does  not  appear. 


THE    BARONY    OF    COSTELLO.  315 

probably  the  owner  in  possession.  It  may  be  inferred  that  Gilbert 
or  his  father  had  been  enfeoffed  of  this  manor.  He  and  the  Thomas 
and  David  who  were  killed  in  1292  would  be  Gilbert  Mor's  three 
sons. 

The  Plea  Rolls  show  that  about  the  time  of  Milo's  death  a  Gilbert 
was  in  litigation  with  a  Philip  about  land  in  Obresil,  and  with  a 
William  about  other  land.  A  Michael  also  appears,  and  appears 
again  in  a  Pipe  Ptoll  of  .30  Edw.  I.  as  owing  half  a  knight's  service 
for  Obresil,^  which  name  survives  in  Brazil  townland,  in  Killossery 
parish,  Nethercross  barony,  Co.  Dublin.  But  we  have  no  informa- 
tion as  to  extent  of  the  estates  of  this  family  in  Meath  and  Dublin, 
nor  as  to  the  relation  of  the  line  of  Milo  to  the  other  members  of  that 
family. 

The  record  of  the  death  of  Hugo  in  1266  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce 
shows  that  he  was  known  in  Connaught. 

Philip  was  Sheriff  of  Connaught  in  1277.  The  sheriffs  were  men 
of  high  position  in  those  times.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  he 
held  the  cantred  of  Kerry  Oughter,  which  we  find  later  on  in  the 
possession  of  his  descendants,  the  MacJordans.  Jordan  or  his 
successor  must  have  taken  over  the  cantred  of  Kerry  Eighter  or 
Kerry  Lochnarney  from  the  FitzGerald  lord.  Though  the  MacJordan 
Duff  estate  was  thus  about  equal,  or  even  greater  than  that  of  Mac- 
Costello,  none  of  this  clan  was  ever  given  the  title  of  MacCostello ; 
they  always  acknowledged  that  the  title  lay  in  the  senior  line. 

From  Philip's  son  Baldraithe  came  also  the  small  clan  of  Mac- 
Philip  of  the  Letter,  who  had  Doo  Castle  in  that  region. 

Waldrons  live  about  Ballyhaunis  who,  I  am  told,  are  commonly 
called  Walder  by  their  neighbours,  and,  according  to  some  of  them, 
ought  to  be  called  Bhaldraithe.  This  suggests  that  Philip  originated 
a  thii"d  clan  called  MacBhaldraithe  and  MacBhaldrin.  The  latter 
form  is  given  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  1336,  and  by  O'Clery. 

My  genealogy  is  taken  from  that  of  D.  MacFirbis  from  Miles 
Bregach  downwards.  From  Edmond  an  Machaire  downwards  it 
seems  correct.  The  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  century  parts  are 
open  to  doubt.  An  ancestor  has  certainly  been  dropped  between 
Gilbert  Og  and  Edmond,  whom  I  insert  as  John,  who  died  in  1366. 
The  descent  of  the  lordship  at  this  time  seems  to  have  been  strictly 
in  accordance  with  English  law. 

Many  names  entered  in  the  Annals  cannot  be  placed.  The 
Genealogies  as  a  rule  omit  those  Avhose  descendants  did  not  survive 
to  the  time  of  compilation.  Thus  the  second  Edmond  an  Machaire 
is  omitted,  and  also  the  Philip  whose  son  was  set  up  as  chief  in  1487. 

Castlemore  was  always  MacCostello's  chief  castle.     Rathnaguppaun, 

1  38  D.K. 


31G       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

now  called  Rath  Castle,  was  the  chief  castle  of  MacJordan  Duff, 
probably  where  Philip  established  himself.  When  other  castles  and 
lands  were  sold  to  Theobald  Dillon,  MacJordan  kept  it  and  some  land 
about  it.     The  ruins  show  it  to  have  been  a  large  building. 

In  course  of  time  MacCostello  and  MacJordan  founded  monasteries 
for  their  territories  at  Urlare  and  ]iallyhaunis.  In  the  seventeenth 
century  tradition  told  that  the  latter  had  been  founded  on  the  site  of 
a  manor-house  of  the  de  Barrys.  Thick  foundations  have  been  found 
at  the  monastery. 

Lying  on  the  borders  of  the  Silmurray  and  the  Luighne,  the 
^lacCostellos  were  almost  always  at  war  with  their  neighbours, 
and  sometimes  among  themselves.  They  were  the  first  colonists 
of  their  high  rank  who  adopted  Gaelic  names.  MacRudhraighe 
appears  as  a  surname  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  centviry.  They 
were  probably  the  descendants  of  the  man  of  that  name  who  was 
killed  in  1545. 

There  is  no  trace  of  sui-vival  of  any  other  English  colonists  into  the 
sixteenth  century. 

War  of  the  MacCostellos  and  ]\IacDermots. 

Almost  always  at  war  with  each  other,  these  tribes  in  the  six- 
teenth century  carried  on  a  more  definite  warfare  than  usual,  inde- 
pendently of  the  larger  contests  of  the  greater  lords.  Other  periods 
may  have  been  much  the  same,  but  this  is  more  fully  described  by 
the  annalists. 

In  1547  Jordan  Boy,  son  of  John,  son  of  Walter  MacCostello,  went 
into  Moylurg  with  eighteen  followers  to  seek  stolen  property.  Brian, 
son  of  Ruaidhri,  son  of  Tadhg  MacDermot,  with  only  six  men  met 
him.  Brian  being  badly  wounded,  his  men  submitted,  but  Brian 
had  wounded  the  Gilladuff,  son  of  Philip  (or  MacPhilip)  severely. 

Tadhg  became  MacDermot  in  1549.  He  invited  the  learned  men 
of  Ireland  to  visit  him  at  Christmas,  when  he  was  so  generous  and 
libei'al  that  on  St.  Stephen's  Day  he  divided  among  the  professors 
and  poets  all  the  plunder  which  he  had  taken  from  MacCostello, 
being  60  cows,  and  from  Clan  Philip,  being  1200  (120?)  and  10  horses. 
These  must  have  been  acquired  in  raids  in  revenge  of  Brian. 

In  1551  Jordan  Boy  came  again,  and  was  defeated  by  the  Mac- 
Dermots  at  the  Upper  Muinchend,  losing  twenty  to  forty  men. 

In  1553,  the  MacDermots  being  at  war  among  themselves,  Jordan 
Boy  took  a  prey  from  Brian  ]\lacDermot's  people,  and,  with  the  help 
of  Eoghan  MacDermot's  sons,  killed  Tomaltach  MacDermot  treacher- 
ously on  the  Lung. 

In  retaliation,  MacDermot's  sons  made  a  great  depredation  on 
Jordan  Boy  in  1554. 

In    1557    Brian    MacDermot    plundered    MacCostello    and    burnt 


THE    BARONY    OF    COSTELLO.  317 

Tiilrohan.  A  large  force  overtook  him,  but  he  carried  oflE  his  booty 
after  a  fight. 

In  1560  he  plundered  Jordan  again,  and  killed  Heni-y  O'Gradaigh's 
sons. 

This  quarrel  seems  to  have  ended  when  Jordan  was  killed  by 
David  Ban  Bourke's  sons  in  Ballyloughdalla  in  Tirawley.  It  does 
not  appear  why  he  was  there  or  why  he  was  killed. 

The  following  notes  from  the  Annals  show  the  life  led  on  the 
borders  of  Mayo  and  Roscommon  from  fourteenth  to  sixteenth 
century : — 

(L.C.)  1333.  Gilbert  killed.  1336.  Maiduic,  son  of  Balldrin,  killed. 
13-1:0.  Jordan  Ruadh  killed  by  Cathal  MacDermot  Gall.  William, 
son  of  Gilbert,  was  slain  in  a  conflict  in  Brefne  by  the  Tellach  Echach. 
134G.  The  sons  of  Balldrin  treacherously  slew  Maghnus  MacDermot 
Gall  in  his  own  house.  1365.  An  attack  was  made  by  Clann  Gois- 
delbh  on  the  Luighne,  on  which  occasion  six  sons  of  kings  were  slain, 
along  with  Cormac  O'Hara,  the  Tanist.  1366.  John,  lord  of  Sliabh 
Lugha,  died. 

(O'Flaherty's  Annals.)  1367.  Milo,  son  of  Jordan  Duff;  Johnock, 
son  of  John,  son  of  Jordan  Duff ;  William,  son  of  Jordan  Ruadh  ; 
and  David,  son  of  Philip,  were  killed. 

(F.M.)  1384.  Miles  died.  U17.  John  plundered  Edmond  an 
Machaire,  but  was  shot  after  he  had  carried  off  the  prey.  1426. 
Richard  MacJordan  na  Coille  (de  Exeter)  was  taken  prisoner  by 
Owen,  son  of  Flaherty,  and  delivered  up  to  MacJordan  Duff,  who 
destroyed  him.  1428.  John  Finn  was  killed.  1437.  MacCostello, 
i.e.  Edmond  an  Machaire,  died.  1438.  Jordan,  son  of  John,  died. 
1443.  O'Flynn  and  some  of  his  kindred  were  slain  by  the  Clan 
Costello  at  the  house  of  O'Killeen.  1449.  O'Flynn  was  slain  in 
his  own  house  by  the  sons  of  Walter  Boy  MacCostello. 

(D.  MacFirbis's  Annals.)  1461.  Fergal  O'Gara,  that  ought  to  be 
King  of  Coolavin,  was  slain  by  MacCostello.  1464.  O'Flynn  and  his 
brother  and  five  of  their  men  were  slain  in  Clooncrim  by  the  sons  of 
Philip  MacCostello. 

(F.M.)  1464.  Tomaltach  Og  O'Gara  was  slain  by  night  in  a  skirmish 
on  Clooncarha  in  Kilmovee  parish  by  Maurice  MacDermot  Gall,  who 
Avas  in  alliance  with  MacCostello.  1467.  David  was  killed  by  Mac- 
Fheorais.  1468.  Edmond  an  Machaire  was  killed  by  his  brother 
William.  1487.  MacCostello,  John  Duff,  died.  His  own  brother 
William,  son  of  Edmond  an  Machaire,  and  Jordan,  son  of  Philip, 
were  both  set  up  as  lords.  1493.  David,  son  of  Meyler,  son  of 
Edmond  an  Machaire,  was  slain  by  O'Haras.  1496.  MacCostello  was 
taken  prisoner  by  MacDermot. 


318       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

(L.C.)  1536.  MacCostello,  John,  sou  of  the  Gilladuff,  was  killed  by 
Piers  and  by  some  of  the  people  of  Airtech — treacherously,  according 
to  the  Four  Masters.  See  also  above,  p.  167.  1545.  MucCostello,  i.e. 
Walter,  son  of  William  MacCostello,  went  on  an  expedition  to  Bunni- 
nadden  against  the  sons  of  the  O'Oonor  Sligo,  who  had  been  killed 
lately  by  the  MacDermots.  The  O'Conors  and  some  MacSAveenys 
defeated  him,  killing  MacCostello  and  his  son  Rudhraighe  at  Ruscach 
na  Gaithi.  1555.  MacCostello,  Piers,  was  killed.  1561.  Jordan  Boy 
was  killed.  1581,  Thomas  an  tSleibhe,  son  of  Richard,  died.  1582. 
The  Gilladuff  Og  and  Egnechan,  sons  of  the  Gilladuff,  were  killed. 
1586.  The  son  of  MacCostello,  William,  son  of  Piers,  was  hanged 
by  the  Sheriff  of  Roscommon  on  Dumha  na  Romhanach.  In  1588 
Sir  R.  Bingham  wrote  that  the  Sheriff  Eyland  had  hanged  by  warrant 
one  "  Pers"  MacCostello,  a  traitor  for  whom  Sir  N.  Malbie  had  offered 
£200  in  vain.  It  does  not  appear  what  Pers  had  done  to  be  so  highly 
valued.  This  man  may  be  really  William.  Sir  Richard's  Pers  may 
have  been  a  MacPers.  1588.  The  son  of  MacCostello,  Edmond,  died. 
1589.  The  son  of  MacCostello,  i.e.  William  Caech,  son  of  Jordan,  son 
of  John  Duff,  and  William,  son  of  Jordan,  son  of  Meiler  Ruadh, 
were  slain  on  Slieve  Murry  a  week  before  Christmas.  1590. 
Anthony,  son  of  Walter  Caech,  son  of  Thomas  Duff  MacJordan,  was 
killed. 

Sir  N.  Malbie  writes  to  Walsingham  on  10th  June  1580  : — 

MacCostello,  pretending  to  be  allied  to  the  Dillons,  as  he  is, 
"  hath  called  to  him  out  of  the  English  pale  this  gentleman  bearer 
hereof,  Mr.  Tibavdt  Dyllon  and  moving  him  to  join  with  him  in 
friendship  (in  the  name  of  his  kinsmen)  hath  with  the  consent  of 
all  the  rest  of  his  surname,  given  him  of  free  gift  a  great  portion 
of  his  land  with  a  large  ancient  castle  called  Castlemore."  Dillon 
wishes  to  devote  his  life  and  living  to  the  advancement  of  good 
government.     Therefore  I  recommend  him.^ 

This  tradition  of  common  descent  of  Dillons  and  de  Angulos  is 
found  also  in  O'Clery's  "  Book  of  Pedigrees,"  and  may  be  true, 
nothing  being  known  of  the  de  Angulo  pedigree  beyond  Jocelyn. 
Dillon  belonged  to  a  family  having  considerable  influence  in  the 
Irish  government,  was  a  man  of  ability,  and  was  not  hampered  by 
scruples  in  the  use  of  his  abilities.  In  a  few  years  he  acquired  so 
much  more  that  the  composition  for  the  barony  was  made  with  him 
alone  in  1587. 

On  the  10th  June  1586,  John  MacCostello,  captain  and  cliief  of  his 
nation,  surrendered  the  manors  and  lands  of  the  barony  with  the  inten- 
tion of  their  being  regranted  to  him,  and  renounced  the  title  and  name 
of  MacCostello  and  all  Irish  customs  incident  to  it ;  which  manors  and 
1  S.P.I.E.,LXXUL  51. 


THE    BARONY    OF    COSTELLO.  319 

lands,  as  described  below,  were  regranted  to  him  on  the  2nd  July 
1586,  to  be  held  by  the  service  of  the  twentieth  part  of  a  knight's 
fee,  and  one  fair  great  hawk,  and  10s.  rent  as  composition  for  cess 
out  of  every  quarter  that  shall  be  charged  therewith  by  the  com- 
missioners. 

The  manors  and  lands  of  Castlemore,  Kilcolman,  Benfadda,  Ballin- 
doo,  Letter  MacPhilip,  Twoee  Balliallon,  alias  Slyeve  O'Loee  (Sliabh 
Lugha),  Mannyn,  Illanmacgillavally,  Bealagary,  Annagh,  Caislean 
Bellaveel,  Tulrohaun,  Bekan,  Keryeghter,  Keryoghter,  and  Cowgy, 
Ballindingen,  and  the  three  towns  of  the  Errick. 

Letter  MacPhilip  is  part  of  Kilbeagh  towards  Doo  Castle  or 
Ballindoo,  and  Sliabh  Lugha  comprises  pai-ts  of  the  Bockagh  and 
MuUaghanoe  ranges.  Bealagary,  or  Belanagar,  is  now  called  Cashlaun 
na  Drancaddha  near  Ballyhaunis.  Keryeghter,  Keryoghter,  and 
Cowgy,  or  Coogue  now,  are  parts  of  Aghamore  and  Knock,  the 
present  townlands  of  Coogue  lying  to  the  north-west  of  Lough 
Mannin.  Ballindingen  is  probably  the  town  of  the  fort  called  Dhine, 
Daingean,  in  Kilgarriff  townland,  south  of  the  Coogues. 

MacCostello's  title  being  thus  secured,  he  seems  to  have  sold  it  to 
Dillon  immediately,  the  transaction  being  thus  noted  in  the  Annals 
of  Loch  Ce  for  1586  :  "The  Great  Castle  of  MacGoisdelbh,  and  half 
the  lordship  of  the  country,  were  given  to  Tibbot  Dillon  by  MacGois- 
delbh, i.e.  John,  son  of  the  Gilladuff,  son  of  Hubert.  O'Gadhra  gave 
five  towns  in  his  division,  and  the  castle  of  Daire-mor,  to  the  same 
man." 

Dillon  acquired  most  of  the  MacJordan  rights  also,  as  we  find  him 
in  the  seventeenth  century  owning  all  the  castles  of  the  country 
except  MacJordan's  castle  of  Rathnaguppaun. 

When  the  composition  was  made,  the  survey  of  1587  dealt  with  the 
country  in  five  divisions,  viz. :  Castlemore,  52  qrs.  ;  Letter  MacPhilip, 
48  qrs.;  Kerryoughter,  52  qrs.;  Tulrohaun,  52  qrs.;  Ballyhaunis, 
48  qrs.  For  the  assessment  of  composition  rent,  it  was  recommended 
that  four  of  these  quarters  be  treated  as  one  quarter  of  120  acres, 
owing  to  the  poverty  of  the  country. 

Thus  the  MacCostellos  lost  their  place  among  the  great  land-owning 
families.  Dillon's  transactions  must  have  been  generally  fair,  though 
Sir  R.  Bingham  took  exception  to  the  ways  in  which  he  and  others 
had  got  large  tracts  of  land.  No  complaints  appear  to  have  been 
made  by  those  concerned.  The  MacCostellos  did  not  take  advantage 
of  disturbances  to  turn  against  him.  The  change  may  have  benefited 
them  in  various  ways.  They  were  not  all  turned  out  of  their  castles 
and  lands,  but  held  on  English  tenures,  paying  a  fixed  rent,  free  from 
the  irregular  exactions  of  chieftains,  and  from  the  quarrels  and 
jealousy  due  to  uncertain  successions.     Under  him  as  landlord  they 


320      THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

got  all  the  benefits  which  the  composition  was  intended  to  confer  on 
the  subjects  of  the  old  chieftains. 

Dillon  similarly  acquired  the  castle  of  Gallagh  on  the  shore  of 
Lough  Glinn,  and  MacDermot  Gall  rights  over  the  greater  part  of 
Artech ;  thus  two  hostile  tribes  were  brought  under  one  head  who 
was  not  directly  connected  with  either,  and  was  a  means  whereby 
ancient  enmities  could  be  let  subside  and  the  new  ideas  of  English 
government  be  brought  into  effect. 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

THE    BAROXY    OF    CLANMORRIS, 

The  territory  comes  late  into  notice  as  Tir  Nechtain  and  Tir  Enna, 
called  after  IsTechtan  and  Enna,  sons  of  Brian  Orbsen,  whose  descend- 
ants inhabited  them — obscure  small  clans  overshadowed  by  their  great 
relatives.  Even  the  names  of  their  chiefs  are  unknown.  Except  that 
the  great  Abbey  of  Mayo  grew  up  here,  history  ignores  it. 

The  northern  part,  consisting  of  the  parishes  of  Kilcolman  and 
Mayo,  was  called  Tir  Nechtain,  and  the  southern  part  Tir  Enna,  but 
the  boundaries  between  them  are  not  known.  The  latter  had  the 
alternative  name  of  Tir  Ninnidh,  which  in  part  is  carried  on  by 
Doonmacreena,  properly  Dun  maic  Ninnidh.  An  alternative  name 
for  the  whole  was  Crich  Fir  Thire,  which  was  also  in  a  smaller  sense 
applied  to  the  parish  of  Kilvine,  as  Tir  Nechtain  was  applied  to  that 
of  Kilcolman. 

Maurice  FitzGerald  acquired  it  from  a  Gerald  de  Rupe,  who  probably 
got  it  from  a  Gerald  Prendergast.  When  Gerald  Prendergast,  the  great 
baron  of  Leinster  and  Munster,  died  in  1251,  and  his  estates  fell  to 
John  Cogan,  son  of  his  daughter  by  his  first  wife,  a  Butler,  and  to  a 
daughter  of  his  second  wife,  who  was  a  daughter  of  Richard  de  Burgo, 
we  find  William,  Philip,  David,  Maurice,  Elias,  and  Henry  Prender- 
gast holding  under  him  in  Munster.  He  had  probably  established 
some  of  his  relations  here  before  he  sold  to  G.  de  Rvipe,  but  the  seller 
may  have  been  one  of  his  many  relations. 

When  the  family  first  appears  in  Connaught,  David  is  its  head, 
who  had  sons,  David,  Gerald,  and  John.  The  family  is  rarely  noticed 
in  the  Annals,  and  there  is  no  extant  genealogy.  Less  is  known  of 
this  than  of  any  other  great  family  of  Mayo. 

The  tribe  name  was  Clann  Muiris  na  mBri,  the  castle  of  the  Bri,  now 
called  Brees  Castle,  having  been  their  first  stronghold,  and  in  after 
times  attached  to  the  name  of  MacMaurice.  The  surname  MacMuii-is, 
or  MacMorris,  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the  Maurice  Prender- 
gast who  came  with  Strongbow,  a  most  valiant  knight  and  a  man  of 
his  word.  The  tribe  name  was  taken  from  a  Maurice  Sugach,  son  of 
Gerald,  as  it  is  so  given  in  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  1335.  MacGarailt, 
or  MacGarrett,  was  an  alternative  name,  whence  they  have  been  called 
FitzGerald  s. 

321  V 


322       THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    MAYO. 

It  passed  out  of  the  FitzGerald  hands  before  1333,  when  William 
Prendergast  was  the  principal  lord  under  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  who  had 
been  given  the  Earl's  court  in  the  cantred. 

The  MacMorrises  went  against  Sir  Edmond  Albanagh  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  and  succeeded  to  the  last  in  keeping  themselves  free 
from  formal  dependence  on  MacWilliam  Bourke.  Naturally  they 
usually  took  the  side  against  him.  Thus  in  1420  they  intervened 
in  a  quarrel  between  the  two  O'Haras  on  behalf  of  John  O'Hara's 
sons,  who  were  Mac  William's  enemies,  and  suffered  a  defeat  in  which 
MacMorris  was  taken  prisoner. 

In  the  sixteenth  centuiy  we  find  the  parish  of  Balla  within  this 
lordship. 

At  the  close  of  the  century  the  MacMoiTises  were  spread  over  the 
barony,  being  described  as  of  the  Bri,  Murneen,  Derowel,  Ahena, 
Barreel,  Castlemacgarrett,  Castlekeel,  Ballyhowly,  Gortnedin.  Mac- 
Walter  of  Garrydufif,  MacAdam  of  Clogher  MacAdam  and  Cloonconor, 
MacSherone  and  MacUlick  of  Kinkelly  were  probably  Prendergasts. 
FitzSimon,  called  MacEryddery,  had  a  large  estate  with  the  castles  of 
Doonmacreena  and  Castlereagh  in  the  south.  Fleming  of  Carrantawy 
and  Stangfoi'd  of  Ballynastangford  seem  to  be  other  descendants  of 
early  colonists.  MacCristicks  held  land,  who  may  be  either  Gaelic 
or  English.  Mac  an  Brehon  and  O'Cullenan  were  Gaelic  land- 
holders. 

Like  other  chieftains,  MacMorris  settled  MacDonnells  on  his  lands, 
who  are  described  as  of  Mayo,  Kielcolla,  Cloonkeen,  Tawnagh,  Cor- 
bally,  but  they  had  not  much  land,  and  no  castle. 

In  May  1585  Ricard  MacMorris  of  the  Brees,  chief  of  his  nation, 
had  a  grant,  after  surrender,  of  the  whole  barony  of  Clanmorris,  the 
manor  or  castle  of  Brees,  the  castle  and  lands  of  Murneen,  the  lands 
of  Cranan  and  Termon,  and  all  the  manors,  castles,  and  lands  which 
he  has  in  the  barony  or  territory  of  Clanmorris  and  in  the  territory 
of  Tirenene  and  Tirrenaghtin,  as  fully  as  Walter  Og  MacMorris,  late 
captain  of  the  nation,  held  them.  To  hold  for  ever  by  the  service  of 
one  knight's  fee  ;  rent  <£40  English,  and  one  goshawk.  To  attend  the 
deputy  or  governor  of  the  province  on  all  hostings  or  journeys  with 
4  horsemen  and  24  footmen  armed,  with  victuals  for  40  days  ;  to  supply 
annually  40  men  with  tools  and  victuals  for  4  days,  to  do  such  work 
in  the  county  as  shall  be  appointed ;  to  send  to  all  hostings  in  the 
province  16  horses  with  their  drivers,  to  carry  victuals.  These  rents 
and  customs  to  be  levied  indifferently  on  the  followers  of  MacMorris, 
and  in  all  places  in  the  barony  of  Clanmorris  Avhere  the  40  marks 
were  levied  by  Sir  N.  Malbie,  Knt.,  late  governor  of  the  province,  as 
parcel  of  the  composition  of  said  Ricard.  This  grant  not  to  bar  the 
rights  of  any  of  the  queen's  subjects.     The  premises  are  discharged 


THE    BARONY    OF    CLANMORRIS.  323 

from  the  composition  made  by  Malbie,  and  all  other  burdens,  saving 
the  queen's  prerogative,  and  the  rents  herein  reserved.^ 

This  grant  was  modified  by  the  Indenture  of  Composition. 

Having  acquired  a  certain  heritable  estate,  Ricard  parted  with  it  to 
John  Moore  of  Meelick,  following  the  example  of  MacCostello,  which 
MacJordan  also  followed.  But  these  transactions  did  not  occur 
immediately.  In  these  sales  they  may  have  been  influenced  by 
consideration  of  the  difficulty  of  securing  the  succession  to  their 
own  heirs,  who  would  have  found  themselves  in  conflict  with  those 
who  would  have  succeeded  to  the  chieftainship  estate  under  the 
abolished  customs.  It  would  have  been  hard  for  one  of  the  clan  to 
enforce  these  new  rights  against  his  fellows,  whereas  cash  could  be 
invested  elsewhere,  and  a  stranger  could  enforce  his  rights  unhampered 
by  family  feelings. 

1  15  D.K.,  4669. 


CHAPTER    XXXIX. 

THE    BARONY    OF    ROSS. 

Ix  earliest  times  this  barony  was  in  the  territory  of  the  Tuath  Resent 
Umoir  and  of  the  Partraige,  whom  the  Conmaicne  put  out  of  sight. 
It  was  within  the  FitzGerald  manor  of  Lough  Mask.  The  barony  was 
first  hiid  out  to  comprise  the  lands  of  the  Joys,  the  Walshes,  and  the 
Partry,  in  which  MacThomas  and  MacTybod  Avere  chiefs.  But  it  was 
in  fact  confined  to  the  lands  held  under  MacThomas,  and  those  of  Ross 
and  Rallynonagh  which  were  held  by  Sir  Murrough  O'Flaherty,  who 
was  considered  to  hold  the  entire  barony  under  MacWilliam.  The 
parish  of  Partry  or  Ballyovey  was  in  Carra  when  the  composition  of 
1585  was  made. 

MacThomas  of  Castlekirke  was  the  head  of  the  Joys,  a  very  large 
tribe,  spread  all  over  the  barony,  divided  into  several  clans. 

The  first  of  the  family  must  have  had  a  grant  from  Maurice 
FitzGerald.  The  Plea  Rolls  of  3  Edw.  II.  show  that  the  widow  of 
Thomas  Joy  sued  his  son  Richard  for  one-third  of  two  vills  in 
Connaught  as  dower.  This  Thomas  may  be  Thomas  Roe,  son  of 
Davock,  son  of  Johnkin  na  Gasraighe,  son  of  Heoigli,  i.e.  Joy,  son  of 
Sir  David,  son  of  the  King  of  Wales,  from  whom,  according  to 
MacFirbis,  all  the  Joys  descended.  Up  to  Johnkin  the  pedigree 
may  be  correct,  and  he  be  the  first  settler. 

The  Joys  do  not  come  into  view  again  until  the  latter  quarter  of 
the  sixteenth  century. 

The  barony  was  afterwards  transferred  to  Galway  by  Sir  W.  Fitz- 
A\  illiam,  because  tlie  composition  rent  was  claimed  by  the  collector 
for  Galway,  being  included  in  the  Indenture  of  lar  Connaught. 


324 


APPENDICES. 

I. 

THE   EAELY   LEGENDS   OF   IRELAND. 

L  General  Remarks. 

The  legends  and  historical  statements  are  here  examined  without  submission 
to  the  chronology  and  genealogies  framed  by  Irjsh  historians  to  connect  Noah 
with  the  men  of  their  own  time,  save  as  a  measure  of  relative  antiquity  in 
their  opinion.  Their  systems  were  drawn  from  ancient  legends,  tales,  and 
poems  such  as  appear  in  abstract  in  the  Dindsenchas,  in  addition  to  those 
which  have  survived  to  this  day.  These  I  examine  so  far  as  they  have  been 
translated  and  published.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  remainder  will  differ 
widely  from  the  part  already  published. 

My  conclusion  is  that  the  Fomorach,  Firbolg,  and  Tuatha  De  Danann 
were  clans  of  the  Gael  who  fought  with  each  other  about  the  beginning  of 
the  Christian  era,  much  as  their  descendants  did  in  historical  times,  and  that 
the  traditions  do  not  go  much  farther  back  except  in  a  very  shadowy  way. 

In  dealing  with  historical  legends  I  keep  two  points  in  mind  :  that  the 
tribal  relations  of  tribes  dwelling  near  each  other  are  fairly  correctly  repre- 
sented by  their  pedigrees,  though  the  early  parts  of  those  pedigrees  may  be 
obviously  false,  and  that  tribes  rose  over  and  sank  beneath  each  other  as  they 
rose  and  sank  in  historical  times.  Thus  the  Gregry,  Kerry,  Conmaicne  of 
Mayo  and  Galway,  and  the  Corcamoe  are  closely  related  in  origin,  though  the 
pedigrees  connecting  them  with  the  Irian  kings  of  Ulster  cannot  be  trusted  : 
they  stand  to  the  Eremonians  as  a  body  in  a  mucli  less  intimate  relationshiji 
than  they  do  to  each  other.  So  the  Sodhans  and  Corcamoe  are  grouped  as 
of  Irian  descent  in  respect  of  the  Hy  Many,  but  as  between  themselves  the 
Corcamoe  are  more  closely  related  to  the  Conmaicne  than  to  the  Sodhans. 

As  to  tribes  far  distant  from  each  other,  the  pedigrees  deserve  little  credit. 
The  Calry  of  Connaught  and  the  Corcalee  of  Munster,  the  Kerry  of  Con- 
naught  and  the  Kerry  of  Munster,  cannot  be  accepted  as  close  relations  in  the 
absence  of  additional  evidence. 

Taking  the  historical  period  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  to 
the  Anglo-Norman  Conquest,  I  find  no  great  displacement  of  any  tribe  by  a 
conqvieror.  Tribes  have  been  made  to  acknowledge  supremacy,  but  liave  not 
been  suddenly  cleared  off  a  large  tract  of  country.  The  process  was  gradual 
encroachment  on  the  weaker  tribes,  who  remained  within  narrower  limits  or 


326 


APPENDICES. 


in  an  inferior  condition,  and  by  degrees  died  out  or  were  lost  in  other  names. 
Thus  the  descendants  of  Muvedach  Mulleathan  took  new  clan  names  and 
acquired  hereditary  estates  in  Moy  Ai  and  overilowed  upon  their  neighbours, 
the  Kerry,  the  Delbna  of  Sid  Nenta,  the  Corcamoe,  upon  part  of  Conmaicne, 
and  even  into  Cruffon,  the  kingdom  of  O'Mulrony,  a  king  of  the  Hy  Many 
race.  Later  Maelruanaid,  son  of  Tadg  of  the  White  Horse,  by  a  partition 
with  O'Conor  got  the  great  kingdom  of  Moylurg,  which  was  made  up  at  the 


THE 
ATTACOTTIC  TRIBES 

ACCORDING  TO 
MACFIRBIS. 


expense  of  the  Kerry  of  Artech,  of  the  former  Cali-y  landowners  of  Moylurg, 
and  of  the  Hy  Ailella.  And  this  new  tri):)e  had  a  great  offshoot  in  the  j\Iac- 
Donoghs.  Thus  the  Hy  Fiachrach  spread  from  Carra  and  Tirawley  over  Tire- 
ragh,  obliterating  the  Calry  except  in  Coolcarney.  A  similar  process  of 
settlement  of  tribes  descended  from  Torlo<.'h  Mor  was  in  operation  when 
Richard  de  Burgo  was  put  in  possession  of  Connauglit.  The  race  of  Brian 
Luignech  kept  their  settlement  in  Carbury  by  accepting  the  FitzGerald 
supremacy,  and  eventually  became  powerful.  But  for  that  conquest  another 
hundred  years  would  have  shown  O'Conor  as  the  chief  of  a  Sil  Torley,  to 


APPENDICES.  327 

whom  the  Sil  Murray  would  have  occupied  the  position  which  the  Kerry, 
Coiimaicne,  &c.,  formerly  occupied  towards  them. 

Disappearance  of  a  powerful  tribe  and  appearance  of  another  in  its  place, 
without  legends  of  great  conquests  which  seem  true,  lead  to  suspicion  that 
the  new  tribe  is  a  transformation,  or  a  clan  of  the  old  which  has  attained 
supremacy  within  the  tribe.  The  Hy  Many,  the  Gregry,  and  the  Conmaicne 
Eein  illustrate  this. 

The  case  of  the  Hy  Many  is  very  clear,  and,  like  that  of  the  Gregry,  is 
mentioned  farther  on.  The  case  of  the  Conmaicne  Rein  is  nearly  as  clear  as 
that  of  the  Hy  Many.  The  Book  of  Fenagh  is  not  authority  for  history, 
but  is  very  good  authority  for  the  legends  of  the  Conmaicne  Rein  regarding 
their  origin.  It  tells  us  that  St.  Caillin  found  the  Conmaicne  of  Dunmore 
quarrelling,  and  induced  them  to  keep  the  peace  and  let  him  get  them  more 
land.  He  went  to  Moy  Rein,  where  he  converted  Aedh  Dubh  son  of  Fergua, 
and  procured  from  him  land  for  the  Conmaicne.  Aedh  Dubli  was  too  black 
for  his  own  taste,  and  was  by  St.  Caillin's  intercession  given  the  shape  of 
St.  Rioc,  and  became  Aedh  Find  in  future.-^  He  iispired  to  the  championshiiJ 
of  the  Glasry,  a  tribe  descended  from  Niall  of  Nine  Hostages,  dwelling  in  the 
country  of  Cairbre,  the  Barony  of  Granard.  The  Attacottic  List  mentions 
Glasry  as  an  extinct  Milesian  tribe  and  Glasry  as  an  Attacottic  tribe.*  Their 
own  tradition  shows  that  there  were  no  Conmaicne  in  Moy  Rein  until  the 
sixth  century. 

These  facts  point  to  adoption  l)y  these  Conmaicne  of  a  pedigree  connecting 
them  with  tbose  of  Dunmore,  probably  by  identification  of  one  of  their 
ancestors  with  one  of  the  same  name  in  the  Dunmore  family  pedigree. 

The  Coir  Anmann  gives  Cu  and  Lugaid  Conmac  as  alternative  names  of 
Conmac,  son  of  Fergus.'  In  the  Book  of  Fenagh,  Conmac  and  Lugaid 
Conmac  are  two  men  separated  by  several  generations.  The  Irish  traditions 
show  that  Hy  Conmaic,  i.e.  Conmaicne,  existed  before  Fergus's  time. 

Moreover,  Aedh  Dubh  of  the  Glasry  seems  to  have  been  identified  with  the 
Aedh  Find  of  Brefne,  and  the  ancient  Milesian  Glasry  to  have  been  treated 
as  Attacots  and  again  as  Milesians. 

The  Attacottic  List  quoted  above  is  a  list  of  Attacottic  tribes  taken  from 
the  Book  of  Glendalough  with  D.  MacFirbis's  notes  thereon,  which  deserves 
attention.  It  seems  to  be  the  result  of  investigation  to  ascertain  what  free 
tribes  existed  before  the  Attacottic  Revolution,  and  what  Attacottic  tribes 
took  their  places.  The  Attacots  are  said  to  have  distributed  themselves  over 
Erin  after  the  extinction  of  her  free  men,  namely,  forty-six  tribes  who  were 
replaced  by  forty-seven  servile  tribes. 

I  understand  that  the  compiler  found  that  the  forty-six  tribes  came  by 
their  relationships  into  the  genealogies  of  the  descendants  of  Breogan.  They 
became  extinct  by  the  operation  of  the  Revolution.  Consequently  the  tribes 
found  in  existence  in  and  immediately  after  the  Attacottic  period  were  not 
recognised  as  of  Milesian  descent,  because,  according  to  the  theory  of  ex- 
tinction, the  tribes  then  existing  could  not  be  free  tribes, 

1  "  Book  of  Fenagh,"  pp.  83,  119,  179-191. 

2  Introduction  to  O'Curry's  "  Lectures  on  the  Manners  and  Customs  of  the 
Ancient  Irish,"  p.  xxvii. 

3  "  Irische  Texte,"  3rd  series,  p.  274. 


328 


APPENDICES. 


I  find  among  the  extinct  free  tribes  Benntraighe,  Cathraiglie,  Condraighe 
Glasraighe,  Bibraiglie,  and  servile  tribes  of  the  same  name.  The  Cathraighe 
of  the  Domnonian  race  have  certainly  been  transformed  into  the  Milesian 
Hy  j\Iany. 

The  free  Gabhraighe  are  not  represented  among  the  Attacottic  tribes,  but 
in  Queen  .Meav's  time  there  was  a  Domnonian  tribe  called  Gabhraighe  of  the 
Suck,  which  does  not  appear  again  in  later  legends.      The  free  Calraighe  are 


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not  represented  among  the  Attacots,  but  the  Calraighe  of  history  ajipear  at 
an  early  date,  with  an  evidently  factitious  pedigree  connecting  them  with 
Leinster  and  Munster  tribes. 

A  tract  on  Cairpre  Cinnchait  and  the  Athach  Tuatha  ^  gives  a  different 
distribution  of  the  Attacots  and  names  only  thirty-two  tribes,  under  other 
names  in  some  cases.  The  Clann  Umoir  tribes  are  wholly  omitted  by  that 
name.  The  Tuath  Kois  is  placed  in  Tirawley  and  Tireragh.  The  Life  of 
St.  Mochua  of  Balla  ^  quotes  an  old  poem  which  calls  the  clans  of  Fiachra 
by  the  name  Clanns  of  Ross,  who  was  a  grandson  of  Ailill  Molt,  or  a  son  of 

^  Revue  Celtiquc,  xx.  p.  335. 

2  Book  of  Lismore  iu  "  Anecdota  Oxoniensia." 


APPENDICES.  329 

Ere  Culbuide.  Those  clans  in  tlie  sixth  century  had  a  supremacy  over  the 
Hy  Fiachrach.  Furtlier,  it  seems  to  me  that  what  are  called  in  the  former 
tract  extinct  free  tribes  are  called  Attacots  in  this. 

2.  The  Fomorach,  Tuatha  De  Danann,  and  Cruithne. 

The  earliest  notices  of  the  Fomorians  show  them  to  have  been  chiefly  in 
the  north  of  Ireland.  Partholan  defeats  them  in  the  north.  Nemed  defeats 
them  in  Ulster  and  in  Connaught,  where  lie  kills  two  of  their  kings,  Gann 
and  Sengann,  names  which  recur  as  those  of  kings  of  the  Fir  Domnann.  The 
Fomorians  get  the  better  of  the  Nemedians,  have  their  chief  fortress  on  Tory 
Island,  and  receive  their  tributes  near  the  Erne.  From  Partholan  and 
Nemed  descen<i  the  Domnonians  and  the  Danonians.  Irial  Faidh  defeats 
them  and  kills  their  king  in  Teanmagh  ;  and  in  Teffa  defeats  and  kills  Stirn, 
son  of  Dubh,  son  of  Fomor.  Eochy  Mean,  Fomorian,  king  of  the  northern 
half  of  Ireland,  kills  Sobhairce,  King  of  Ireland.  Oengus  Olniucada  kills 
Smiorgall,  king  of  the  Fomorach,  at  Ardagli.  Sirna  kills  their  king  Ceasarn 
in  Breg.  Cical,  descendant  of  Uadmoir,  a  Fomorian,  is  said  to  have  been  in 
Ireland  before  Partholan,  with  whom  he  fought  a  battle  at  Magh  Itha  in  Ulster.^ 

The  Tale  of  the  Second  Battle  of  Moytura  makes  them  a  northern  race  and 
associates  them  with  the  Danonians  by  marriage.^  The  descents  given  there 
and  those  given  by  Keating  differ,  but  make  the  connection  equally  close. 
Two  men  were  named  Bres,  son  of  Elathan,  who  seem  to  be  sometimes  con- 
fused. The  Tale  of  the  First  Battle  tells  us  that  Bres,  son  of  Elathan,  son  of 
Delbaeth,  was  killed  in  the  battle,  and  that  Bres,  son  of  Elathan,  son  of  Neid, 
was  elected  king  of  the  Danonians  after  the  battle,  reigned  seven  years,  and 
died  on  Sliabh  Gamh,  whereupon  Nuadat  resumed  the  sovereignty.^  This 
Bres  seems  to  be  a  Fomorian  king  who  established  a  supremacy  after  the  first 
battle,  lost  it,  and  was  killed  in  the  second  battle.     He  is  first  cousin  of  Balor, 

Emer,  wife  of  Cuchullin,  is  one  of  "  the  daughters  of  Tethra's  nephew,  i.e. 
Forgall,  the  king  of  the  Fomori."  * 

When  Cuchullin  reaches  the  Dun  of  Ruad,  King  of  the  Isles,  Conall  Cernach 
and  Laegaire  have  arrived  just  before  him  to  levy  tribute,  because  the  Isles 
of  the  Foreigners  were  then  under  tribute  to  Ulster.  He  rescues  Ruad's 
daughter,  who  had  been  assigned  as  tribute  to  the  Fomori,  by  killing  three 
Fomori  who  came  for  her.^  Conall  Cearnach  and  Laegaire  Buadach  were 
there  at  that  time  to  levy  tribute  for  Ulster.  There  seems  to  be  no  reason 
why  Conall  and  Laegaire  should  be  there  levying  tribute  and  taking  no  notice 
of  the  payment  of  tribute  to  the  Fomori.  It  is  like  an  edition  of  the  story 
when  the  Fomori  were  no  longer  recognised  as  Ulstermen.  In  the  Courtship 
of  Ferb,  Conor  Mac  Nessa  brings  a  body  of  Fomorach  against  Gerg. 

A  genealogical  table  constructed  from  Keating's  History  and  the  Tale  of 
the  Second  Battle  shows  how  the  Tribes  of  De  Danu  break  up  into  Delbhna, 
Clann  Cein  or  Cianachta,  and  Luighne.  The  Danu  from  whom  the  race  takes 
its  name  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  woman  far  down  in  the  line.  Unless 
there  was  an  earlier  Danu,  this  clan  is  improperly  named. 

1  Keating,  116,  124,  125,  219,  225;  A.Cl.  31,  36  ;  F.M.,  A.M.,  3790. 
^  Revue  Celtique,  xii.  *  O'Donovan's  Translation,  O.S.L.M. 

*  "  Cuchullin  Saga,"  p.  64.  *  Ibid.,  p.  81. 


330  APPENDICES. 

De  Domnu  and  De  Danii  may  be  gods,  but  it  is  most  unlikely  that  they 
are,  and  that  in  these  two  instances  alone  Irish  tribes  are  called  after  a  god 
and  not  after  an  ancestor.  Tlie  Domnu  from  whom  the  Per  Domnann  took 
their  name  does  not  ajipear  in  legend  unless  Indech  Mac  De  Domnann  was 
his  son.     Mac  De  Domnann  is  more  likely  to  be  a  surname. 

The  name  Fomor  in  the  Irian  genealogy  suiJi^lie.s  an  origin  for  Fomorach, 
as  Eogan  did  for  Eoganach  in  the  same  country.  There  may  have  been  many 
Fomors  in  the  clan. 

Stirn,  son  of  Dubh,  son  of  Fomor,  can  hardly  be  other  than  the  brother  of 
Sorge  McDuff,  killed  by  Irial  Faidh  at  the  same  place.^  Sorge  looks  like  an 
English  form  of  Sithrige.  Possibly  the  authority  for  the  Clonmacnoise 
entry  called  him  only  son  of  Dubh,  and  the  annalist  supplies  the  name. 
Taking  him  for  the  Fomor  of  the  Irian  genealogy,  the  entries  are  a  good 
illustration  of  expansion  and  dislocation  of  legends  in  the  formation  of  history 
of  proper  duration. 

From  the  death  of  Irial  Faidh  to  the  death  of  Argetmar  was  701  years 
according  to  Keating,  932  years  according  to  the  Four  Masters.  Stirn  or 
Sithrige  is  thus  taken  800  or  1000  years  before  his  proper  time. 

The  Fomorach,  being  Irian,  are  the  same  race  as  the  Cruithne  of  Ulster  and 
Connaught.  The  Cruithne  lielped  the  Domnonian  Crindithann  Sciathbhel, 
the  King  of  Leinster,  to  subdue  the  British  tribe  called  Tiiath  Fidga.  They 
became  powerful  and  were  driven  away  by  Eremon,  except  six  families  who 
were  let  stay  in  Breg,  to  whom  are  attributed  necromancy  spells  and  omens, 
as  to  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.^  This  attribution  has  been  ground  of  attribu- 
tion to  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  of  a  higher  civilisation,  or  of  greater  skill  in 
arts  and  higher  knowledge  than  the  Firbolgs  and  Milesians  j^ossessed.  It  may 
point  equally  to  inferiority.  The  Badagas  of  the  Nilgiris  regard  the  Kurum- 
bars  with  great  awe  because  they  attribute  to  the  Kurumbars  extraordinary 
powers  of  necromancy.  The  Badagas  are  civilised  Canarese  people  who  came 
from  Mysore  and  occupied  a  great  part  of  the  hills.  The  Kurumbars  are 
a  degraded  jungle  tribe,  remnant,  it  is  supposed,  of  the  very  early  domi- 
nant race. 

The  expelled  Cruithne  went  to  Scotland  and  founded  the  Pictish  kingdom. 
The  "  Irish  Xenniiis  "  describes  the  Cruithne  who  came  to  Leinster  as  "  the  race 
of  Geleoin  the  son  of  Ercol.^  When  driven  out  they  were  given  as  wives  the 
widows  of  the  sons  of  Miled,  who  had  been  drowned  with  Donn. 

The  wife  of  Crimhthann  Xia  Nair  was  Narthuatlichaecli,  daughter  of  Lotan, 
of  the  Pict-people  (do  Chruithentuaith,  "Silva  Gadelica"),  Narthuathchaech, 
out  of  the  Sidhes  or  of  the  Pict-folk  (a  Sidaib  no  do  Chruithentuaith).* 

The  Tuatha  De  Danann  are  very  closely  associated  with  the  Cruithne  of 
Leinster.  Eremon  drives  them  out  like  the  Cruithne,  and  the  Eremonians 
intermarry  with  them.     It  is  evidently  the  same  legend  and  the  same  people. 

Among  the  Foniorian  allies  of  Bres  are  Goll  and  Irgoll.  Eos  Guill  and 
Ross  loi'guill  adjoin  in  Donegal. 

The  Cruithne  of  Leinster  are  called  Sil  nGeleoin  and  Clanna  Geleoin  and 
Fir  Geleoin.^     The  Tuath  Gaileoin  appear  in  the  Attacottic  List  in  Leinster. 

1  A  CI.,  p.  31.  2  <.  Irish  Nennius,"  pp.  123-125. 

-  Ibid.,  pp.  121,  131.  *  R.S.A.I.,  1893,  p.  378. 

'"  "  Irish  Nennius,"  pp.  120,  130. 


APPENDICES.  331 

They  survived  to  later  days,  and  left  their  name  to  Morgallion  in  Meath. 
Another  branch  has  left  its  name  to  Gallen  in  Mayo.  In  each  case  Luighne 
accompany  Gailenga,  and  we  find  Lune  beside  JMorgallion  and  Leyny  beside 
Gallen.  The  Luighne  of  Meath  once  occupied  the  greater  part  of  ]\Ieath  and 
parts  of  Westmeath  and  Co.  Dublin. 

The  Liiighne  of  Tara  were  subjects  of  Cairbre  Nia  Fer.'  Tigernach  men- 
tions that  they  killed  Cahir  Mor.  Cormac  Mac  Art  is  restored  by  Tadhg, 
son  of  Cian,  ancestor  of  the  Cianachta ;  the  sons  of  Uirgriu,  of  the  Luighne 
of  Tara,  kill  Finn  Mac  Cumal.^  This  seems  to  represent  the  rise  of  the 
power  of  the  Cianachta,  who  are  mentioned  at  close  of  the  sixth  century  by 
Tigernach. 

According  to  the  Attacottic  List,  a  tribe  called  Crecraige  were  in  the  country 
of  Corann,  which  then  extended  east  to  Moytura,  and  covered  the  baronies  of 
Corran,  Leyny,  Gallen,  Coolavin,  and  part  of  Costello.  In  St.  Patrick's  time 
they  seem  to  have  lost  Tirerrill  and  a  small  part  of  Corran,  then  held  by  Hy 
Ailella,  a  cognate  tribe  oi-  clan.  They  ajDpear  in  his  life  at  the  Strand  of 
Ballysadare  and  at  Killara<,'ht  near  Lough  Gara.  Their  name  looks  like  a 
derivative  of  Ciric,  son  of  Cruithne,  the  mythical  ancestor  of  the  Cruithne. 
South  of  them  the  Tuath  Cruithnech  occupied  the  county  of  Roscommon 
south  of  Lough  Gara  to  Briole  beyond  Athleague,  and  the  part  of  Mayo  which 
lies  east  of  the  barony  of  Carra  ;  they  covered  the  countries  of  the  Ciarraige 
and  of  the  Delbna  of  Sid  Nenta.  In  the  Dindsenchas  of  Carnfree  the  Cruithne 
of  Croghan  and  the  Tuatha  Taiden  and  the  Firdomnann  accompany  Conall  of 
Croghan.  According  to  D.  MacFirbis,  the  Cruithne  of  Croghan  and  the  Bolg- 
tuath  of  Badgna  are  descendants  of  Genann,  that  is,  are  Domnonians.  The 
Irish  historians  identified  the  Cruithne  of  Ulster  with  the  Irians  of  Ulster. 
As  they  allowed  the  Iriaiis  to  be  of  the  clan  of  Miled,  the  Cruithne  are  the 
Gael  of  Ireland,  or  have  been  adopted  by  the  Gael. 

The  tract  on  the  Corcalaidhe  mentions  Seal  Balbh  as  either  a  man  of  the 
Olnegmacht  or  a  king  of  Cruithentuaith  and  Manann.^  The  wife  of  Tuatlial 
Techtmar  is  a  daughter  of  Seal  Balbh,  king  of  the  Fomorach  or  of  Finland. 
These  alternatives  suggest  that  the  writers  who  worked  out  this  history  were 
not  aware  that  the  Fomorach  were  only  a  clan  of  the  great  Cruithne  race. 
The  old  names  and  distinctions  were  not  fully  understood.  It  seems  to  mark 
the  loss  of  the  knowledge  of  who  the  ancient  Fomorach  were,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  identification  with  northern  sea-pirates,  based  on  a  derivation  of 
Fomorach  from  the  word  Muir. 

Seal  Balbh  seems  to  have  been  a  sort  of  title.  If  not,  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  the  Book  of  Lecan  makes  Lugh  a  son  of  Cian  or  of  Seal  Balbh. 


3.  The  Fir  Domnaxn  and  the  Fir  Bolg. 

The  term  Firbolg  covers  three  divisions,  Firdomnann,  Firgaileoin,  and 
Firljolg.  The  former  two  are  distinct  tribes  of  great  importance.  Though 
the  last  has  given  its  name  to  the  whole  body,  it  appears  only  as  the  Bolgtuath 

1  "Battle  of  Rosnaree,"  Todd  Lecture  Series,  vol.  iv. 
'■^  Reiue  Cdtiqne,  vol.  xvii.  pp.  7,  16,  21. 
"*  Celtic  Societt/s  Miscell.,  p.  25. 


332  APPENDICES. 

of  Badgna,  and  even  there  the  meaning  seems  to  be  general,  as  it  is  said  to 
descend  from  Domnonian  chieftains.  The  Annals  mention  a  Mofeniis  or 
Jlofebis  of  tlie  Firbcilgs,  and  his  sons  Lugh  Roth  and  Mogh  Ruith.  The 
names  of  Mofemis  and  his  son  are  in  the  genealogy  of  the  race  of  Eber. 

The  Firgaik'oin  appear  as  Cruithne  of  Breg,  and  as  such  are  of  the  same 
race  as  the  Tuatlia  Dc  Danann,  and  in  the  first  l)attle  of  Moytura  as  allies  of 
Eochy  Mac  Ere,  King  of  Connaught  and  of  Ireland,  under  Slainge's  sons,  and 
in  later  legend,  in  the  battle  of  Rosnaree  as  the  subjects  of  the  King  of 
Leinster  :  and  still  later  as  the  Firbolg  inhabitants  of  the  territory  in  Con- 
naught  called  Gailenga  and  Luighne  from  its  later  traditional  conquerors. 
The  tradition  of  the  foundation  of  the  Fair  of  Carman  by  a  Danonian  Bres 
further  connects  Leinster  with  Danonians  and  Firgaileoin. 

It  is  important  to  note  that  at  the  period  suj^posed  to  be  that  of  the  arrival 
of  the  Firdonmann  they  have  already  under  them  a  considerable  body  of  the 
tribe  from  which  the  Tuatlia  De  Danann  sprang.  The  conquest  of  the  Tuath 
Fidga  of  Leinster  may  explain  the  pi'esence  of  the  Firbolg  among  the  Dom- 
nonian forces,  if  the  Firbolg  are  of  the  Britisli  race  called  Belga?,  as  some  have 
thought.  Crimhthan  Sciathbhel  thus  had  under  him  the  Belgic  Tuath  Fidga 
in  the  south  and  the  Cruithnech  Firgaileoin  in  the  north  of  Leinster.  This 
tribe  appears  in  the  Attacottic  List  as  a  division  of  the  Gaileoin  north  of 
Gabar — that  is,  of  Leinster  excluding  Ossory,  called  south  of  Gabar.  I  under- 
stand it  to  mean  that  the  three  tribes  therein  mentioned  were  tributary  to 
that  branch  of  the  Gaileoin.  If  the  true  meaning  is  that  the  Tuath  Fidga 
and  the  others  were  sections  of  the  Firgaileoin,  it  follows  that  the  Firgaileoin 
are  to  be  recognised  as  British.  But  this  is  certainly  not  the  view  of  tribal 
relations  taken  by  the  ancient  Irish  historians. 

The  Firbolg,  in  the  restricted  application  of  the  term  to  a  section  of  the 
adherents  of  the  Domnonian  kings,  may  have  been  a  Belgic  race  from  Britain, 
or  a  body  of  refugees  forming  a  body  of  soldiers  like  the  Clan  Donnell  Gallo- 
glass  in  later  times,  from  which  the  name  has  been  transferred  to  the  whole 
body.  Except  by  such  transfer  the  Gaelic  clans  coiild  not  have  come  to  be 
called  Belgic.  Bolg  may  not  be  connected  with  Belgse,  or  the  same  name 
may  have  been  used  by  a  Gaelic  clan.  It  certainly  covers  the  whole  body  of 
Domnonians  and  Gailians  in  the  opinion  of  the  Irish  historians. 

The  tradition  of  the  Firbolg  invasion  and  the  first  battle  of  Moytura  sho\\'s 
the  Domnonian  kings  in  supremacy  at  Tara,  whence  they  are  driven  by  the 
Danonians.  Yet  they  had  previously  got  the  better  of  the  Firgaileoin,  of 
whom  the  Danonians  were  a  branch,  as  appears  from  the  presence  of  the 
Firgaileoin  in  King  Eochy's  army.  That  the  kings  of  the  Firbolg  were  Dom- 
nonians is  certain  from  the  fact  that  the  Domnonian  kings  of  Connaught  were 
recognised  as  descendants  of  the  scms  of  Dela. 

Though  the  use  of  broad  heavy  spears  is  the  characteristic  of  the  Firbolg 
army,  and  the  use  of  thin  pointed  spears  is  that  of  the  Danonian  army, 
another  legend  shows  that  such  spears  were  introduced  in  the  time  of  Einnal, 
Eochy  Mac  Erc's  grandfather.^  Tacitus  remarks  that  the  army  of  Galgacus 
used  slashing  swords  without  points.  That  army  must  have  been  largely 
composed  of  Donmonians  of  the  north  and  other  Cruithne  of  Scotland.  The 
remark  suggests  that  the  Britons  of  England  used  pointed  swords  which  were 

^  "  Irische  Texte,"  3rd  Series,  Coir  Anmann,  p.  40L 


APPENDICES.  333 

not  used  by  the  northern  tril)es.  Likewise,  at  the  battle  of  Moytura,  about 
a  hundred  years  earlier  according  to  my  computation,  pointed  spears  were 
not  yet  in  general  use  in  Ireland. 

Ptolemy  places  Dumnonii  in  Cornwall  and  Devonshire  next  to  Belgee,  and 
in  Scotland  north  and  south  of  the  Forth.  As  the  Irish  Domnall  was  pro- 
nounced Duvnall  in  the  twelfth  century,  Devon  shows  a  similar  change  from 
the  original  of  Doninonii,  and  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the 
Firdomnann  are  the  same  race  as  the  Dumnonii  of  Great  Britain.  If  the 
Firdomnann  came  from  Britain  with  a  body  of  Belgte  after  the  establishment 
of  Belgic  tribes  in  South  Britain,  the  term  Firbolg  might  cover  them  in  the 
view  of  the  Irish. 

In  the  second  battle  of  Moytura,  Indech  MacDomnann  or  Mac  De  Dom- 
nann  is  one  of  the  Fomorian  kings  who  oppressed  the  Danonians.  His  name 
looks  Domnonian,  but  an  Ulster  king's  father  may  have  been  named  Domnu, 
and  some  Domnonians  were  on  the  Fomorian  side.  The  Clan  Umoir  was 
said  to  be  among  them  after  the  first  battle.  The  names  More,  son  of  Dela, 
and  Gann  and  Sengann,  kings  of  the  Fomorians,  show  that  there  was  no  wide 
difference  between  Fomorians  and  Domnonians,  if  indeed  those  were  truly 
Fomorians  and  not  Don^nonians  wrongly  classed  like  Cical.  The  statement 
that  Cical  landed  in  Irrusdomnann  tends  to  identify  him  with  the  Clan 
Umoir,  who  occupied  the  whole  western  coast  of  that  kingdom.  O'Flaherty 
includes  Clan  Umoir  among  the  Domnonians.  But  the  early  annalists,  or 
early  compilers  of  systematic  history,  finding  Cical  mentioned  in  legends 
which  according  to  their  chronology  related  to  events  earlier  than  the  arrival 
of  the  Firbolg,  classified  him  and  his  people  as  Fomorach.  As  the  Clan 
Umoir  do  not  appear  again  in  the  legends  until  the  time  of  Queen  Meav,  they 
were  treated  as  absent  among  the  Fomorach. 

The  tradition  that  Queen  Meav's  Clan  Umoir  were  evicted  tenants  of  her 
brother-in-law  has  perhaps  some  foundation.  The  great  extent  of  country 
held  by  the  clan  inust  have  given  it  a  high  position.  Some  therefore  ai'e 
likely  to  have  acquired  land  in  Breg  when  the  Domnonians  were  in  supremacy 
there.  Cairbre  Nia  Fer  is  said  to  have  surrendered  three  cantreds  to  Conor 
Mac  Nessa  when  he  married  Conor's  daugliter.  This  is  like  a  peace  after  a 
war  in  which  Conor  won  ;  or  as  if,  after  the  murder  of  Conaire  I.,  Cairbre 
and  Conor  divided  Breg.  They  would  naturally  turn  out  Clan  Umoir  lords. 
Tigernach  seems  to  recognise  some  such  result  in  his  entry  after  the  accession 
of  Conor  Mac  Nessa.  "  Thereafter  Ireland  was  parted  into  five,  after  the 
slaughter  of  Conaire  the  Great,  son  of  Etarscel,  in  the  Hostel  of  Da  Derga, 
among  Conchobar,  son  of  Nessa,  and  Cairbre  Nia  Fer,  and  Tigernach  Tet- 
bannach,  and  Dedad,  son  of  Sen,  and  Ailill,  son  of  Maga." 

The  clan  is  attacked  by  a  coalition  of  Conall  Cernach  and  Cuchullin, 
Ulstermen,  Curoi  Mac  Daire,  a  Munsterman,  or,  according  to  Professor  Rhys, 
a  Leinsterman,^  cet  Mac  Magach,  one  of  the  Gamanry,  when  they  are  in 
Connaught  after  their  quarrel  with  Cairbre.  Can  this  be  the  turning  of  tlie 
race  of  Fiac  out  of  Tara,  those  who  left  their  name  to  the  "  Ferta  Fer  Feic," 
the  legend  of  settlement  on  land  given  by  Meav  being  the  historians'  way  of 
accoi;nting  for  their  appearance  afterwards  in  possession  of  great  territories? 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  Curoi  MacDaire  is  confused  with  Curaidh,  father  of 
1  U.S.A. I.,  1891,  p.  655. 


334  APPENDICES. 

Tinni,  King  of  Connaught.     Dare  and  Degad  are  also  Olnegniacht  names. 
Ferdiad  was  a  grandson  of  Daru  of  the  Clan  Dega. 

The  forms  Mac  De  Dumnann  used  indifferently  with  Mac  Domnann,  and 
Tiiath  Domnann  used  as  equivalent  to  Fir  Domnann  in  the  Attacottic  List, 
show  that  the  Fir  Domnann  might  be  called  Tuatha  De  Domnann. 

Though  meaning  literally  "  Tribes  f)f  Goddess  Danu,"  I  think  that  the  term 
Tuatha  De  Danann  meant  only  "Tribes  of  De  Danu."  De  occurs  as  Deo  in 
names  of  Pictish  kings,  Deo  Ardivois,  Deo  Ord,  Deo  Cillimon.^  It  seems  to 
be  used  much  as  the  Sanskrit  Deva,  a  god,  is  used  in  combination  with  Hindu 
names  as  a  title.  Such  a  use  is  expressly  stated  in  the  Tain  Bo  Cuailgne.^ 
" '  The  full  blessing  of  both  dee  and  andee  be  upon  thee  ! '  he  said.  Now 
'the  people  of  power'  at  that  time  they  rated  as  dee,  'gods,'  and  '  the  people 
of  ploughing'  iis  andee,  'non-gods.'"  This  is  practically  the  use  in  Orissa 
now,  among  the  Urva  lords.  As  far  as  so  small  an  indication  justifies  any 
argument,  the  use  of  De  with  Domnann  connects  the  name  in  form  with  the 
Cruithne  of  Scotland. 

Domnu  appears  often  in  Britain  in  men's  names,  Duiiinoveros,  Dumno- 
coveros,  Cogidumnos,  Togodumnos.  These  seem  to  be  Latin  equivalents  of 
Domnubaru,  Domnucubaru,  Cugidomnu,  Tugudomnu  in  Irish  spelling. 
They  occur  in  connection  with  Belgic  tribes,  and  the  word  Domnu  is  not 
inflected.  "  Dumnonii "  seems  to  represent  such  a  form  as  Tuath  or  Fir 
Domnonn. 

As  the  Irish  writers  included  the  certainly  Cruithne  race  of  Ir  among  the 
Clanna  Breogaiu,  no  weight  attaches  to  their  refusal  of  the  name  of  Gael  to 
the  Domnonians.  More  weight  is  due  to  the  name  of  Firbolg,  but  the  term 
covers  also  the  Firgaileoin,  who  were  Cruithne.  The  legends  on  the  whole  do 
not  justify  a  distinction  between  the  Domnonians  and  the  other  great  triljes. 
They  seem  to  have  been  all  Gaelic. 

The  position  of  the  Domnonians  in  Leinster,  Tara,  and  Connaught,  cutting 
the  tribes  of  Ulster  and  Munster  in  two,  overlying  the  Firgaileoin  in  Leinster 
and  Breg,  and  their  position  in  legend  detached  from  the  other  tribes,  mark 
some  considerable  difference,  which  is  most  likely  due  to  their  being  the  last 
great  body  of  colonists  in  Ireland,  avIio  came  from  Britain  after  the  first 
Gaelic  settlers  had  been  long  established,  and  were  an  intrusive  body, 
associated  at  least  in  later  times  with  other  foreign  bodies  who  never  became 
powerful,  and  consequently  were  absorbed  and  lost  their  identity.  A  body 
of  Gaelic  Domnonians  leaving  Britain  under  pressure  of  Belgic  invasion 
would  meet  the  conditions.  So  would  a  branch  of  the  first  colonists  rein- 
forced from  Britain.  The  legends  indicate  some  such  expansion.  In 
spreading  over  Leinster,  Breg,  and  Connaught  they  subdue  Fomorach  clans 
with  the  help  of  foreign  soldiers.  Then  the  Irian  clans  get  the  upper  hand 
at  times  in  Breg  and  north-central  Ireland,  perhaps  owing  to  quieter  times 
in  Britain.  A  period  of  confused  warfare  follows,  in  which  a  large  part  is 
played  by  tribes  under  the  name  of  Aithechtuatha,  who  left  Britain  in  con- 
sequence of  the  Roman  conquest.  Tuathal  Techtmar  emerges  as  king  of  a 
great  kingdom  of  Meath  formed  largely  of  the  territory  of  Danonian  clans. 
His  descendants,  if  he  and  they  are  not  the  Domnonian  kings  of  Connaught, 
get  rid  of  or  adopt  those  kings  and  conquer  Ulster. 

1  "  Irish  Nennius,"  p.  159.  ^  "  CuchuUin  Saga,"  p.  168. 


APPENDICES.  335 


4.  Identification  of  Tuatha  De  Daxann  with  Luighxe, 
Delbhna,  and  Cianacht. 

Tlie  table  of  Danonian  kings  is  open  to  objection  only  as  to  length  of  some 
reigns,  not  as  to  relationship  and  succession.  Three  generations,  eighty  to 
one  hundred  years,  comprises  their  period.  But  for  identification  of  some 
with  gods  and  all  with  fairies,  they  would  probably  have  gained  a  certain 
recognition.  Mr.  Alfred  Nutt  has  cleared  the  way  for  recognition  of  their 
reality  by  his  exposition  of  early  Celtic  religious  views  iti  the  "Voyage  of 
Bran."  He  shows  that  the  doctrine  of  rebirth  allowed  the  Irish  to  believe 
at  the  same  time — 

(a)  That  certain  persons  were  gods. 

(b)  That  they  were  men. 

The  belief  that  certain  Danonians  were  rebirths  of  gods  accounts  for  growth 
of  myth  about  the  clan.  The  chief  men  and  gods  had  two  names,  as  Lugli  or 
the  Samildana,  Eochaidh  Ollathair  or  the  Daghda,  Oengus  or  Macind  Oc, 
Orbsen  or  Manannan.  When  the  Danonians  were  no  longer  recognised  as 
ancestors  of  existing  families,  it  was  an  easy  step  to  make  them  all  gods  and 
fairies. 

The  Luighne  of  Connaught  are  also  known  as  Clann  Cein,  tribal  names 
applicable  to  the  descendants  of  Cian,  son  of  Diancecht,  and  of  Lugh.  Their 
alternative  name  Gailenga  associates  them  with  the  Firgaileoin,  who  included 
the  Danonians.  C4ailenga  in  a  narrower  sense  was  applied  to  the  family  of 
O'Gara,  kings  of  Sliabh  Lugha,  as  Luighne  was  applied  to  the  O'Hara  branch 
of  the  Clann  Cein.  The  place-names  of  their  territory  are  largely  attributed 
to  tlie  Danonians,  as  Magh  Corann,  Loch  Ce,  Sliabh  Lugha,  Magh  Luirg  of 
the  Daghda,  Magh  Ai,  &c.,  which,  though  not  all  in  it,  are  in  the  territory  the 
Danonians  should  have  occupied  during  their  supremacy  in  Connaught. 

According  to  their  recent  tradition,  the  Luighne  of  Meath  and  Connaught 
acquired  their  territories  under  Cormac  Mac  Art  in  the  middle  of  the  third 
century.  But  they  were  in  Meath  as  Cairbre  Nia  Fer's  subjects  some  two 
hundred  years  before.  According  to  Tigernach  and  Cahir  Mor's  will,  they 
killed  Cahir  Mor  and  Finn  MacCumal  in  the  second  and  third  centuries. 
O'Flaherty's  account  of  Cormac  Mac  Art  and  his  relations  with  the  ancestors 
of  the  Luighne  and  Gailenga  are  confused.  The  important  point  is  that 
Cormac  Mac  Art  was  fostered  by  Lugni  Firtri  at  Keshcorran,  and  took  refuge 
with  him  when  driven  from  Tara  by  Fergus.  Lughni  was  there  before 
Cormac's  time.^ 

The  Delbhna  claimed  descent  from  a  Lughaid  called  Delbh  Aodh,  son  of 
the  Cas  from  whom  came  the  Dalcais.  As  Cas's  father,  Conall  Echluath, 
was  King  oi  Munster  a.d.  366,  the  occupation  of  Meath  and  Connaught  by 
the  Delbhna  cannot  have  begun  before  the  close  of  the  fourth  century.  An 
intrusive  Munster  family  could  not  have  established  itself  so  extensively  in 
Meath  and  in  Connaught  at  so  late  a  period  without  leaving  marks  in  history. 
Hisioiy  does  not  supj^ort  the  tradition.  The  tale  abstracted  by  O'Curry^ 
could  not  have  arisen  over  a  tribe  established  so  close  to  the  historic  period. 
It  is  evidently  invented  to  tack  existing  families  to  one  of  the  great  royal 

1  "Ogygia,"  p.  334.  *  "  Manners  and  Customs,"  ii.  p.  320. 


336  APPENDICES. 

families.  They  could  not  annex  themselves  to  the  Eremonian  families  under 
whom  they  lived.  These  two  descents  of  Luighne  and  Delbhna  from  Cian 
and  Delbh  Aodh  pluce  them  in  the  race  of  Ailill  Olum  in  tlie  same  relative 
positions  as  the  descendants  of  Lngli  and  a  Delbaeth  in  the  Danonian  race. 

Territorially,  Tuatlia  De  Danann  Luighne  and  Delbhna  are  closely  con- 
nected. Luighne  Gailenga  Firgaileoin  occupy  the  same  country  in  ^leath 
and  in  Connaught.  As  Luighne  and  Delblma  are  side  by  side  in  Meath, 
so  in  Connaught  Luighne  lie  nortli  and  Delbhna  south  of  Magh  Ai.  Luighne 
and  Cianacht,  who  claimed  descent  from  the  same  Cian,  son  of  Tadhg, 
occupied  nearly  all  the  county  of  Meath  except  Tara  and  the  country  of 
the  Delbhna,  and  part  of  the  county  of  Dublin  ;  they  had  Breg  except  Tara, 
that  is,  from  the  Liffey  to  Dromiskin,  which,  according  to  the  Tripartite 
Life,^  was  in  the  country  of  the  Delbhna.  Unless  Delbhna  and  Cianacht 
are  tribal  names  of  the  same  race,  it  follows  that  one  replaced  the  other. 
The  Cianacht  were  there  in  historical  times.  According  to  their  own 
tradition,  the  Delbhna  could  not  have  got  there  before  the  Cianacht.  I  see 
no  reason  to  doubt  the  entry.  It  follows  that  Cianacht  and  Delbhna  are  the 
same,  or  that  an  older  race  of  Delbhna  occupied  the  country,  which  is  not 
likely. 

As  the  Cianacht  are  over  the  Delbhna  about  Dromiskin,  so  the  Delljhna 
are  over  the  Luighne  in  Delbhna  Mor  and  Beg,  according  to  the  position  of 
the  Luighne  in  the  Attacottic  List.  Ancient  and  modern  Luighne,  Gailenga, 
Cianacht,  Delbhna,  and  Firgaileoin  are  inextricably  mixed. 

The  ascertained  possessions  of  the  Delbhna  show  that  they  Avere  once 
a  very  great  race.  Their  position  in  the  kingdom  of  Meath  agrees  with  the 
tradition  that  the  Milesians  ousted  them  from  supremacy  at  Tara,  and  is 
parallel  with  that  of  the  Conmaicne  and  their  relatives  the  Kerry  and  others 
in  respect  of  the  Hy  Briuin  of  Ai. 


5.  The  Gregraige  and  the  Calraige. 

These  tribes  appeared  between  the  period  of  Queen  Meav  and  the  fifth 
century.  The  Gregry  of  St.  Patrick's  time  seem  to  occupy  what  they  held 
according  to  the  Attacottic  List,  that  is,  the  historical  kingdom  of  the  Luighne 
and  Tirerrill  as  far  east  as  Moytura  and  Sliabh  Da  En,  excepting  Tirerrill 
and  a  small  part  of  Corran.  Hereafter  the  Annals  mention  kings  of  Gailenga 
and  of  Corcofirtri  and  of  Luighne  in  that  country,  which  at  last  is  known  as 
Luighne  and  Gailenga,  and  the  Gregry  are  confined  to  the  small  tract  called 
now  the  barony  of  Coolavin.  ,  As  1  understand  these  legends  and  history, 
Corcofirtri  and  Luighne  are  but  sections  of  the  Gaileoin  who  were  under  the 
supremacy  of  the  Gregry  at  first,  but  who  rose  over  them.  I  take  the 
Gregry  to  have  been  the  dominant  clan  in  St.  Patrick's  time,  because  they 
are  mentioned  about  Lough  Gara  and  at  the  Strand  of  Bally sadare,  and 
because  the  other  tribes  do  not  appear  until  later.  In  the  Book  of  Rights 
they  pay  a  tribute  equal  to  that  of  the  Kerry,  about  half  that  of  the  Luighne. 
This  seems  to  mark  a  stage  in  their  declension. 

They  claimed  descent  from  Oengus  Fionn,  son  of  Fergus  Mac  Roig,  but 

^  S.T.L.,  i.  p.  77. 


APPENDICES.  337 

the  claim  does  not  bear  close  investigation.  They  do  not  appear  in  the  usual 
lists  of  his  descendants,  the  Conniaicne  and  others  not  acknowledging  the 
claim.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  their  Oengus  Fionn  may  be  the  king  of 
Connaught  of  the  Fircraibe  race,  who  would  suit  in  point  of  time  fairly  well, 
if  they  w-ere  of  that  race  at  all,  which  I  doubt. 

They  and  the  Calry  are  so  far  alike  that  the  Attacottic  List  acknowledges 
an  extinct  free  race  of  Calry.  The  names  of  the  tribal  ancestors  Crec  and 
Cal  seem  Cruithne  in  character,  and  the  Calry  almost  surround  the  Gregry 
territory,  except  where  the  Kerry  adjoin.  These  facts  dispose  me  to  look 
upon  Gregry  and  Calry  as  of  earlier  origin  than  Kerry  and  Conmaicne,  in 
accordance  with  the  family  legend  of  the  Calry  descent  from  Ith. 

The  Calry  must  have  been  a  very  powerful  race  at  one  time,  judging  from 
the  great  extent  of  territory  occupied  by  them.  There  were  Calry  called 
of  Moy  hEleog  in  the  parish  of  Crossmolina.  In  St.  Patrick's  time  Calry  of 
Coolcarney  and  of  Innse  Nisc  occupied  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Moy  in 
Tireragh.i  The  Calry  of  Murrisk  had  the  rest  of  Tireragh  eastwards.  Under 
the  names  of  Calry  of  Dartry,  of  Three  Plains,^  and  of  Lough  Gill,  they  held 
in  St.  Patrick's  time  all  North  Leitrim,  and  in  Sligo  the  barony  of  Carbury 
except  the  peninsula  of  Coolerra.  The  Calry  held  out  in  Moylurg  against  the 
Hy  Briuin  for  many  generations.  Calry  were  in  Corran,  and  I  suspect  that 
when  St.  Patrick  worked  near  Kesh  that  country  was  in  possession  of  Calry 
under  Hy  Ailella,  as  the  Calry  all  received  him  well  except  those  of  Tireragh. 
Important  families  of  Calry  remained  till  later  times  at  Bri  Leitli,  near 
Ardagh,  in  the  Co.  Longford,  with  a  branch  in  the  barony  of  Brawney  in 
Westmeath.  After  making  allowance  for  petty  families  having  attached 
themselves  to  a  tribe  of  greater  reputation,  it  is  evident  that  they  once  were 
a  great  ruling  family. 

6.  Queen  Medb  and  the  Ailills. 

Queen  Meave  of  the  legends  may  be  taken  to  stand  to  the  real  Queen 
Cleave  as  Grace  O'Malley  of  the  nineteenth  century  legends  and  novels  stands 
to  the  Grainne  ni  Maille  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Grace  has  become  the  chieftainess  of  the  mighty  Clan  Malley,  wielding 
imperial  sway  over  the  western  seaboard,  and  visiting  Queen  Elizabeth  as  a 
sister  sovereign.  Her  history  and  character  are  given  in  an  article  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Galway  Arch,  and  Hist.  Society,  vol.  iv.  p.  65. 

Meave  has  been  given  several  husbands,  of  whom  the  chief  was  Ailill  Mor. 
It  is  not  quite  clear  who  he  was,  but  he  may  be  identified  as  a  king  of  the 
Tuatha  Taiden  kingdom. 

The  Ailills  were  numerous,  and  have  l.ieen  much  mixed.  Ailill  Mac  Mata 
was  brother  of  Cairbi-e  Nia  Fer  and  Finn  File,  sons  of  Rossa  Ruadh,  King  of 
Leinster.  Ailill  Mac  Magach,  King  of  the  Gamanry,  was  his  uncle,  Mata 
being  a  daughter  of  that  Magit  of  IMurrisk.  These  two  Ailills  are  distinguished 
in  the  Tale  of  the  Cherishing  of  Conall  Cernach  and  in  other  tracts.-'  But 
the  Ailill  Mac  Magach  killed  by  Conall  Cernach  is  not  the  Ailill  Find  killed 
by  Fergus  Mac  Roigh,  a  full  brother  of  Cet  Mac  Magach.     Magu  may  have  had 

1  S.T.L.,  p.  251.  2  i,,i(j.,  145,  328. 

*  Zcitschrift  fur  Celtische  Philologie,  vol.  i.  p.  lOG. 

Y 


338 


APPHNDICES. 


more  than  one  son  called  Ailill.     There  may  have  been  several  women  named 
Magu.     Names  are  much  confused  in  these  legends. 

According  to  O'FIaherty  and  Keating,  Meave's  first  husband  was  Tinni,  son 
of  Conra  or  Curaidh.  Conra  or  Conry  or  Curaidh  I  take  to  be  the  same  name 
with  the  Cu  inflected  or  uninflected.  After  his  death  she  married  Ailill  Mor, 
and  after  his  death  lived  with  Ailill  Find  the  Domnoniau,  and  with  Fergus. 
Tinni  was  King  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden,  ami  became  King  of  Connaught  by 
killing  Eocliy  Allat,  King  of  the  Gamanry.     Meave's  Ailill  is  the  person 


recognised  ms  King  of  Connaught  after  Tinni,  and  their  son  Maine  is  set  up 
as  King  of  Connaught  after  Ailill  by  the  Tuatha  Taiden  and  their  allies.^ 
MacFirbis  gives  the  names  Tinni  and  Ailill,  sons  of  Conra  Cais,  son  of  Cuir- 
rech,  King  of  the  Firbolgs.  MacFirbis  is  quoted  as  stating  that  Ailill  Mac 
Conraidh  was  of  Kilmore  Diutreb,  which  is  the  Kilmore  in  the  barony  of 
Ballintubber  North  in  the  Co.  Roscommon,-  and  this  Ailill  is  identified  as  a 
brother  of  Tinni,  Meave's  husband.  The  transactions  are  all  intelligible  if  her 
husband  was  King  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden,  but  not  if  he  was  a  brother  of  the 
King  of  Leinster  imported  to  marry  a  Connaught  king's  widow.  Such  a 
King  of  Connaught  is  out  of  harmony  with  all  Irish  history. 

1  O'FIaherty,  "  Ogygia,"  pp.  267,  269,  277. 

2  R.S.A.I.,  vol.  xii.  p.  354. 


APPENDICES.  339 

The  tract  on  Cairpre  Cindcliait^  and  the  Athach  Tuatha  describes 
Cairpre  as  "  mac  Dubtaig  mic  Tliothreachta  niic  Lnghair  mic  Oilella  mic 
Maghach  mic  Gaill."  This  makes  MaL,'U  to  be  a  man.  But  it  shows  that  the 
Attacots  were  the  royal  tribes  of  Connaught,  and  that  the  early  traditions  and 
the  early  genealogists  did  not  distinguish  much  between  Milesians  and 
Athachtuatha  and  mixed  one  Ailill  readily  with  another.  If  this  is  correct, 
Cairbre  Mac  Main  and  Cairbre  Cinnchait  cannot  be  the  same  person.  But 
Cairbres  may  be  confused  as  well  as  Ailills. 

7.  The  Olnegmacht. 

Keating  and  O'Flaherty  agree  in  the  division  of  Connaught  into  three 
great  kingdoms  which  did  not  extend  east  of  the  Shannon. 

I.  From  Limerick  to  the  Palace  of  Fidach,  or  Fidach,  under  the  Fir  Craibe 
or  Fir  na  Crailje. 

II.  From  the  Palace  of  Fidach,  or  Fidach,  eastwards  towards  Temair  an 
Broga  Nia  in  Leinster  {i.e.  Tara),  under  a  clan  of  the  Tuatha  Taiden. 

III.  From  the  River  of  Galway  to  DufF  and  Drowes,  the  kingdom  of  Irrus- 
domnann,  under  the  Gamanraige. 

The  Fir  Craibe,  Tuatha  Taiden,  and  Gamanraige  are  the  Oluegmacht. 
Criiachan  was  the  possession  of  their  chief  king. 

The  Fir  Craibe  are  the  cliief  clan  of  the  Clann  Umoir,  who  occupied  nearly 
all  their  kingdom  and  a  considerable  part  of  Irrusdoiiinann. 

The  group  of  tribes  comprised  by  the  term  Tuatha  Taiden  is  not  definitely 
stated,  but  O'Flaherty  says  that  they  were  of  the  septs  of  Sliabh  Furri,  which 
is  in  the  parish  of  Killeroran.  From  O'Flaherty's  list  of  supporters  of  Maine 
I  infer  that  their  kingdom  was  almost  exactly  that  of  the  Hy  Maine  in  its 
greatest  traditional  extent  up  to  Sliabh  Badhghna.  The  Palace  of  Fidach, 
being  a  bound  for  them  and  for  the  Fir  Craibe,  should  be  somewhere  near  tlie 
border  of  the  ancient  Aidhne. 

The  Gamanry  were  the  reigning  clan  of  Connaught  when  this  Olnegmacht 
period  opens.  They  built  Rath  Eocliaidh,  afterwards  called  Cruachan,  which 
I  suspect  to  have  become  a  general  name  for  a  royal  fort.  It  seems  to 
have  taken  its  name  from  Eocliaidh  Allat,  King  of  the  Gamanry  of  Irrus- 
domnann  and  King  of  Connaught,  who  was  killed  by  Meave's  husband  Tinni. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  supjDOse  that  this  was  the  first  occupation  of  that 
neighbourhood,  only  that  the  great  fort  was  attributed  to  him.  The  Releg 
seems  to  be  much  older. 

Their  kingdom  of  Irrusdomnann  comprised  the  Clan  Umoir  tribes  north  of 
Galway  and  all  the  counties  of  Mayo  and  Sligo  and  North  Leitrim,  the 
countries  of  the  Gregry  and  Calry.  It  may  have  included  Roscommon  nearly 
up  to  Cruachan.  Ailill  Find  was  livinc?  in  his  fort  in  Crich  Cairbre  in  the  north 
of  the  district  of  the  Kerry,  when  Fergus  went  to  attack  him.^  Fergus  reached 
the  Dun  immediately  after  passing  over  Ath  Feni.  Ath  Fen  -was  in  Kerry 
territory,  and  I  incline  to  think  that  it  was  a  ford  of  the  river  Lung,  and 
that  Ailech  Mor  of  the  Kerry,  close  to  Castlemore  Costello,  is  the  place 
meant.     It  answers  the  description.     The  proper  country  of  tlie  Gamanry 

^  licvue  Ccltiqii^e,  vol.  xx.  jj.  335. 

-  "  Irische  Texte,"  2nd  Series,  Part  II.     Tain  Bo  Flidais, 


340 


APPENDICES. 


themselves  seems  to  have  been  much  the  same  as  that  of  the  Hy  Fiachrach, 
whom  I  take  to  be  their  descendants.     But  this  is  vague  and  uncertain. 

As  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  0/ /rt^cnw?  contains  articles 
in  vols.  XXX.  and  xxxi.  giving  in  detail  the  reasons  for  the  unusual  views 
expressed  in  the  text  regarding  the  relations  of  the  Conmaicne,  Ciarraige,  and 
Corcamoga,  the  Connachta,  the  Domnonians,  and  Eremonians,  the  connections 
of  royal  tribes  with  the  great  cemeteries  of  the  Brugli,  &c.,  tlie  circumstances 
and  period  of  the  battles  of  Moytura,  they  are  not  repeated  here. 

The  conclusions  are  : — 

1.  The  legends  of  migration  are  vague,  and  in  their  present  form  incon- 
sistent with  the  general  result  of  the  legends,  and  cannot  be  relied  on  for  the 
period  or  course  of  migration. 

2.  At  the  beginning  of  the  definite  legendary  period  the  Fomorach,  Fer- 
domnann,  and  Tuatha  De  Danann  were  all  long  established  in  Ireland.  The 
Ferdomnann  were  the  last  comers,  if  they  did  not  all  come  together,  as  is  most 
probable.     They  were  all  of  the  Gaelic  tribes. 

3.  Small  bodies  came  from  time  to  time  from  Britain  and  the  Continent  in 
aid  of  the  Domnonians.  They  were  absorbed  in  the  Gaelic  population  if  not 
themselves  Gael. 

4.  These  tribes  did  not  differ  api^reciably  in  manners  or  culture. 

5.  They  are  not  clearly  connected  with  the  great  galleried  cairns.  The 
evidence  rather  excludes  a  connection  within  this  legendary  period. 

6.  The  period  l^egins  not  long  before  the  Christian  era. 

Tuatha  De  Danann  Genealogy  according  to  Keating. 
Indae. 


1 

Ordan. 

Niad. 

1 

Edarlam. 

Esarg. 

1 
Elathan. 

Delbaeth. 

Daghda. 

^1 

Ogma. 

Echtach. 

r 

Diancecht.      Bre 

1 

1 
is.       Delbaeth. 

Delbaeth. 

1 

1 
Nuadat. 

1 

1 
Clan. 

1 

Dana. 

1 
Carmait. 

1 

1 
Elcmar. 

1 

1 
Tadhg. 

1 
Lug. 

1 
MacCuill,  &c. 

1 
Cairbre  Cromm. 

1 
Uillinn. 

Sidmall. 

A  Variation. 

The 

Fomoeach. 

Niad. 
1 

Net. 
1 

1 
Elathan. 

1                             1 
Esarg.             Delbaeth. 

Dot. 
Baler. 

1 

1 
Elathan. 

1 
Daghda. 

1 

Ogma. 

1 

Bres. 

1 
Cermait. 

1 
Delbaeth. 

Etbne. 

Elcmar. 


APPENDICES.  341 

The  Firbolg  Kings. 

Loch. 

I 
Dela. 


I  I  I  I  I 

Slainge.         Rudraige.         Gann.         Genann.  Sengann. 


Starn.  Rinnal.        Sreng.        Oidbgin. 

I  I 

liaca  Cennfionnain.  Eocaid  Mac  Erca. 


II. 

AGREEMENT  BETWEEN  THE  EARL  OF  ULSTER  AND 
SIR  JOHN  FITZTHOMAS.i 

16th  March  1299. — "Ricard  de  Burgo,  Earl  of  Ulster,  and  John,  son  of 
Thomas,  formerly,  at  Atliljoy  in  Meath,  before  the  Chief  Justiciar  of  Ireland, 
on  Wednesday  after  the  Feast  of  St.  Luke  last,  acknowledged  a  writing 
between  them  (in  French)  : 

"It  is  agreed  between  the  noble  barons  Monsr.  Richard  de  Burk,  Earl  of 
Uluester,  and  Monsr.  Johan  le  fiz  Thomas,  whereas  Sir  John  had  taken 
the  Earl  and  held  him  in  prison  at  Lege  for  thirteen  weeks.  For  which 
taking  Sir  John  came  to  Athboy,  in  Mythe,  to  the  Earl,  on  Wednesday  after 
the  Feast  of  St.  Luke,  a.r.  XXVL,  and  acknowledged  his  trespass,  and  put 
himself  at  the  Earl's  will,  and  rendered  to  the  Earl  his  castle  of  Lege,  where 
the  Earl  was  imprisoned,  together  with  all  his  lands  in  Connacht,  Uluester, 
and  Uryel,  and  he  has  granted  him  the  marriage  of  his  eldest  son.  And  the 
Earl  grants  protection  of  life  and  limb,  but  that  he  go  into  Uluester  to 
remain  in  his  prison  at  the  Earl's  will.  And  the  Earl  grants  also  that  he 
will  restore  the  increase  and  the  freehold  of  the  castle  of  Lege,  but  he  have 
only  simple  seisin  of  the  castle  without  other  land.  Also  that  Sir  John's 
lands  in  Connacht,  Uluester,  and  Uryel  be  valued  by  six  chosen  by  the  Earl, 
and  six  by  Sir  John  ;  and  if  these  twelve  cannot  agree,  they  shall  choose  one 
or  two  on  each  side  to  arrange  their  difference.  And  when  tliese  valuations 
shall  be  made.  Sir  John  shall  deliver  to  the  Earl  six  score  librates  of  land  as 
amend  for  his  trespass,  to  hold  to  the  Earl  and  his  heirs  quit  of  Sir  John 
and  his  heirs,  who  are  to  warrant  them.  And  the  Earl  shall  have  all  the 
remainder  of  Sir  John's  lands  in  Connacht,  Uluester,  and  LTryel  to  him  and 
his  heirs  ;  so  that  the  lands  in  Tyrconel  remain  in  seisin  of  Sir  John,  and  the 
Earl  shall  implead  them,  and  if  he  recover  them,  he  may  hold  them  quit  for 
all  time.  And  if  these  lands  remain  to  Sir  John  by  judgment,  then  Sir  John 
shall  render  to  the  >]arl  tliese  lands,  and  the  Earl  shall  make  exchange  in 
Leynester  and  Mounester,  according  to  the  valuation.  And  for  all  other 
1  "  Cal.  Justiciary  Rolls  Ireland,  1295-130.3,"  p.  234. 


342  APPENDICES. 

lands  of  Sir  John  in  Connacht,  Uluester,  and  Uryel  beyond  the  said  six  score 
librates  of  land,  and  the  land  of  Tyrconel,  the  Earl  without  delay  shall  make 
to  Sir  John  exchange  in  Leynester  and  Mounester  in  a  convenient  place, 
according  to  the  valuation.  Sir  John  to  retain  the  lands  in  Connacht, 
Uluester,  and  Uryel  until  the  valuations  be  made,  and  likewise  the  letters  to 
deliver  seisin.  The  valuation  to  commence  on  tlie  morrow  of  the  new  year, 
both  parties  to  help  their  being  made  without  delay.  The  Earl  also  grants 
that  he  shall  marry  one  of  his  marriageable  daughters  to  the  son  of  Sir  John, 
if  it  jjlease  him,  before  the  new  year,  and  if  the  marriage  do  not  please  the 
Earl,  he  shall  give  back  his  son  unmarried  at  the  day  named.  And  Sir  John, 
so  soon  as  the  Earl  shall  have  released  him  from  prison,  shall  do  homage  to 
the  Earl,  and  shall  bind  himself  and  his  heirs  to  serve  the  said  Earl  and  his 
heirs  for  all  time,  saving  the  fealty  to  the  King  of  England.  And  it  is 
granted  on  both  sides  that  as  soon  as  the  aforesaid  things  are  accomplished, 
all  the  contests  and  ill  Avill  which  Avere  between  them  in  the  past  and  tlie 
recognizances  made  before  Monsr.  Williame  Doddingeseles  be  released  and 
annulled  on  both  sides,  but  that  Sir  John  de  la  Mare  have  the  prison  one 
year.     In  witness,  the  parties  put  their  seals  to  this  indented  writing. 

"Afterwards,  at  complaint  of  the  Earl  that  John  put  off  procuring  tlie 
valuers  to  be  chosen  by  him,  the  Sheriff  of  Kildare  was  commanded  to 
summon  him,  at  his  manor  of  Mayuotli,  to  be  here  at  this  day,  to  show  why 
the  things  in  this  writing  should  not  be  observed,  and  why  the  King,  on  his 
default,  should  not  cause  the  tenements  to  be  valued. 

"And  the  Earl  and  John  now  come,  and  Jolin  cannot  deny  that  he  is  in 
fault  in  that  the  extents  are  not  yet  made.  And  by  license  he  gives  to  the 
Earl  six  score  librates  of  land  in  his  manors  of  Loghmesk,  Dunmouhgherne, 
Kylcogen,  Slygagh,  Bende,  Creghcarby,  and  Fermanagh,  in  amend  for  his 
trespass,  and  he  grants  them  to  the  Earl  for  ever.  And  he  and  his  heirs  will 
warrant  the  Earl  and  his  heirs.  And  besides,  John  gives  to  the  Earl  all  the 
rest  of  his  manors,  and  all  his  lands  in  Connacht,  Ulster,  and  county  of  Louth, 
in  exchange  for  the  tenements  which  the  Earl  will  give  him,  according  to  the 
purport  of  the  first  writing. 

"  And  the  Earl  will  give  to  John  his  lands  in  his  manors  of  Balydunegan, 
Typeraght,  and  Tristellaveragh.  And  if  those  are  not  sufficient,  the  Earl 
giants  that  what  is  deficient  be  extended  and  added  to  John  in  his  manor  of 
Lysrotheragh,  and  if  that  be  not  sufficient,  then  in  the  Earl's  manor  of 
Grellagh,  to  the  value  of  said  tenements  of  John,  beside  the  said  six  score 
librates  in  said  exchange.  Each  will  warrant  to  the  other  the  tenements 
given  in  exchange.  Persons  shall  be  assigned  by  the  Kin<^'s  Court  to  take 
the  extent  by  the  valuers  chosen  by  the  parties.  The  valuers  shall  come  to 
Kylcolgen  in  Connacht  in  the  morrow  of  the  close  of  Easter  to  begin  the 
extent,  and  shall  remain  until  it  is  finished.  If  either  make  default  in 
bringing  the  valuers,  then  those  assigned  by  the  court  shall  cause  other 
valuers  to  be  chosen.  And  when  the  lands  to  be  exchanged  are  valued,  then 
those  assigned  by  the  King's  Court  shall  deliver  seisin  of  the  tenements  as 
well  to  John  as  the  Earl,  who  shall  each  make  letters  of  quit-claim  to  one 
another.  John  to  have  writs  of  assistance  to  distrain  his  valuers  to  come. 
These  are  named  by  the  court  to  make  the  extents  on  the  part  of  the  Earl : 
"Walter  de  la  HaA'e,  escheator  of  Ireland,  and  John  de  Ponte,  justice  ;  and  on 


APPENDICES.  343 

the  i)att  of  John  :  Simon  de  Ludgate,  justice,  and  Will,  de  Barry.  They  are 
to  certify  the  Chief  Justiciar  in  the  octave  of  Holy  Trinity  what  they  have 
done. 

"  John  acknowledged  and  granted  that  all  covenants  had  between  the  Earl 
and  Theobald  le  Botellier  and  his  confederates  on  one  part,  and  John  on  the 
other,  before  Will,  de  Oddyngeseles,  late  Chief  Justiciar,  except  the  covenants 
here  contained,  be  of  no  effect." 


III. 

ABSTRACT  OF  PARTS  OF   INQUISITIONS  TAKEN  AFTER 
THE  DEATH  OF   WILLIAM,  EARL  OF   ULSTER. 

These  Inquisitions  are  in  the  Public  Record  Office  in  London,  catalogued  as 
Chancery  Inquisitions  Post  Mortem,  7  Edw.  III.,  No.  39.  Those  relating  to 
Connaught  have  been  the  subject  of  an  article  in  the  Journal  of  the  B.S.A.I., 
vols.  32,  33.     Only  the  parts  relating  to  Mayo  are  given  here. 

Inquisition  taken  at  Clare  before  John  Morice,  the  King's  Escheator  in 
Ireland,  on  8th  December,  7th  Edward  III.,  on  oath  of  Hugh  de  Lecto,  Adam 
Laules,  Philip,  son  of  Gilbert  de  Angulo,  John  de  Stanton,  Richard,  son  of 
Henry  de  Burgo,  Robert  Dondewnyll,  Simon  de  Barry,  Eichard,  son  of 
David  de  Burgo,  Hubert,  son  of  Gilbert  de  Burgo,  Moyler,  son  of  Richard,^ 
Richard  de  Burgo,  William,  son  of  Richard  Barrett,  and  Philip  de  Rocliford, 
jurors,  who  say,  &c. 


Cantred  of  Crigfertur. 

24s.  6d.  from  one  theodum  in  Crigf which  the  heir  of  John  Prendre- 

gast  holds  freely. 

30s.  from  nine  townlands,  which  the  heir  of  that  John  holds  freely. 

6s.  8d.  from  two  townlands,  but  now  nothing. 

Gs.  8d.  from  two  townlands,  which  John  Prendregast  holds  freely. 

10s.  from  two  townlands  in  Aithyn  Athmegorych,  which  William  Pren- 
dregast holds  freely. 

66s.  8d.  from  one  theodum  in  Tyrnaghtyn,  which  the  same  William  holds 
freely. 

17s.  lOd.  from  Balykenaw,^  but  now  nothing. 

Courts  of  Terneyn  and  Ternaghtyn,  40s.,  but  now  nothing,  because  the 
lordship  of  those  Courts  is  granted  to  William  Prendregast  by  the  letter  of 
the  Lord  William  de  Burgo,  late  Earl  of  Ulster,  being  under  age. 

Total  of  old  value  of  this  cantred,  parcel  of  the  manor  of  Loghry, 
£10,  2s.  4d. 

Total  of  value  now,  £6,  16s.  4d. 


344  APPENDICEa. 

Cantred  of  Ker. 

£13,  6s.  8(1.  from  the  cautred  of  the  Ker. 

66s.  8d.  from  half  a  cantred  in  Fertyr  and  Clancowan,  which  the  heir  of 
Peter  de  Cogan  holds  freely. 

£6,  13s.  4d.  from  Adlayu  for  lialf  the  cantred  of  Lowyu,  Ity  John  de 
Exeter. 

Total  value  now  of  tliese  cantreds,  parcel  of  the  manor  of  Loghry, 
£23,  6s.  8d. 

Cantred  of  Owyl. 

Inquisition  taken  before  John  Morice,  Escheator  of  Ireland,  at  Athenry, 
on  the  last  day  of  December,  in  seventh  year  of  King  Edward  III.,  by  the 
oath  of  Bernard  de  Staunton,  Knight,  John  de  Stauntone,  Knight,  John  de 
Exeter,  I'obert  Gaynard,  Maurice  Gaynard,  Eobert  Cleik,  Thomas  Dolfyn, 
William  Walslie,  William  Seman,  Thomas  Glyse,  William  de  Attliy,  and 
Richard  Dolfyn,  jurors,  who  say,  &c.,  that  there  is — 

£10  from  one  cantred  in  Owyl  Botiller,  by  John  le  Botiller. 

£10,  13s.  4d.  from  four  townlands  which  John  de  Burgo  held. 

£10,  13s.  4d.  from  four  townlands  which  Onayl  ^  held. 

£16,  13s.  4d.  from  seven  townlands  which  Robert  Laweles  holds. 

53.S.  4d.  from  one  townland  in  Myntraghyn,  which  William  de  Burgo  of 
Owyl  holds. 

40s.  from  Knappaiigy. 

Total  of  value  of  this  cantred  of  Owyl,  parcel  of  the  manor  of  Loghry, 
£52,  13s.  4d. 

Cantred  of  Bak  and  Glen. 

£13,  6s.  8d.  from  the  cantred  of  Bak  and  Glen,  which  the  heirs  of  William 
Baret  hold  freely. 

13s.  8d.  from  one  townland  in  Irchloghton,  now  nothing. 

22s.  from  one  to\vnland  of  Cabragh  *  and  Raytrayny. 

lis.  8d.  from  one  quarter  in  Corbeggau.* 

10s.  4d.  from  one  quarter  in  Lissarewel.* 

lis.  8d.  from  one  quarter  in  Cathy rleilan. 

2s.  from  Inchawyn,  by  Richard  Baret. 

12s.  from  Row,  by  Thomas,  son  of  Philip  Baret. 

6d.  from  a  jjiece  of  land,  by  Geoffrey  Martyn. 

Tenants  in  Rathberk  i)ay  six  crannocs  of  oats  for  suit  of  the  loi'd's  mill,  in 
ordinary  years  worth  40s. 

Total  of  old  value  of  these  cantreds,  parcel  of  the  manor  of  Loghry, 
£19,  7s.  2d. 

Total  of  value  now,  £18,  13s.  lOd.' 

Cantred  of  Tvraulyf,  Orrus,  Tyromoy,  and  Condummor. 

£13,  6s.  8d.  from  the  cantred  of  Tyraunlyf.^ 

26s.  8d.  from  one  townland  in  Casteldunghy,''  now  nothing. 

llOs.  from  one  townland  in  Carne. 


APPENDICES.  345 

Pleas  and  perquisites  of  the  Court,  4s. 

£13,  6s.  8d.  from  one  cantred  of  Orrus,!"  wliicli  Jolmde  Exeter  holds  in  fee. 
£13,  6s.  8d.  from  the  cantred  of  Tyrremoy,^'  now  nothing. 
40s.  from  three  townlands  in  Duncoghy,!''  now  nothing. 
£13,  6s.  8d.  from  the  cantred  of  Condommor,^'  now  nothing. 
£4,  10s.  from  three  townlands  in  Leyghuyl,^*  now  nothing. 
Total  of  old  value  of  these   cantreds,   parcel   of  the  manor  of  Loghry, 
£66,  17s.  4d. 

Total  of  value  now,  £32,  7s.  4d. 


Cantred  of  Sylmolron  (Castle  of  Toberbride). 

SleoJlowA^ — £20  from  the  cantred  of  Sleofiow,  but  now  nothing. 

66s.  8d.  from  one  theodum  in  Arkagh,^*  now  nothing. 

66s.  8d.  from  one  theodum  in  Kerymoyng,"  and  Keryloghnayrn,  but  now 
nothing. 

66s.  8d.  from  Caryoghtragh ,  Init  now  nothing. 

Total  of  old  value  of  this  cantred,  parcel  of  the  manor  of  Loghry,  £30, 
now  nothing. 

There  is  another  church  at  Owylj^s  taxed  at  6  marks,  whose  advowson  and 
presentation  belonged  to  the  Earl  and  will  belong  to  his  heirs. 

There  are  other  lands  in  Counaught,  Ulster,  and  other  parts  of  Ireland 
which  are  among  the  Irish,  and  none  can  go  to  them  to  value  them  or  take 
any  profit,  because  the  Irish  among  whom  they  lie  will  not  allow  any  minister 
of  the  king  or  any  other  Englishman  to  manage  them. 

Notes. 

The  difference  between  the  old  value  when  the  Earl  was  alive  and 
the  present  value  marks  the  disorder  which  arose  when  murder  removed  his 
strong  hand.  ^  The  entry  should  be  Moyler,  son  of  Richard  de  Burgo,  making 
twelve  jurors  as  in  other  inquisitions.  ^  Ballykinave.  **  Mistake  for  Omayl, 
O'Malley.  *  Cabragh  near  Inishcoe.  °  Corraveggaun  in  Ballynahaglish.  *  Lis- 
farrell  was  name  of  a  "town"  which  included  Rathbaun  in  Ballynahaglish  in 
seventeenth  century.  ''  The  items  suggest  disappearance  of  an  intermediate  tenure. 
"^  Tirawley  here  seems  to  be  only  the  Barrett  estate  in  Ballysakeery,  Kilmoremoy, 
and  Killala.  ^  Castlenageeha  This  and  next  two  items  seem  to  represent  part 
of  the  great  Cusack  estate.  '"  Erris.  ^^  The  Bermingham  manor  of  Ardnarea. 
^^  Donicoy  in  Tireragh.  ^-^  Dun  Maic  Conchobhair,  now  Castleconor.  An  indis- 
tinct mark  of  contraction  is  over  the  "  Con  "  here  and  above.  ^*  Lisladhguill, 
obsolete,  in  Dromard  parish.  This  and  Duncoghy  seem  to  represent  the  Cusack 
manor  of  Coolcnaw.  i*  Sliabh  Lugha.  '®  Artagh.  '"  Kerry  of  Moynee.  '*  Church 
of  Burrisool. 


346 


APPENDICES. 


IV. 


.X 


DIVISIONS  OF  CONNAUGHT,  1570,  1574. 

Division  of  Connaught  into  Counties  and  Baronies,  with  Notes 
OF  Chief  Countries  and  Special  Castles.^ 

Mayo — MacWilliam  Eighter,  chief. 

Baronies. 

.  MacVadin's  lands. 

.  MacJordan's  lands,  alias  Baron  Dexeter. 

.  MacCostello. 

.  MacMorris's  lands. 

.     MacWilliam  Enter  and  other  Lower  Bourkes. 

.     O'Maly's  country. 

.     MacPhilpin  and  others. 

.     The  Barretts'  lands. 

The  Principal  Castles  of  Mayo  are  : — 

Moroghny  do  0' Flaherty e's. 
The  Queen's,  lately  won  by  me  in  June, 
llichard  Inerj'n  Burk's. 
MacJordan's. 
Earl  of  Clanricard's. 
MacTibbot  Burke's. 
(This  was  drawn  up  by  Sir  E.  Fitton.) 


Moyne  , 

Bellalaghen 

Bellahaunes 

Crosbohin 

Kilvane 

Burresker 

Eosse         ' 

Morysky 

Burriswyle 

Envermore 


Ballynonagh  , 
Shrogher 
Burrishwj'le  . 
Ballelaghan   . 
Moyne   . 
Castlenecally 


The  following  particulars  are  taken  from  the  Division  of  Connaught  and 
Thomond  of  1574.  The  s^^elling  is  modernised  when  there  is  no  doubt  of 
what  is  meant.  The  modern  names  of  places,  when  different,  are  given  in 
the  last  column. 

The  Barony  of  Crossboyne,  which  containeth  MacMoris's  comitry,  9  miles  long 
and  8  miles  broad.     MacMoris  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 

MacMoris  of 

Walter  Oge  MacMoris 

Moyler  MacMoris 

Richard  MacMorris  . 
Edmund  MacKorie  ^ 
Walter  Ose  MacRorv 


Castles. 

Castle  Macgarrett. 

Nebry 

Kenekely. 

Barrillagl). 

Castle  Barnan. 

Doonmacreena. 

Castle  Reagli. 


Modern  Name. 


Brees  G 
Barreel 


astle. 


1  S.P.I.E.,  vol.  XXX.,  No.  81.     1570. 

2  These  are  MacErudderys  ;  FitzSimon  their  English  surname. 


APPENDICES. 


347 


Gentlemen. 
MacMoris  of 

James  Reogh  MacMoris 


Castles. 
Ahena. 
Castlekeel. 
Ballykinava. 

Castles,  10. 


Modern  Name. 


The  Barony  of  Kilmaine,  containing  Conmaicne  Cuile  and  lochtar  Tir,  10  miles 
lonij  and  8  broad.  JFilliam  Burke  FitzJohn,  Edmund  Burke  MacThomas 
Vaghery,  and  the  Clan  Jonyns,  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 

Robert  O'Kelly,  Coinarb  of 
Davy  MacJonyn 
MacWilliaiii  Burke  . 
Gilladuff  MacJonyn . 
Brian  boy  MacDonnell 
William  Burke. 
Ulick  Burke     . 
Tybbot  MacGilibon  . 
William  MacGibl)on 
Edmund  Burke  of    . 
Alexander  Kettagh  . 
Mac  William  Burke  . 
Richard  MacMoyler. 
Ricard  MacSeane  Termon 

William  MacJonick  Mac- 
Moyler. 
Tybbot  MacMoyler  . 
Cosry  and  Shane  MacEgam 
Richard  MacMoyler  Clere 


Hugh  MacJonyn 
Walter  MacRemon   . 
Richard  boy  MacJonyn 
Walter  MacJonyn     . 
Moyler  Burke  . 
Redmund  MacJonyn 
William  Burke  of 
Shane  MacJonyn 
Moyler  Burke  of 
Edmund  boy  MacJonyn 
MacWilliam  Burke  . 
Walter  MacTibbot    . 

Seanatermoyne 
Walter  MacFiegh 


Castles. 
Kilmaine. 
Moyne. 
Kinlough. 
Keylnemadry 
Mocorha. 
Ballisnahyn^^ 
Ballycurrin. 
Ballymacgibbon. 
Balleogevan 
Cong 

Aghalahard. 
Bally  Lough  Mask. 
Creevagh    . 
New  Castle 

Moynegrevagh   . 

The  Neale. 
Castle  Marty  n    . 
Two    new   castles    by 

the  same. 
Castle  Kilvean. 

Cloghnyerla 

Turin. 

Killelenayn 

Ballybackagh. 

Carras. 

The  Cross. 

Shrule. 

Ballycusheen. 

Cloghan. 

Cregmore. 

Ballinrobe. 

Crigh 

Cloonkerry. 
Liskelly 


Modern  Name. 


Houndswood. 


Not  identified. 


Mucrussaun. 

At     Ballinrobe,     where 

cavalry  barracks  are. 
Caherduff  C.  in  Cong. 


In  Ballymartin. 


Kilkeeran  in  Kilraaine- 

beg? 
In  Frenchbrook  T.  L. 

Killernan. 


In    Creevagh    T.    L., 
Kilmolara  P. 

Liskillen  ? 


348 


APPENDICES. 


Gentlemen. 

Daw  Burke 
Mac  J  oil  yn  More 
Kichard  Mac  J  on  vu 
MacTybbot 

Seanetermon 

Hubert  MacJonyn 
Walter  MacJonvn 


Castles. 
Cloonagashel. 
Kilquire. 
Ellistron. 
Castlec;illy. 

Cas  tlelou  gli  m  ask 

Creg  Duff  . 
Duffraliyne. 
Castles,  41. 


Modern  Name. 


Hag  Island  Castle  in  L. 

Carra. 
Castle    Hag    in    Lough 

Mask. 
Near  Ballinrobe. 
Not  identified. 


The  Barony  of  Ross,  containing  the  Joyes,  Walshes,  and  Partriche's  lands,  12  miles 
long  and  8  broad.     MacThomus  and  MacTybod  chiefs  in  the  same. 

Modern  Name. 

.  Close  to  Petersburgh 
House. 

.  Kilkeeran,  Ballyovey 
parish. 

.  Now  Partry  House, 
Ballyovey  parish. 

.     Not  identified. 


Gkntlemen. 

MacThomas 
Murrogh  ne  doo 

MacEnvile 

Abbe  MacEnvile 

Richard  MacMoyler  Joy 


Castles. 

Castlekirke. 
Ballynonagh 

Balleneslee 

Cloynlaghen 

Castlenew  . 

Castles,  5. 


The  Barony  of  Murrisk,  containini/  Owleymale  and  the  Islands,  viz. :  Inishturk 
and  Inishoirke,  Clare  and  Atikilles.     O'Malley  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 

O'Malley  of 

and  of 
Shane  O'Malley  of    . 

Melaghlin  O'.Malley , 
Cornmc  O'Malley 
Teige  Roe  O'Malley 


Castles. 

Cahernamart 

Belclare. 

Island  Quartermore 

Inishbolfin. 
Clare  Island. 
Achill 

Castles,  6. 


Modern  Name. 
Now  Westport  House. 

Probably    the     Carrow- 
more,  near  Louisburgh, 

Kildavnet  Castle. 


The  Barony  of  Bures,  which  containeth  Oivle  C'lane  Philjn7i,  Oivle  Ewghter  and 
Sliocht  MacTibhot's  lands,  10  miles  long  and  4  miles  broad,  Richard  an 
larainn  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 

Castles. 

Modern  Name. 

Richard  an  larainn  of 

.     Burrishoole. 

Tybbot  MacPhillipin 

.     Bruygh 

.  Probably     near     Carrow- 
cally. 

MacPhillipin    . 

.     Doon. 

... 

Enis  MacTiriloghroe 

.     Akle  . 

.  MacPhilbin's  Castle,  Aille 

APPENDICES. 


349 


Gentlemen. 
Tirlagli  roe 
Richard  Burke. 
Phelini  Mac  Tirlaghroo 
Rory  MacDonnell     . 


Castles. 
Mayour 
Ballj'oveaghane 
Carrigh 
Kaergeney . 

Castles,  8. 


Modern  Name. 
CastleafFy. 
Newport. 
Carrickaneady. 
Calierikeeny    in    Islan- 
deady. 


Tlie  Barony  of  Invermore,  containing  Erris  and  Dundonnell,  12  miles  long 
and  5  broad.     MacVadin  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 
Edmund  Barrett 
Doghdalla  Barrett     . 
Edmund  Barrett 
William  Burke  MacMoyler 
MacVadin's  Sept 


Castles. 
Tiraun. 
Caller 
Invermore. 
Ballycroy. 
Coragher    . 

Castles,  5. 


Modern  Name. 
Not  identified. 

Near  Termoncarrayh. 


The  Barony  of  Moyne,  containing  Tirawley  and  the  Cusacks'  country,  15  miles 
long  and  10  broad.  John  MacOliveriis,  alias  MacWilliam,  and  MacVadin 
called  the  Baron  Barrett,  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 
Richard  Bariett 

Walter  Burk     . 
MacPhadyn 
Walter  Burke    . 
Walter  MacHuLert   . 
Richard  MacOliverus 
Richard  Burke . 
Richard  FitzOliverus 
Anthony  Burke 


Castles. 

Killala. 

Beallasedery. 

Castlenageeha. 

Ballysakeery. 

Inishcoe. 

Rathfran. 

Crossmolina. 

Kerhenayne 

Newton 

Roiiallagh  . 

Castles,  11. 


Modern  Name. 
Not  identified. 


Castleliill. 
Castlegore. 
Rappa. 


The  Barony  of  Burriscarra,  containing  Clancuan,  Carra,  and  Moijnter  Creghan. 
MacWilliam  Burke  and  MacPhillipin  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 
Walter  MacPhillipin 


Edmund  Burke  of     . 
Richard  Burke . 
Walter  Burke  . 
Thomas  Burke . 
William  Keigh  Burkt 
Walter  MacEnvile    . 


Castles. 
Bellaburke. 
Newcastle,  by  Castle- 

barry. 
Castlebarry. 
Turlough. 
Moyhenna. 
Lysencromale 
Ballycarra. 
Manulla. 


Modern  Name. 


Not  identities 


Liscromwcll. 


350 


APPENDICES. 


Gentlemen. 
Eichard  an  larainu  . 
Ricliaid    MacDavy    ilac- 

Parson. 
Tybot  MacWilliam   . 
Mylle  MacEnvile 
MacEnvile 
Tiiomas  Burke  . 
Donuell  MacDonnell 
Thomas  Keigh  Burke 
Marcus  Mac  en  Abbe 
Ricard  MacUlick  Athera  . 
Walter  Mac  en  Abbe 
Ulick  MacUlick  Athera    . 
Lord  Bremingham    . 
William  Burke  FitzJohn . 
Miles  MacEnvile 


Castles. 
Gwecshadan. 
Donamona. 

Burnaiaunia. 
Kilvonell    . 
Castlecarra. 
Luffertaun. 
Clooneen. 
Beallanelub 
Moelle 
Lehincli. 
Lissatava. 
Coolcon. 
Ballyheragh. 
Raghrei 
Kinturk. 
Kilvonyde  . 
Castles,  24. 


Modern  Name. 


Castleburke. 


.     Xewbr(^ok  House. 
.     Hollymount  House. 


Not  identified. 
Not  identified. 


The  Barony  of  Balbjlahan,  containing  Gallenga,  10  miles  long  and  6  broad. 
MacJorda7i,  alias  Baron  Dexefer,  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 

MacJordan 
Jouyn  MacThomas   . 
Sleight  Henry  . 
MacJordan's  son 
Sleight  Henry  . 
Sleight  Henry  . 
Walter  FitzStej^hen  . 
Edmund  FitzStephen's  son 
MacJordan  ne  Kelle 
Walter  FitzStephen . 


Castles. 

Toomour. 
Beallahagh 
Keaucondroe 
Short  Castle 
Bohola. 
New  Castle. 
Bella  vary. 
Curraun. 
Clanvara     . 
Denganmore. 
Castles,  12. 


Modern  Name. 

Old  Castle. 
Ballinamore  ? 
Not  identified. 


Not  identified. 


The  Barony  of  Ballyhaunis,  containing  Clancostello,  12  miles  long  and  5  broad. 
MacCostello,  alias  Baron  Nangle,  chief  in  the  same. 


Gentlemen. 
MacCostello  of  . 

MacCostello  of  . 


Castles. 

Ballyhaunis 
Bellagharee. 
Castlemore. 
Turlaghane 
Annagli. 

Castles,  5. 


Modern  Name. 
Cashlaunna  Drancaddha. 

Tulrohaun. 


APPENDICES.  351 

V. 

HISTORIA  ET  GENEALOGIA  FAMILI^  DE  BURGO. 

The  followin,^  is  an  extract  from  a  small  volume  of  parchment  leaves  in  an 
old  binding,  which  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Bishop  of  Clogher  in  the 
seventeenth  centurj-,  and  is  now  in  the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
marked  F4.13.A.  It  is  entitled  "Historia  et  Genealogia  Familise  de  Burgo.''" 
A  translation  by  Hennessy  is  in  the  same  library. 

It  begins  with  this  extract,  which  is  followed  by  a  historical  pedigree  of 
Sir  John  Bourke,  in  which  appears  the  date  "  1578  which  now  is."  The 
earliest  ancestors  seem  to  be  imaginary.  Baldwin  de  Burgo,  of  the  family  of 
the  Counts  of  Flanders,  King  of  Jerusalem,  comes  in  as  a  con<|ueror  in  the 
East,  King  of  the  Saracens,  and  is  made  father  of  William  who  came  to 
Ireland,  from  whom  tlie  descent  is  carried  down  correctly  to  Sir  John,  with 
notes  regarding  each  ancestor.  Considerable  space  is  given  to  Sir  William  de 
Burgo's  actions  in  the  de  Clare  and  Bruce  wars,  closing  this  part  of  the  book. 
Many  blank  leaves  follow. 

Then  come  four  coloured  pictures  of  the  Judgment  and  Crucifixion,  and 
coloured  pictures  of  Richard,  son  of  AVilliam  Conquer,  and  his  descendants, 
ancestors  of  Sir  John,  excepting  his  father  Oliverus. 

A  page  is  given  to  each  figure.  A  short  note  of  the  name,  with  a  few 
particulars  sometimes,  tells  who  is  represented.  The  figures  are  all  elabo- 
rately coloured,  some  in  civil  and  some  in  military  dress,  the  latter  \\  earing  a 
conical  helmet  without  a  crest.  Sir  John  alone  is  on  a  horse,  wearing  conical 
helmet  and  long  shirt  of  mail,  carrying  a  long  spear.  He  has  no  sword,  and 
his  shield  is  on  one  side.     All  the  others  carry  sword  and  shield. 

The  page  where  Oliverus  should  be  is  headed  "Arms  of  Clann  William." 
Below  is  the  shield,  gold  with  a  red  cross,  a  black  lion  in  the  right  and  a 
white  or  natural  hand  in  the  left  upper  quarter.  A  heraldic  helmet  bears 
the  hand  as  a  crest.  The  hand  shows  a  very  short  cuff  in  all  cases.  The 
shield  has  a  mantling  of  foliage  in  red,  green,  and  white,  and  is  supported 
by  two  bird-beaked  griffins  of  green  with  red  and  green  wings.  All  the 
shields  are  alike  in  charges  and  colour. 

The  next  page  is  blank  but  for  a  small  note  at  head — "  Place  of  Oliverus 
Burc." 

After  the  figure  of  Sir  John  comes  a  very  long  poem  in  honour  of  Sir 
John  and  of'  all  his  ancestors,  a  metrical  and  highly  imaginative  version  of 
the  previous  prose  history.  This  is  followed  by  many  blank  leaves,  after 
which  come  copies  of  three  documents  of  December  1584  and  January  1585, 
recording  agreements  between  Walter  Kittagli  Bourke  and  some  Barretts. 

Taking  the  shield  of  arms  and  the  date  of  compilation,  it  may  be  inferred 
that  the  book  w^as  prepared  with  regard  to  the  proposal  that  Sir  John  and  his 
son  should  be  made  peers.  The  arranL;ement  of  contents  and  blank  leaves 
suggests  that  space  was  left  for  additional  matter  as  it  might  be  found  or 
prepared,  such  as  the  Barrett  agreement. 

The  statements  of  MacWilliam's  dues  are  drawn  up  in  a  confused  forn:. 


352  APPENDICES. 

not  tlie  result  of  a  detailed  survey,  bv  embodiment  of  ancient  writings  with 
abstracts  of  existing  rights,  so  well  known  that  detail  was  unnecessary. 

So  far  as  they  relate  to  this  county  they  may  be  taken  as  generally 
accurate,  being  supported  at  several  points  by  independent  evidence,  and  not 
contradicted. 

MacWilliam'.s  mensal  lands  in  the  barony  of  Kilmaine,  in  the  three 
divisions  of  Oonmaicne-Chuile,  Muinter  Creachain,  and  Oireacht  Thomais, 
seem  to  be  taken  from  some  old  record,  as  those  lists  of  townlands  serve  no 
apparent  purpose,  and  are  not  even  exhaustive  of  the  territory  as  regards  the 
MacWilliamship. 

My  extracts  are  taken  jjartly  from  an  independent  translation  and  partly 
from  W.  M.  Hennessy's  translation,  but  I  have  not  followed  his  rendering  of 
names  of  places,  which  is  neither  quite  English  nor  quite  Gaelic.  The 
modern  form  is  given  when  there  is  no  doubt  of  the  place  meant,  and  when 
there  is  an  established  English  spelling,  the  Irish  spelling  in  doubtful  cases. 
The  names  show  places,  not  extents. 

Excepting  O'Dowda's  rent,  the  money  rents  seem  to  be  old  rents  due  by 
freeholders  of  early  times  to  superior  lords  whose  titles  had  been  acquired 
by  Sir  William  Liath  and  the  MacWilliams. 

Military  service  or  risings  out  are  due  by  those  chieftains  who,  though  not 
within  the  county,  acted  usually  with  MacWilliam  Eighter  in  the  Connaught 
wars,  O'Conor  Roe  and  MacDermot  and  O'Kelly.  They  seem  to  be  the 
result  of  alliance  rather  than  of  subordinate  tenure,  and  these  relations  and 
services  seem  to  have  lapsed  by  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

]\IacThomas  Joy  and  Ross  do  not  appear,  because  O'Flaherty  held  that 
country,  from  MacWilliam  as  it  was  considered,  but  free  of  rent  and  service. 

The  MacMorrises  maintained  a  position  of  independence  of  MacWilliam 
Eighter,  claiming  in  1585  to  hold  of  the  Earls  of  Clanricard. 

HisTORiA  ET  Gexealogia  Famili.e  de  Burgo. 

MacWilliam's  jjroperty  ;  and  it  is  too  little. 

Mac  William's  country  here,  viz.  :  from  Furbough  in  the  west  of  Con- 
naught,  in  Muinter-Flaherty's  country,  to  Ballymacscanlan  near  Dundalk, 
and  from  Lowhid  ^  in  Thomond-O'Brien  to  Bullyshannon  near  the  Erne  ; 
and  from  the  city  of  Limerick  to  Waterford.  And  he  had  himself  four  other 
counties  as  his  inheritance,  which  are  called  shires  in  England,  and  the 
county  of  Kilkenny  and  the  county  of  Tipperary,  and  from  Barna  on  the 
south  side  of  the  west  of  Connaught  to  Inishark  on  the  north  side  of  Ubhall- 
O'Maille,  and  there  is  some  of  this  Lordship  in  InishbofRn  ,  and  the 

province  of  Ulster,  and  the  province  of  Connaught  in  length  and  breadth 
from  sea  to  sea.  And  MacWilliam  is  Earl  of  the  j^rovince  of  Ulster,  and  Lord 
of  the  province  of  Connaught. 

Richard  the  second  MacWilliam  of  Clann  Ricaird — he  is  not  of  the  family 
of  the  heirdom,  for  he  is  the  second  son  of  Richard  Mor ;  and  for  that  reason 
Clann  Ricaird  belongs  to  MacWilliam  lochtar,  because  it  is  he  that  is  of  the 
family  of  the  rightful  heir,  as  Richard  the  first,  and  these  are  his  residences, 
viz.  :  Bally  Loughrea  when  it  is  pleasing  to  God,  and  Bally  Loughmask 
and  Kinlough  and  Ballinrobe.     And  it  was  his  ancestor  that  constructed 


APPENDICES.  353 

Ballyniote,  and  New  Castle  of  Inishowen,  and  the  seven  towers  in  Banada  of 
Leyny,  where  tlie  Gael  made  a  monastery  of  those  towers,  and  ^loyculla  ^  in 
the  west  of  Connaught  to  the  west  of  Galway.  And  it  was  his  ancestors  that 
had  the  province  of  Galway,  and  it  belongs  to  himself  when  it  pleases  God 
and  the  Prince,  as  likewise  the  two  Ca[  ]  Bracons,  the  least  that  are  bad 
in  Galway,  and  five  hundred  herrings  from  the  Great  Bac.  And  to  prove 
this  the  fish  cannot  be  divided  even  to-day  in  the  place  until  a  part  of  the 
fish  is  given  to  the  Earl  [         ]  as  alms  for  his  own  soul. 

It  is  not  to  this  writing  which  we  have  left  behind  us  outside  on  the 
other  side  of  this  leaf  that  we  yield  or  give  credence,  as  it  is  on  our  con- 
science, but  to  Almighty  God,  and  to  the  truth  as  we  have  seen  it  written, 
and  that  there  were  not  (left  unfinished  in  original). 

And  certainly  as  we  liave  seen  written  the  country  of  MacWilliara,  and 
of  his  Ancestors  before  him,  is  from  Furbough  to  Ballymacscanlan  near 
Uundalk,  and  from  Lowhid  in  Thomond  unto  Ballyshannon  near  the  Erne, 
and  from  the  city  of  Limerick  to  Waterford,  which  the  Red  Earl  liad 
together  with  four  other  counties  he  had  as  inheritance  [which  in  English 
are  called  Shires],  and  the  coiinty  of  Kilkenny  and  the  county  of  Tipperary. 

Over  here  are  his  mensal  lands,  and  their  own  baronies  aftersvards. 

Here  are  the  mensal  lands  of  Mac  William  Burk,  viz.  :  Conmaicne- 
Chuile,  and  Muinter  Crechain,  and  Oireacht  Thoraais. 

Let  us  speak  at  first  of  the  pobble  of  Walter  Burk's  family,  viz.  :  the 
two  bailies  of  Ath  Cuirc,^  and  the  two  bailies  of  the  Turlach,  and  the  half- 
bally  of  the  Creevagh,'*  and  the  half-bally  of  Carn  Calain,  and  the  bally  of 
Coollisduff,^  and  the  Ballytrasna,*  and  the  bally  of  Raliard,^  and  the  bally  of 
the  Tuath  Riabhach,  and  the  half-bally  of  Knockglass,'  and  Baile  na  Creiga, 
and  the  bally  of  Lisnamairgech,  and  the  bally  of  EUistron/  and  the  bally 
of  Moneycrower,*  and  the  bally  of  Dunmuirne,  and  the  bally  of  Ardmoran,' 
and  the  half-bally  of  Knockroe,^  and  the  half-bally  of  Cluain  Conghail,  and 
the  Ballytrasna,  and  the  half-bally  of  Lisnaheighnighe,i°  and  the  quarter  of 
Cloonkerry.' 

The  pobble  of  the  sejit  of  Thomas  Burk,  viz.  :  Ballycurrin,*  and  the  two 
Ballymacgibbons,*  and  Ballyshinnagan,  and  the  bally  of  Cluainanansin,  and 
the  bally  of  Lisuaimbelaigh,  and  Ballybackagh,'  and  the  bally  of  Moycarha,^^ 
and  the  bally  of  Mimfhaelanduis,  and  the  bally  of  Maghcalgaigh,"  and  Baile 
Dealgach,^^  and  Ballycusheen,^  and  the  bally  of  Lisnarod,'-'  and  Ballynulty,^ 
and  the  bally  of  Coolnagashell,'^  and  the  bally  of  Kilbrenan,"  and  the  three 
quarters  of  Kilbrenan,  and  the  half -bally  of  Gortbrack. 

This  is  the  pobble  of  Muinter  Crechain,  viz. :  the  bally  of  Coolcon," 
and  Baile  Cartharach,i*  a^^  Baile  na  nUltanach,^''  and  the  bally  of  Brittas,^^ 
and  the  bally  of  Coolishel,^®  and  the  bally  of  Kilkeeran,!''  and  the  bally  of 
Lehinch,^^  and  the  bally  of  Rahard,^''  and  the  Baile  Blaedhach,^^  and  the 
bally  of  Kilglassan,^'  and  Baile  MicKiba,  and  the  bally  of  Dairecondila,"  and 
the  half-bally  of  O'Mungan,"  and  the  half-bally  of  Rathgranagher,*  and  these 
three  are  one  bally,  and  the  bally  of  Skealoghan,^^  and  the  bally  of  Muinoch- 
traigh,  and  Ballymartin,*  and  Ballynakeeragh,  and  the  half-bally  of  Cuille- 
satuirn,"  and  the  half-bally  of  Ballaghboy,  and  the  bally  of  Cloonshane.'^* 

Here   are   other  mensal  lands  of  MacWilliam,  viz.  :    16  bailies  of  Clann 

Cu and  8  bailies  of  Tuathtruim,  24  bailies  altogether. 

Z 


354  APPENDICES. 

Here  is  the  Boardlaiid  of  jMacWilliam  Burk  in  Ubhall,  viz.  :  10  bailies 
and  the  contents  of  14  bailies  in  them,  viz.  two  bailies  of  the  country 
of  the  sept  of  Ricard  Burk  in  Tir  an  Air,*^  and  Baile  O'Gobhaind,  and  the 
lialf-bally  of  Ederdaowen,  and  the  half-bally  of  Muine. 

This  is  the  extent  of  the  lordshiji  of  MacWilliani  over  the  sept  of  Ulick 
Burk,  viz.  :  the  bally  of  Ardagh,  and  Ballyknock.  Tliat  is  his  share  of 
country  in  Ubhall. 

Here  is  MacWilliani's  lordship  over  the  sept  of  Thomas  Roe  Burk,  viz.  : 
Bally  0  bhFiachain"6  and  Bailebotha,  and  the  bally  of  Castleaffy,  and 
Ballinlough. 

There  is  a  beef  out  of  each  bally  of  them,  and  a  rising  out  and  the 
food  and  billeting  of  five  in  every  bally  of  those  25  bailies.  There  are 
eight  mercenaries  in  every  bally  also,  under  MacWilliam,  along  with  his 
Gallow glasses.  There  is  a  beef  out  of  every  bally  of  the  free  land  of  Mac- 
William,  viz. :  in  Bally  Loughuiask,  and  in  Kinlough  ;  and  a  barrel  of  ale 
and  a  pot  of  honey  out  of  every  quarter  of  them,  as  we  have  heard  and 
received  from  the  stewards ;  and  a  basin  of  wheaten  flour  at  Christmas,  and 
a  half-basin  at  Easter,  and  provision  for  the  rising  out,  and  six  bundles  of 
oats,  and  twelve  white  candles,  in  every  quarter  of  them.  And  there  are  two 
marks  in  the  country  of  MacPhilbin,  and  the  mark  of  Drumrany.  And 
every  MacWilliam  has  a  penny  and  thirteen  ounces  in  the  country  of  Mac- 
Tibbot's  sept  in  Cushlough.  And  every  MacWilliam  has  five  marks  in  the 
country  of  O'Dowda  (and  he  himself  submissive  of  his  will  the  time  this  is 
written). 

I  am  O'Dowda,  i.e.  Catlial  Dubli. 

1  am  the  Cosnaidhe  Og,  son  of  the  Brehon,  who  was  present  at  that,  i.e. 
MacMorris's  Brehon. 

MacWilliam  has  food  and  provisions  in  Ballykine,  according  to  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Stewards  and  Charters. 

This  is  the  barony  of  Tirawley,  the  locum  comitis  of  the  country  itself, 
i.e.  the  Earl's  place.  And  tliis  MacWilliam  found  in  it  eighteen  score  of 
rising  out,  including  three  score  armed  horsemen,  and  six  score  kerne,  and 
nine  score  gillies  and  horses  bearing  their  own  provisions,  and  three  score 
marks  of  rent  and  obligation. 

Here  are  the  lands  on  which  that  is.  At  first,  in  the  Eastern  Bac  ^7  six 
bailies  of  reward,  and  in  the  Western  Bac  -»  five  Ijallies  of  reward,  five  bailies 
and  a  quarter  in  Glen  Nephin,  and  these  are  their  names  :  The  bally  of  the 
Corran,'^"  and  the  bally  of  the  Creevy,^"  and  the  half  Ballymoyock,*i  and  the 
half  Ballyvicmaha,^"  and  the  half-bally  of  Caorthannan,^!  and  the  quarter  of 
Dervin,*^  and  the  quarter  of  Ballymacredmond,^!  and  the  quarter  of  Bally- 
nalynagh,-'"'  and  the  quarter  of  Ballybrinoge,^"  and  the  half-bally  of  Moylaw,^*' 
and  the  Carrowcloghaghj^"  and  the  half-bally  of  Trintach,  and  the  half-bally 
of  Rathrooeen,*^  and  Ballysakeery,  and  Carrowreagh,^-  and  the  Ceathramha 
Chuigeadach,^^  and  the  half-lially  of  Rathoma,^'^  and  the  quarter  of  the 
Carbad,^^  and  the  (quarter  of  Killaghy,^*  and  the  Carrowmore,^^  and  the 
quarter  of  Baile  Hostin,  and  five  half-quarters  in  Ross  ^^  from  Sailin  inwards, 
and  the  half-bally  of  the  Lagbuaile.^' 

Two  ounces  wanting  of  five  marks  in  Iniscoe  as  rent  and  obligation, 
twelve  marks   of  rent  and   obligation   in  the  two  bailies  of  Crossmolina, 


APPENDICES.  355 

twenty  shillings  and  eightpence  in  the  bally  of  the  Cov])ally,^'*  tAventy 
shillings  and  eightpence  in  Baile  Meadhonach,  twenty  shillings  and  eight- 
pence  in  the  bally  of  Lough  Brone,=*^  twenty  shillings  and  eightpence  in  the 
bally  of  Cill  Aodhain,*"  twenty  shillings  and  eightpence  in  the  bally  of  the 
Cobhruidhe,  an.  ounce  of  gold  and  a  groat  in  the  quarter  of  the  Carn,  three 
ounces  and  twopence  in  Carrowmore,  three  ounces  and  twopence  in  the 
quarter  of  Ballynaleck,^^  three  ounces  and  twopence  in  the  Carrowsteelagh,*i 
twenty  shillings  and  eightpence  in  Baile  an  Oireacht,  twenty  shillings  and 
eightpence  in  Eathlacken,  an  ounce  of  gold  in  the  country  of  Clann  Philip,*^ 
nine  ounces  and  eightpence  in  the  bally  of  Kilbride,  twenty  shillings  and 
eightpence  in  Ballycastle,  fourteen  ounces  in  the  bally  of  Aghaleague,^^  an 
ounce  of  gold  and  a  groat  in  Ballinglen,*^  three  ounces  in  the  bally  of  Carna, 
an  ounce  of  gold  and  a  groat  in  the  half  Ballintubber,**  fourteen  ounces  in 
Baile  Faraidh,**  five  ounces  and  a  groat  in  the  half  Balloughdalla,^^  three 
ounces  and  twopence  in  the  quarter  of  Caisel,"  an  ounce  and  a  shilling  in 
Ballyduffy,"  nine  groats  in  the  quarter  of  Breaghwy,*^  two  marks  in  Baile 
O  gComain,  three  ounces  and  twopence  in  the  quarter  of  Derreen,32  three 
ounces  and  twopence  in  the  quarter  of  Cooneal,^-  an  ounce  in  Ballymac- 
keehola.^^ 

The  stewards  are  here  giving  testimony  according  as  they  have  received 
from  their  ancestors  who  came  before  them,  that  every  land  whose  own 
inheritor  could  not  pay  should  be  proclaimed  as  MacWilliam's ;  and  more- 
over, if  MacWilliam's  rent  in  any  land  was  less  than  the  rent  of  the  other 
lords,  that  it  would  not  be  competent  for  those  lords  to  obtain  their  own  rent 
until  Mac  William  should  first  obtain  his  rent.  And  MacWilliam's  rent  is  on 
the  soil,  and  it  is  not  reported  that  his  claim  was  ever  challenged. 

This  is  MacWilliam's  rising  out  on  O'Maille,  viz.  :  six  score  hands  to  be 
maintained  by  himself,  Init  they  have  maintenance  of  the  first  night  from 
MacWilliam  ;  and  their  own  provision  is  on  themselves  from  that  out,  as  we 
have  found  it  written  before  us. 

This  is  the  rising  out  of  MacWilliam  on  Tir-Maine,  viz.  :  six  score  mail, 
and  six  score  horsemen,  and  six  score  kerne,  on  their  own  maintenance.  And 
he  has  six  score  mail  from  O'Conor  Roe,  and  MacDermott,  and  six  score 
horsemen,  and  six  score  mercenaries.  And  O'Conor  Roe  is  surety  for  this  to 
MacWilliam. 

This  is  MacWilliam's  rising  out  upon  Carra,  viz.  :  eight  score  mercenaries 
on  their  own  maintenance. 

This  is  MacWilliam  Burk's  rising  out  on  the  Clann-Costello  and  their 
country,  viz.  :  three  score  mail,  and  three  score  mercenaries,  and  the  cavalry 
standard  of  MacCostello,  and  14  marks  of  rent. 

On  Gallen  in  like  manner,  on  their  own  maintenance  (because  it  was 
jNIacWilliam's  ancestor  that  granted  Ballylahan,  on  condition  that  they 
themselves  would  pay  the  duties),  viz.  :  three  score  mail,  and  three  score 
horsemen,  and  three  score  kerne  ;  and  not  all  the  demesne  lands,  baronies, 
or  Gallowglasses  that  you  possess  can  pay  all  that  to  MacWilliam  on  account  of 
the  extent  of  his  claims  on  you,  and  your  great  unwillingness  to  grant  them 
to  him,  and  his  neglect  to  exact  them  from  you  altogether.  And  moreover, 
you  lying,  false,  disobedient,  inconsistent  (left  unfinished). 

On   that   account   MacWilliuni   Burk,  i.e.   John,  son   of    Oliver,  went  to 


356  APPENDICES. 

prefer  his  complaint  to  tlio  house  of  the  Court  against  you,  to  Captain 
Malbie.  And  the  Captain  and  Council,  viz.  the  Arclibishop  of  Tuam,  and 
Master  Bacon,  and  Justice  Dillon,  and  Edward  "White,  made  an  order  for  him 
here,  i.e.  two  beeves  for  every  armed  man,  and  two  beeves  for  every  horseman, 
and  a  beef  for  every  kerne.  And  that  is  the  same  as  t^\■o  beeves  in  every 
quarter  throughout  his  lordship,  unless  it  is  more  than  that.  And  they  had 
reason  for  that,  for  they  allowed  not  power  of  superiority  or  chief-command 
to  any  man  whatever  about  that  time.  And  they  did  this  for  his  board  and 
maintenance,  i.e.  of  MacWilliam.  And  Mac  William  has  this  order,  written 
in  English,  from  the  hand  of  the  Council. 

This  is  the  portion  of  the  country  people,  and  of  the  readers  of  the  Gaelic 
tongue,  of  the  book  and  of  the  lordship  of  MacWilliam  Burk.  And  the 
chronicle  of  MacWilliam  in  Latin  is  written  before  us  down  here. 

Notes. 

^  In  Co.  Clare.  Close  to  Tobbereendoney  in  Beagh  parish,  Co.  Galway. 
-  Moycullen  is  meant  probably.  ^  Castletown  in  Cong.  *  In  Cong  par.  *  In 
Kilmolara  and  Kilmainebeg.  ^  Adjoining  them  in  Kilmainebeg.  '  In  Ballin- 
robe.  *  In  Kilmainemore.  ^  In  Kilmainebeg.  1°  Ballisnahyny  in  Kilmainebeg, 
detached.  ^^  Probably  about  Carrowreagh  in  Kilmainemore.  '^  Mocorha  and 
Dalgan  in  Sbrule.  ^^  Between  Turin  Castle  and  Milford.  i'*  In  Moorgagagh. 
''  In  Kilcoiiiiuon.  ^*  Carras  in  same.  ^^  Oultauns  in  same.  ^^  Included  Lissa- 
tava.  1^  Included  Garreens.  ^°  North  of  Iloundfort.  ^^  In  Kilcommon,  but  not 
identified.  22  included  Ballymangan  in  Kilcommon.  -^  Probably  adjoined 
CooUisduff.  '^*  Near  Lehincb.  ^*'  Tiranaur,  west  of  Burrisool.  ^*  Newport. 
2'  Ballynahaglish  and  Kilmoremoy.  ^^  Kilbelfad  and  Ardagh.  -^  Killacorran 
in  Crossmolina.  ^°  In  Crossmolina.  ^^  In  Addergoole.  ^"  In  Ballysakeery. 
3^  In  Templemurry.  ^*  Carn  in  Lackan.  ^^InLackan.  ^'' In  Killala.  "  Rusheens 
in  Ballysakeery.  ^^  In  ancient  Bredagh,  probably  in  Moygawnagb.  ^^  CloonHgh 
Lake  in  Ardag'h.  *°  The  same  as  Kilfian.  "  In  Kilcummin.  ^^  About  Portnahally. 
*^  In  Doonfeeny.  **  In  Kilfiai:.  *'  Mullafarry,  or  near  it,  in  Ballysakeery, 
*"  Probably  near  Kilroe  in  Killala.     *"  Breaghwy  in  Kilfian  (?). 


VI. 

THE  INDENTURE  OF  COMPOSITION  OF  1585. 

This  is  taken  from  a  volume  in  the  Public  Record  Office  of  Dublin,  entitled 
"  Indentures  of  Composition,  Elizabeth,  i.e.  5d.  226,"  containing  copies  of 
the  indentures  made  respecting  many  territories  at  this  time,  and  of  inquisi- 
tions, offices,  and  orders  connected  therewith.  The  originals  were  sent  to 
England  for  issue  of  the  queen's  grants  of  the  hereditary  estates  secured  to  the 
lords  and  gentlemen.  Some  of  the  names  are  incorrectly  copied,  and  the 
numbers  of  the  quarters  are  certainly  incorrect,  as  items  and  totals  differ 
materially  in  several  cases.  I  give  the  names  of  places  in  modern  form  and 
spelling  if  there  is  no  doubt  of  what  is  meant,  as  Ballycarra  for  Ballynecarrae, 
Brees  for  Berys. 

The  Abbey  of  Strade  had  been  made  a  Crown  manor,  and  all  tenures 
granted  by  the  queen  were  to  be  held  "  as  of  her  manor  of  Strade,"  such  a 
tenure  being  less  onerous  than  a  tenure  m  capite  of   the  sovereign.     The 


APPENDICES.  357 

grants  were  of  two  kinds,  with  goods  of  felons,  &c.,  to  those  of  chieftain 
rank,  and  without  those  rights  to  men  of  less  position.  All  held  by  knight's 
service,  the  former  by  the  twentieth  and  the  latter  by  the  fortieth  part  of 
a  knight's  fee,  except  the  bishops  and  the  Earl  of  Orniond.  As  the  grants  are 
in  forms  whicli  vary  only  verbally,  I  give  the  normal  grants  in  abstract  after 
the  first  of  each  kind,  unless  there  is  a  variation  of  substance. 

Co.  Mayo. 

"This  Indenture  made  Betwixt  the  llight  Honourable  Sir  John  Perrot 
Knight  Lord  Deputy  General  of  Ireland,  for  and  in  the  behalf  of  the  Queen's 
most  excellent  Majesty  of  the  one  part,  And  the  Reverend  Father  in  God 
William  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  Owen  Elect  Bishop  of  Killala,  Sir  Richard 
Bourke  of  the  Newton  Knight,  otherwise  called  MacWilliam  Eyghter, 
Walter  Kittagli  Bourke  of  Belleek  Gent.,  William  Bourke  of  Ardnarea 
Gent.,  Edmund  Bourke  MacOliver  of  Rappa  Gent.,  Richard  Barrett  of  Ross, 
otherwise  called  MacPaddin  chief  of  his  name,  Pierce  Barrett  of  Ballysakeery 
Gent.,  Mj'ly  MacEvily  of  Kinturk,  otherwise  called  MacEvily  chief  of  his  name, 
Edmond  Bourke  of  Castlebar,  Tanist  to  the  said  MacWilliam  Eyghter,  William 
Bourke  of  Ballycarra  otherwise  called  the  Blind  Abbot,  Moyler  Bourke  of 
Castellm'^kerra  ^  Gent.,  Tybott  Reogh  Bourke  of  Boherfayne  Gent.,  Edmond 
Evagher  MacJordan  of  Bellalahen,  otherwise  called  MacJordan,  Moyler 
MacJordan  of  the  Newcastle  Gent.,  Walter  Leaghe  MacStevane  of  Corran 
MacStephen  Gent.,  Jordan  MacThomas  of  Bellahaghe  ^  Gent.,  Richard 
MacMorris  of  the  Brees  otherwise  called  MacMorris  chief  of  his  name, 
Davye  MacMorris  of  Castlemacgarrett  Gent.,  Walter  MacErydry  of 
Castlereagh  Gent.,  William  Bourke  of  Shrule  Gent.,  Edmond  Bourke 
of  Cong  Gent.,  Ricard  Oge  Bourke  of  Cloonagashell  Gent.,  Molaghlyn 
O'Malley  of  Belclare  otherwise  called  O'Malley  chief  of  his  name,  Teige 
Roe  O'Malley  of  Cahernemart  Gent.,  Owen  O'Malley  of  the  same  Gent., 
Dermott  MacArte  of  Clare  Gent.,  Gilladuff  MacGibbon  of  Ballynekillye 
Gent.,  Ricard  Oge  MacGibbon  of  Glankeen  Gent.,  Sherrone-'^  MacGibbon  of 
Lackan  Gent.,  Nicholas  FitzSymons  of  Dunmacknynye^  Gent.,  Walter  Mac 
Phillipyne  of  Brehe  *  otherwise  called  MacPliillipyne  chief  of  his  name, 
Ferragiie  Mac  Tirlagh  Roe  of  Carrickmadye '^  Gent.,  Edmond  Oge  MacGibbon 
of  Derrymacgornan,  William  Bourke  of  Tiraun  Gent.,  Ricard  Og  IMac 
Tomyne  of  Ballicroy  Gent.,  Edmond  Barrett  of  Dowlagh  ®  Gent,  John 
Browne  of  the  Neale  Gent.,  Richard  Barrett  of  Kyrenan  Gent.,  and  John 
Caree  of  Downmacknyny  Gent.,  of  the  other  part, 

"  Witnesseth  that  where  the  whole  country  or  territory  of  Mayo  is  divided 
into  nine  principal  Baronies,  that  is  to  wit,  the  Barony  of  Crossboyne  alias 
Clanmorris,  the  Barony  of  Kilmaine,  the  Barony  of  Murrisk,  the  Barony  of 
Burrishoole,  the  Barony  of  Inveraiore  alias  Erris,  the  Barony  of  Moyne  alina 
Tirawley,  the  Barony  of  Burriscarra  alias  Carra,  tlie  Barony  of  Bellalahen 
alias  Gallen,  and  the  Barony  of  Clancostello  which  (omitting  out  of  this  book 
the  said  Barony  of  Clancostello)  contain  in  themselves,  as  well  Ijy  ancient 
division  as  by  late  inquisition  presentments  hereunto  annexed,  the  number  of 
a  thousand  four  hundred  forty-eight  quarters  and  a  half  of  land  esteeming 

■'  Seathriin,  Irish  form  for  Geoffrey. 


358  APPENDICES. 

every  qiuu-ter  witli  liis  meadow  pasture  wood  and  bog  120  acres  as  by  a  more 
particular  laying  down  of  the  same  in  manner  and  form  following  it  may 
appear. 

"  First  in  the  Barony  of  Crossboyne  alias  Clanmorris  there  is  a  quantity 
of  laud  called  the  Bree  consisting  of  7  quarters,  Also  Derowel  con- 
sisting of  14  quarters,  Also  the  Murneen  consisting  of  12  quarters,  Also 
Ballyhowley  and  Castlegar  consisting  of  9  quarters,  Also  Caslane  Enlecare ' 
consisting  of  13  quarters.  Also  Ballykinave  consisting  of  12  quarters,  Also 
Castlekeel  consisting  of  3  quarters,  Also  Castlemacgarrett  consisting  of 
4  ([uarters,  Also  Downmacnynye  and  Castlereagh  consisting  of  22  quarters. 
Also  Carrowbeg  consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  Keankylly  consisting  of  14 
quarters,  Also  Ahena  consisting  of  6  quarters,  Also  Clogher  consisting  of 
2  quarters,  Also  Barreel  consisting  of  4  quarters.  Also  Knockaunakill  con- 
sisting of  1  quarter.  Also  Ballynastangford  consisting  of  3  quarters,  Also 
Ballymacadam  consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  the  Sept  of  Rickard  Fynn 
consisting  of  8  quarters,  Also  the  Sept  of  MoyntercuUenan  consisting  of 
4  quarters.  Also  Clonbane  consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  Bally  MacRickard 
consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also  Kilvenhene  consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also 
the  Roosky  consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also  Cowlera  consisting  of  2  quarters. 
Also  Cloondinnaire  consisting  of  1  quarter,  Also  Carrolaghemore  consisting 
of  one  quarter,  Also  Ballycranan  ^  4  quarters  and  Termon  consisting  of  24 
quarters  belonging  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Tuam,  also  the  Aljbey  of 
Ballinsmala  consisting  of  one  quarter  belonging  to  Her  Majesty,  Also 
Killvondane  consisting  of  2  quarters  belonging  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  in 
right  of  the  Abbey  of  Mayo,  Also  Crossboyne  consisting  of  one  quarter. 
Also  Kilcowle  ^  consisting  of  4  quarters  belonging  to  Her  Majesty  as  in 
right  of  the  Abbey  of  Mayo  aforesaid.  Also  Cappagh  and  Derradae  con- 
sisting of  2  quarters.  Also  Knockadorraghy  and  Ballinaster  consisting  of 
one  quarter  belonging  to  Her  Majesty  as  in  right  of  the  said  Abbey  of  Mayo, 
Also  Glaneghelrine  '**  and  Skrykene  consisting  of  one  cjuarter.  Also  Lehanagh 
and  Portagh  consisting  of  one  quarter,  Ballyhumillane  and  Shinganagh 
consisting  of  one  quarter.  Also  Ballymullavil  and  Ballymagorane  consisting 
of  one  quarter.  Also  Ballyclanristarde  consisting  of  one  quarter,  which  in 
the  whole  within  that  Barony  cometh  to  the  200  quarters. 

"  In  the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  called  Conmyckne- 
cowlye  consisting  of  128  quarters,  whereof  belongeth  to  William  Bourke 
MacShane  and  his  freeholders  80  ciuarters,  and  to  Edmond  Bourke  Mac- 
Thomas  Evaghery  and  his  freeholders  48  quarters,  Also  Moyntercreaghane 
consisting  of  32  quarters,  Also  Eyghterhyre  consisting  of  80  quarters,  Also 
Lough  Mask  consisting  of  12  quarters.  Also  Ballinrolje  consisting  of  4  quarters. 
Also  Ballynclonty "  consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  Kenlaglie  consisting  of 
10  quarters.  Also  belonging  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Tuam  witliin  the  said 
Barony  26  quarters.  Also  16  quarters  belonging  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  as  in 
the  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Cong,  Also  one  quarter  belonging  to  Her  Majesty 
as  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Ballinrobe,  Also  Moyne  consisting  of  2  quarters, 
Also  Lackafinna  consisting  of  2  quarters,  Also  2  quarters  belonging  to  Her 
Majesty  in  right  of  the  Nunnery  of  Inishmaine  and  Ballinchalla,  Also 
Dowryshe  consisting  of  2  quarters,  wliich  in  the  whole  within  that  Barony 
cometh  to  the  321  quarters. 


APPENDICES.  359 

"In  the  Barony  of  Murrisk  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  called  Lorge  Owle 
O'Mayle  consisting  of  36  quarters,  Also  Ilanenemoghere  consisting  of  36 
quarters,  Also  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  belonging  to  the  Architishopric 
of  Tuam  consisting  of  7  quarters,  Also  one  quarter  belonging  to  Her  ]\Iajesty 
as  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Murrisk,  which  in  the  whole  within  that  Barony 
Cometh  to  80  quarters. 

"  In  the  Barony  of  Burrishoole  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  called  the  Sept 
of  Clanphillypins  consisting  of  24  quarters,  Also  the  Sept  of  MacTybbott 
consisting  of  16  quarters.  Also  Termon  Aghagower  consisting  of  24  (piarters 
belonging  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Tuam,  Also  8  quarters  belonging  to  the 
Queen's  Majesty  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Ballintubber,  Also  these  parcels  of 
land  following  belonging  as  is  said  to  the  Karl  of  Ormonde,  viz.  :  Achill 
consisting  of  4  quarters,  Tiranair  and  Burrishowle  consisting  of  12  quarters, 
Also  Bally vaghan  ^■-  consisting  of  6  quarters  whereof  belongeth  to  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Tuam  2  quarters.  Also  Baleagowre  ^^  consisting  of  3  quarters, 
Also  Kennarde  consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  Lecarroboher  consisting  of 
4  quarters,  Also  Clogher  consisting  of  4  quarters.  Also  Ballyhellynan  con- 
sisting of  4  quarters,  Also  Roska  and  Rosnebrare  consisting  of  2  quarters 
belonging  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Tuam,  Also  Money  consisting  of  2  quarters, 
Also  Ferrentyre  consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also  Kilmaclasser  consisting  of 
2  quarters  belonging  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Tuam,  Also  Cagall  consisting  of 
2  quarters,  which  in  the  whole  within  the  Barony  cometli  to  119  quarters. 

"  In  the  Barony  of  InvermoreaZmsErris  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  called  Carne 
consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  lar  Erris  consisting  of  4  quarters.  Also  Leame 
consisting  of  4  quarters,  Also  Toskerte  consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also  Ymle- 
vegger  '*  consisting  of  2  cj^uarters.  Also  Ballycroy  consisting  of  4  quarters 
belonging  as  is  said  to  the  Earl  of  Ormonde,  Also  Glankoalehinsky  consisting  of 
4  quarters,  Also  Dookeeghan  consisting  of  4  quarters,  AlsoCarrowkenowghyne 
consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also  Ballymunnelly  consisting  of  one  quarter.  Also 
Glenmoy  and  Dooncarton  consisting  of  one  cjuarter,  Also  Innvre  and 

Great  luishkea  consisting  of  2  quarters,  Also  Leteraghe  consisting  of  one 
quarter.  Also  Kilteyny  consisting  of  one  quarter  belonging  to  Her  Majesty 
in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Ballintubber,  Also  the  Cross  consisting  of  3  c^uarters 
belonging  to  Her  Majesty  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Cross,  Also  Termon 
Kilmore  consisting  of  2  quarters  whereof  belongeth  to  the  Bishopric  of 
Killala  one  quarter.  Also  Termon  Carragh  consisting  of  2  quarters  belonging 
to  the  said  Bishopric  of  Killala,  Also  Kilcommon  consisting  of  half  a  quarter 
belonging  to  the  said  Bishopric,  Also  Ballycroy  consisting  of  1  quarter 
belonging  to  the  said  Bishopric,  which  in  the  whole  within  that  Barony 
coiueth  to  43  quarters. 

"  In  the  Barony  of  Moyne  alias  Tirawley  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  called 
the  Cowrine  of  Ballynew  alias  the  Newtown  consisting  of  40  quarters.  Also 
Cowrine  ne  Rappa  consisting  of  33  quarters,  Also  Cowrine  Belleek  consisting  of 
48  quarters.  Also  Barrett's  cowrine  consisting  of  18  quarters,  Also  Toae  Castle- 
reagli  consisting  of  16  quarters,  Also  the  Laggan  and  the  Clandonnells  consist- 
ing of  36  quarters,  Also  Toae  Keherrenan  consisting  of  18  quarters,  Also  Toae 
Boawynyne'^  and  Glanhosty^''  consisting  of  26  quarters,  Also  Ardnarea 
consisting  of  4  quarters  whereof  two  quarters  belongeth  to  the  Bishopric  of 
Killala,  in  the  said  Barony  belonging  to  the  Bishopric  of  Killala  39  quarters. 


3G0  APPENDICES. 

Also  the  Grange  of  the  Newtown  consisting  of  4  quarters  belonging  to  Her 
Majesty  as  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Knockmoy,  Also  belonging  as  is  said 
to  the  Dean  and  Chanter  of  Killala  2  quarters,  Also  belonging  to  the  Queen's 
Majesty  as  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Eathfran  2  quarters,  which  in  the  whole 
within  that  Barony  conieth  to  287  quarters. 

"  In  the  Barony  of  Burriscarra  alias  CkiYra  there  is  a  quantity  of  land  called 
Cowryne  Donaniona  consisting  of  21  quarters,  Also  Cowryne  Ballycarra 
consisting  of  22  quarters,  Also  Cowryne  Manulla  consisting  of  21  quarters. 
Also  Cowryne  Kinturk  consisting  of  25  quarters,  Also  Cowryne  Partry  and 
Castlekeeran  consisting  of  22  quarters.  Also  the  half  Cowryne  of  Clooneen 
consisting  of  10  quarters,  Also  the  half  Cowrine  of  LufFertaun  consistini,'  of 
10  quarters.  Also  Sleight  Ulick  Bourke  and  Sleight  Davy  DufF  Bourke 
consisting  of  21  quarters.  Also  the  Cowrine  of  Turlough  consisting  of 
21  quarters,  Also  Cowryne  Castle  Barry  consisting  of  21  quarters,  Also 
Slewoney  ^^  consisting  of  24  quarters,  Also  Drum  and  Ballyvorny  consisting 
of  8  quarters,  Also  Ballintubber  consisting  of  8  quarters  belonging  to  the 
Queen's  Majesty  in  right  of  the  Abbey  of  Ballintubber,  Also  Levallynetavese  ^^ 
consisting  of  8  quarters.  Also  Cloondowane  ^°  consisting  of  2  quarters.  Also 
Kearoweruvy  ^i  consisting  of  4  quarters.  Also  Ballyovey  consisting  of  4  quarters 
belonging  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Tuam,  which  in  the  whole  within  that 
Barony  cometh  to  253  quarters. 

"  In  the  Barony  of  Ballylahan  alias  Gallon  there  is  a  quantity  of  land 
called  Clan  Stephen  22  consisting  of  16  quarters.  Also  Clanmanny  consisting 
of  16  quarters,  Also  Toa  Boycolloe  consisting  of  16  quarters.  Also  Toa  New- 
castle consisting  of  16  quarters.  Also  Coolcarney  and  Toa  Bellahaghe 
consisting  of  44  quarters.  Also  Kinaff  and  Killedan  consisting  of  6  quarters 
belonging  to  the  Bishopric  of  Achonry,  Also  Bellalahan  consisting  of  16 
quarters.  Also  belonging  to  the  Queen's  ^lajesty  as  in  right  of  the  Abbey 
of  Strade  4  quarters,  which  in  the  whole  within  that  Barony  cometh  to 
160  quarters. 

"All  which  being  drawn  into  one  total  cometh  to  the  aforesaid  number  of 
144S|  quarters,  whereof  belongeth  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  58  quarters,  to  the 
Lords  Spiritual  151  quarters,  and  to  the  Earl  of  Ormonde  40  quarters. 

"  The  said  Lords,  Chieftains,  Gentlemen,  Freeholders,  aud  Farmers,  ac- 
knowledging the  manifold  benefits  and  easements  which  they  find  in 
possessing  of  their  lands  and  goods  since  the  peaceable  goverument  of  the 
said  Lord  Deputy  and  the  just  dealing  of  Sir  Richard  Bingham  Knight  their 
chief  officer,  as  well  against  common  malefactors  and  spoilers  as  also  against 
the  immeasurable  cesses  and  oppressions  of  all  sorts  of  men  of  war  heretofore 
laid  upon  them.  Have  in  consideration  thereof  and  for  that  the  said  right 
h<jnourable  the  Lord  Deputy  doth  promise  warrant  and  grant  to  and  with 
the  said  lords,  chieftains,  gentlemen,  freeholders  and  inhabitants  of  the  said 
County  of  Mayo  for  and  in  behalf  of  tlie  Queen's  most  excellent  INfajesty  that 
they  and  any  ()f  them  their  heirs  and  successors  and  assigns  within  the  said 
Co.  of  Mayo  shall  from  and  after  the  date  hereof  be  freely  and  wholly 
discharged  acquitted  aud  exonerated  for  ever  of  and  from  all  manner  of 
cesses,  taxes,  charges,  exactions,  cuttings,  impositions,  purveying,  cattinge, 
finding  or  bearing  of  soldiers,  kearntyes  and  all  other  burdens  whatever 
other  than  the  rents  reservations  and  charpfes  hereafter  in  this  Indenture 


APPENDICES.  361 

specified  and  to  be  enacted  by  Parliament,  willingly  and  thankfully,  for  tlieni, 
their  heirs,  successors  and  assigns,  given  and  granted  like  as  hereljy  tliev  do 
give  and  grant  to  the  said  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Deputy  and  his  heirs 
to  the  use  and  behoof  of  the  Queen's  most  excellent  IMajesty  her  heirs  and 
successors  for  ever,  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  10  shillings  of  good  lawful 
money  of  England  going  out  of  every  quarter  of  1200  quarters  of  the  afore- 
said number  of  1448  quarters  of  land,  which  in  the  whole  amounteth  yearly 
to  the  sum  of  £600  sterling  payable  at  the  feasts  of  St.  Michael  the  Archangel 
and  Easter  by  two  portions,  the  first  payment  to  begin  at  the  feast  of  St. 
Michael  the  Archangel  next  ensuing  the  date  hereof,  and  so  yearly  for  ever 
at  the  several  feasts  aforesaid,  at  Her  Highness's  exchequer  within  the  same 
realm  of  Ireland  or  to  the  hands  of  the  vice  treasurer  or  general  receiver  of 
the  same  realm  for  the  time  being,  and  for  lack  of  money  to  be  paid  in  the 
exchequer  as  aforesaid,  the  same  treasurer  or  general  receiver  to  receive  kyne 
to  the  value  of  the  said  rent  or  so  much  thereof  as  shall  remain  unpaid  at  the 
rate  of  13s.  4d.  sterling  for  every  good  and  lawful  beef. 

"  And  if  it  fortune  the  said  rent  of  £600  sterling  to  be  behind  and  unpaid 
in  part  or  in  all  as  in  manner  and  form  aforesaid,  that  then  it  shall  be  lawful 
unto  the  said  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Deputy  or  other  Governor  or 
Governors  of  this  realm  for  the  time  being,  or  to  the  treasurer  or  general 
receiver  for  the  time  being,  to  enter  and  distrain  in  all  and  singular  the 
lands  tenements  and  hereditaments  of  [the  said]  1200  quarters.  And  the 
distress  taken  to  detain  and  keep  until  the  said  yearly  rent  as  afore  be  fully 
and  wholly  satisfied  and  paid.  Provided  always  if  it  fortune  any  part  of  the 
quarters  subject  to  this  composition  to  be  waste  as  it  beareth  neither  horn 
nor  corn,  that  the  same  shall  not  be  laid  upon  the  rest,  but  shall  be  forborne 
both  in  rent  and  arrearages  during  that  time. 

"  And  further  the  persons  above  named  for  them,  their  heirs  and  assigns  do 
covenant  promise  and  grant  to  and  with  the  said  Right  Honourable  the  Lord 
Deputy  and  his  heirs  for  and  in  the  behalf  of  the  Queen's  most  excellent 
Majesty  her  heirs  and  successors  not  only  to  answer  and  bear  yearly  for  ever 
to  all  hostings,  roods,  and  journies  within  the  said  Province  of  Connaught  and 
Thomond  whereas  and  at  what  time  they  shall  be  thereunto  commanded  by 
the  Lord  Deputy  or  other  Governor  or  Governors  of  this  realm  or  by  the 
chief  officer  of  the  said  Province  40  good  able  horsemen  and  200  footmen 
well  armed  upon  their  own  proper  cost  and  charges  over  and  beside  the  rent 
aforesaid  (the  land  assigned  by  this  Indenture  as  demesnes  to  the  houses  and 
manors  of  the  said  Lords  Spiritual  always  excepted),  but  also  to  answer  and 
bear  to  all  general  hostings  proclaimed  in  this  realm  15  good  able  horsemen 
and  50  footmen  well  armed  upon  their  own  proper  cost  and  charges  during 
the  time  of  the  said  general  hosting,  if  the  Lord  Deputy  or  other  Governor 
of  this  realm  for  the  time  being  do  require  the  same,  saving  and  reserving 
aLvays  This  privilege  and  favour  of  Her  Majesty's  Grace  to  the  said  Lords 
Spiritual  that  they  in  no  other  sort  or  manner  shall  answer  or  bear  to  this 
general  hosting  than  as  their  peers  of  the  English  bishops  of  this  realm  doth 
or  ought  to  do. 

"And  further  it  is  condescended  concluded  and  agreed  as  well  by  the  said 
Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Deputy  for  and  in  the  behalf  of  the  Queen's 
most  excellent  Majesty  as  also  by  William  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  Owen  Elect 


362  APPENDICES. 

Bishop  of  Killala,  Sir  Riclianl  Bourke  Kniglit,  Walter  Kiltagh,  William 
Bonrke,  Edmond  Bourke,  Richard  Barrett,  Piers  Barrett,  MacEvillie, 
Edmond  Bourke,  William  Bourke,  Moyler  Bourke,  Tybbot  Ryogh  Bourke, 
and  others  above  named  in  manner  and  form  following,  viz.  :  that  the  names, 
styles,  titles  of  captainships,  Tanistships  and  all  other  Irish  authorities  and 
jurisdictions  heretofore  used  by  the  said  Chieftains  and  Gentlemen,  together 
with  all  election  and  customary  division  of  land  occasioning  great  strife  and 
contention  amongst  them,  shall  from  henceforth  be  utterly  abolished  extinct 
renounced  and  i)ut  back  within  the  said  country  of  Mayo  for  ever. 

"  In  consideration  whereof  aifd  for  that  Her  Majesty  doth  most  graciously 
mind  the  benefits  and  advancement  of  every  good  subject  according  to  his 
degree  b}'  reducing  of  their  uncertain  and  unlawful  manner  of  taking  from 
others  to  a  certain  and  more  beneficial  state  of  living  for  them  and  their  heirs 
than  their  said  pretended  titles  and  claims  did  or  could  hitherto  aftbrd  them, 
the  said  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Deputy  for  and  in  the  behalf  of  the 
Queen's  most  excellent  Majesty,  And  also  the  aforesaid  Chieftains,  Gentlemen, 
and  Freeholders  on  the  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  said  country  doth  covenant,  promise  grant  and  agree  to  and  with  the 
said  Sir  Richard  Bourke  Kniglit,  that  where  the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  con- 
sisteth  of  321  quarters  of  land,  whereof  belongeth  to  the  Queen's  Majesty 
19  quarters,  to  the  Lords  Spiritual  20  quarters,  and  to  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard 
4  quarters,  and  so  remaineth  272  quarters, 

"The  said  Sir  Richard  Bourke  otherwise  called  MacWilliam  Eyghter,  in 
respect  of  the  ancienty  of  his  name  and  for  the  better  supportation  and 
maintenance  of  the  degree  of  Knighthood  whereunto  it  hath  pleased  the 
Queen's  most  excellent  Majesty  to  call  him,  shall  have  receive  and  take  by 
Letters  Patent  from  Her  Majesty  to  him  his  heirs  and  assigns  the  Castles  or 
Manors  of  Ballyloughmask,  Kinlough,  and  Ballinrobe  and  34  quarters  of 
land  with  their  appurtenants  set  lying  and  being  as  well  in  the  said  Bally- 
loughmask, Kinlough  and  Ballinrobe  as  in  the  towns  belonging  to  the  same 
as  a  demesne  to  the  said  manors  freely  exonerated  and  discharged  of  and 
from  this  composition,  together  Avitli  all  the  goods  and  chattels  of  persons 
attainted  of  felony  that  shall  hap  or  chance  to  dwell  or  inhabit  within  the 
aforesaid  quarters  of  land,  and  all  other  casualties  and  amercements  that 
shall  grow  from  time  to  time  within  the  same,  and  also  shall  have  hold 
possess  and  enjoy  to  him  and  his  heirs  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  3s.  4d. 
sterling  going  out  of  every  quarter  of  66  towns  of  freeholders'  lands  in  the 
said  Barony  viz.  :  the  Bourkes,  Jonyns,  Clanmoylers  and  Sleight  vick 
Tybbott,  which  after  4  quarters  to  every  town  maketh  264  quarters  amount- 
ing by  the  year  to  66  marks  sterling,  in  full  recompense  of  all  such  Rents, 
Beeves,  Spendings,  and  other  customary  exactions  by  him  claimed,  by  the 
said  freeholders  lands  (not  charging  the  portion  of  the  waste  lands  upon  the 
inhabited),  and  that  they  and  every  of  them  their  heirs  and  assigns  according 
to  his  and  their  portions  of  land  shall  liold  the  aforesaid  264  quarters  of  land 
of  the  said  Sir  Richard  Bourke  and  his  heirs  by  knight's  service,  viz.  :  by 
the  40th  part  of  a  knight's  fee,  as  of  his  said  Castle  or  Manor  of  Ballylough- 
mask, and  shall  do  suit  and  service  to  the  Court  Baron  and  Leet  of  the  said 
manor,  together  with  all  the  goods  and  chattels  of  persons  attainted  of  felony 
that  shall  hap  or  chance  to  dwell  or  inhabit  within  the  aforesaid  264  quarters 


APPENDICES.  3G3 

of  laud,  and  all  other  casualties  and  amerceuients  that  sliull  grow  from  time 
to  time  within  the  same. 

"And  also  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  3s.  4(1.  (Sterling  going  out  of  every 
quarter  of  26  towns  of  freeholders'  lands  in  the  barony  of  Carra,  viz.  :  the 
lands  of  the  Bourkes  in  Toatroyme,  Klyncowane  and  ]\Iac  Ivyle's,  which  after 
4  to  every  town  maketh  104  quarters,  whereof  the  said  Mac  Ivyles  is  to  be 
charged  but  with  8  quarters,  amounting  by  the  year  to  £17,  6s.  8d.,  In  full 
recompense  of  all  such  rents,  beeves,  spendings,  and  other  customary  exactions 
by  him  claimed  upon  the  said  freeholders'  lands  (not  charging  the  portion  of 
the  waste  land  upon  the  inhabited). 

"And  also  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  3s.  4d.  sterling  going  out  of  every 
quarter  of  10  towns  of  freeholdeis'  lands  in  the  Barony  of  Burrishoole,  vi/.  : 
the  lands  of  Sleight  Walter  Bouy,  Sleight  Mac  Kaageboy,"  the  Clandonnells, 
and  the  Bourkes,  which  after  4  quarters  to  every  town  maketh  40  quarters, 
and  also  a  yearly  rent  charge  of  27s.  6d.  sterling  divided  ui^on  si.x  quarters  of 
Mac  Phillipine  and  his  kinsmen's  land,  and  also  a  yearly  rent  charge  of  15^:. 
sterling  divided  upon  3  quarters  of  the  said  Mac  Phillipine's  lands  in  Drom- 
rany^*  at  5s.  sterling  the  quarter,  amounting  to  £8,  15s.  lOd.,  in  full  recom- 
pense of  all  such  rents,  beeves,  rent  money,  spendings,  and  other  customary 
exactions  by  him  claimed  upon  the  said  freeholders'  lauds  (not  charging 
the  portion  of  the  waste  land  upon  the  inhabited). 

"  And  also  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  5s.  sterling  going  out  of  every  quarter 
of  160  c[uarters  of  freeholders'  lands  in  the  Barony  of  Moyne,  viz.  :  the 
lands  of  the  Barretts,  Bourkes,  Lynots,  Clanpadyne,  Cusacks,  Carews,  and 
Clandonnells,  amounting  by  the  year  to  £40  sterling,  in  full  recompense  of 
such  yearly  rents  besides  other  spendings  and  exactions  by  him  claimed  upon 
the  said  freeholders'  lands  (not  charging  the  portion  of  waste  land  upon  the 
inhabited). 

"  It  Is  Likewise  covenanted,  granted,  and  agreed  as  aforesaid  that  the  said 
Sir  Richard  Bourke  Knight  shall  have  hold  possess  and  enjoy  to  him  his 
heirs  and  assigns  the  Castle  of  the  Newto\\  n  in  the  Barony  of  Moyne  afore- 
said and  10  quarters  of  laud  lying  as  well  in  and  about  the  same  as  in  the 
towns  belonging  thereunto  exonerated  and  discharged  of  and  from  this 
Composition  with  all  the  goods  and  chattels  of  persons  attainted  of  felony 
that  shall  hap  or  chance  to  dwell  or  inhabit  within  the  aforesaid  ten  quarters 
of  land,  and  all  other  casualties  and  amercements  growing  from  time  to  time 
within  the  same,  and  that  he  and  his  heirs  shall  hold  all  and  singular  the 
said  castles  manors  and  lands  of  tlie  Queen's  Majesty,  her  heirs  and  successors 
by  knight's  service,  viz. :  by  the  20tli  part  of  a  knight's  fee  as  of  her  manor 
or  house  of  Strade  in  the  County  of  Mayo  and  one  fair  chief  horse  yearly  to 
be  presented  and  given  in  Her  Majesty's  name  to  the  Lord  Dejiuty  or  other 
Governor  of  this  realm  for  the  time  being  on  midsummerday  with  these 
words  engraven  with  gold  Unde  veni  redeo. 

"It  is  also  covenanted,  condescended,  and  agreed  that  the  Archbi.shop  of 
Tuam  for  the  better  supportatiou  of  his  calling  and  dignity  shall  have  hold 
possess  and  enjoy  to  him  and  his  successors  such  mansion  places  as  he 
possesseth  in  right  of  his  said  Archbishopric  in  the  towns  of  Mayo,  Cong, 
and  Aghagower  with  12  quarters  of  land  in  the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  and 
Clanmorris  as  a  demesne  to  the  said  places  freely  exonerated  and  discharged 


364  APPENDICES. 

of  and  from  this  composition  togetlier  with  all  the  goods  and  chattels  of 
persons  attainted  of  felony  that  shall  hap  or  chance  to  dwell  and  inhabit 
within  the  aforesaid  12  quarters  of  land  and  all  other  casualties  and  amerce- 
ments that  shall  grow  from  time  to  time  within  the  same. 

"And  that  also  Thomas  Earl  of  Ormonde  and  Orrei've  who  is  said  to  be 
seized  of  40  quarters  of  land  as  his  inheritance  in  and  l)elonging  to  the 
Manor  of  Burrishoole  shall  have  hold  jjossess  and  enjoy  to  him  and  his  heirs 
the  aforesaid  manor  and  40  quarters  with  their  rents  and  services  due  to  the 
same  quarters  of  land  freely  exonerated  and  discharged  of  and  from  this 
Composition  according  to  the  purport  and  meaning  of  a  concordatum  passed 
for  the  freeing  of  all  the  said  Earl's  lands  within  this  realm. 

"  And  that  the  said  Earl  and  his  heirs  shall  hold  the  same  of  Her  Majesty's 
heirs  and  successors  by  knight's  service,  viz.  :  by  the  20th  part  of  a  knight's 
fee  as  of  her  said  house  or  manor  of  Strade. 

"  And  that  also  Ulick  Earl  of  Clanrickard  who  is  said  to  be  seized  of  the 
castle  and  town  of  Moyne  in  the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  shall  have  hold  possess 
and  enjoy  the  same  to  him  and  his  heirs  with  six  quarters  of  land  whereof 
two  lieth  in  Ballymartin  freely  exonerated  and  discharged  of  and  from  this 
Composition,  the  same  to  be  holden  of  Her  Majesty  her  heirs  and  successois 
as  of  her  said  house  or  Manor  of  Strade  by  like  tenure  and  service  as  is 
aforesaid. 

"And  that  Owen  elect  Bishop  of  Killala  shall  have  hold  possess  and  enjoy 
to  him  and  his  successors  the  town  of  Killala  aforesaid  in  the  Barony  of 
Moyne  and  6  quarters  of  land  with  their  appurtenances  as  a  demesne  to  the 
same  freely  exonerated  and  discharged  of  and  from  this  Composition  together 
with  all  the  goods  and  chattels  of  persons  attainted  of  felony  that  shall  hap 
or  chance  to  dwell  within  the  aforesaid  6  quarters  of  land  and  all  other 
casualties  and  amercements  that  shall  grow  from  time  to  time  within  the 
same. 

"  It  is  likewise  condescended  granted  and  agreed  that  Edmond  Bourke  of 
Castlebar  shall  have  receive  and  take  by  Letters  Patent  from  the  Queen's 
Majesty  to  him  his  heirs  and  assigns  the  town  and  castle  of  Castlebar 
aforesaid  in  the  Baron}  of  Burriscarra  and  10  quarters  of  land  with  their 
appurtenances  next  adjoining  to  the  same  as  a  demesne  to  his  said  castle 
freely  exonerated  and  di-scharged  of  and  from  this  Composition,  and  shall 
also  have  hold  possess  and  enjoy  to  him  and  his  heirs  other  22  quarters  of 
land  subject  to  this  Composition,  whereof  he  and  his  kinsmen  are  now  said 
to  be  seized  as  of  their  inheritance  in  the  Barony  aforesaid,  and  that  he  and 
they  and  every  of  them  and  their  heirs  according  to  his  and  their  portion  of 
land  shall  hold  tlie  same  of  the  Queen's  Majesty  her  heirs  and  successors  by 
knight's  service,  viz.  :  the  40th  part  of  a  knight's  fee  as  of  Her  .Majesty's  said 
house  of  Strade  in  the  County  of  Mayo." 

William  Bourke  of  Slirule  shall  have  the  town  and  castle  of  Cloghan  in 
the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  and  8  quarters  free,  and  other  18  quarters  in  that 
Barony  subject  to  Composition. 

William  Bourke  the  Blind  Abbot  shall  have  the  castle  of  Ballycarra  and 
8  quarters  free,  if  lie  liave  so  much  of  his  own  inheritance. 

Edmond  Bourke  of  Rappa  shall  have  that  castle  and  town  and  4  quarters 
free,  and  the  rest  of  his  lands  subject  to  Composition. 


APPENDICES.  365 

David  Bourke  of  Castlereagli  shall  have  the  Castle  of  Carvickanass  and  G 
quarters  free,  and  half  of  Castlereagli  and  G  (quarters  in  Castlereagli,  Corane 
and  Carrowgarrafe  subject  to  Composition. 

Walter  Kittagh  Bourke  shall  have  the  castles  of  Belleek  and  Crossmolina 
and  8  quarters  free,  and  other  12  quarters  belonging  to  those  castles  and 
Castlereagli  subject  to  Composition. 

William  Bourke  of  Aid narea  shall  have  the  castle  and  town  of  Ardnarea 
and  4  quarters,  and  Castlelacken  and  4  quarters,  free,  and  other  6  quarters 
in  Ballycashell  and  Balloughdalla  subject  to  Composition. 

Edmond  Bourke  of  Cong,  said  to  be  seized  of  20  quarters  in  Barony  of 
Kilmaine  as  his  inheritance,  shall  have  6  quarters  adjoining  his  castles  of 
Aquirk^^  and  Ballycurrin  free,  the  rest  subject  to  Composition. 

Richard  Og  Bourke  of  Cloonagashell,  now  seized  of  20  quarters  in  Barony 
of  Kilmaine  shall  have  8  quarters  thereof  attached  to  that  castle  free. 

"And  where  the  Barony  of  Crossboyiie  consisteth  of  200  quarters  of  land 
whereof  belongeth  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  5  quarters,  to  the  Archbishopric  of 
Tuaui  as  is  said  24  quarters  and  to  Nicholas  FitzSymons  8  quarters,  ami  so 
remaineth  163  quarters, 

"  It  is  likewise  covenanted  etc.  .  .  .  that  for  the  l^etter  maintenance  of  the 
said  MacMorris  his  living,  otherwise  surnamed  FitzGerald  or  Prendergast, 
chief  lord  of  the  said  Barony  of  Crossboyne,  he  shall  have  etc.  .  .  .  the 
Castle  or  ]\Ianor  of  the  Bree  and  4  quarters  of  land  with  their  appurtenances 
adjoining  or  belonging  thereunto,  and  also  other  4  quarters  of  land  in  the 
Termon,  whereof  he  is  said  to  be  now  seized  as  in  right  of  the  name  and  lordship 
of  MacMorris  freely  etc.  .  .  .  and  also  the  Castle  or  Manor  of  the  Murneen  and 
5  quarters  of  land  with  their  appurtenances  belonging  thereunto  subject  to 
this  Composition  in  the  Barony  aforesaid,  whereof  he  is  said  to  be  now  seized 
as  of  his  own  and  his  kinsmen's  inheritance,  together  with  all  the  goods 

and  chattels  etc by  the  20th  part  of  a  knight's  fee  as  of  her  said 

house  or  Manor  of  Strade  in  the  County  of  Mayo. 

"And  that  he  shall  have  etc.  .  .  .  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  5s.  sterling 
going  out  of  every  quarter  of  the  residue  of  the  said  quarters  being  143 
quarters,  amounting  by  the  year  to  £35,  15s.  in  full  recompense  of  all 
such  rents,  duties  and  customary  exactions  and  spendings  by  him  claimed 
upon  the  freeholders  or  inheritors  of  the  same  (not  charging  the  portion  of 
the  waste  land  upon  the  inhabited).  Together  with  all  the  goods  and  chattels 

etc ,  and  that  they  and   every  of   them   their   heirs  and   assigns, 

according  to  his  or  their  portion  of  land  shall  hold  the  same  of  the  said 
Rickard  MacMorris  his  heirs  and  assigns  by  knightly  service,  viz.  :  by  the 
40th  part  of  a  knight's  fee,  as  of  his  said  castle  or  manor  of  the  Murneen,  and 
shall  do  suit  and  service  to  the  Court  Baron  and  Court  Leet  of  the  same. 

"And  where  the  Barony  of  Bellalahen  otherwise  Gallen  consisteth  of 
IGO  quarters  of  land,  whereof  belongeth  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  4  quarters 
and  to  the  said  Lords  Spiritual  12  quarters,  and  so  remaineth  144  quarters, 

"  It  is  likewise  covenanted  etc.  .  .  .  that  the  above  named  Edmond  Vaghery 
otherwise  called  Jordain  Dexeter  Chief  Lord  of  the  said  Barony  shall  for  the 
better  maintenance  of  his  living  have  etc.  .  .  .  the  castle  or  manor  of  Bella- 
lahen and  8  quarters  of  land  with  their  appurtenances  of  the  same  remain  of 
144  quarters  of  land  whereof  he  is  now  seized  as  in  right  of  the  name  of 


366  APPENDICES. 

^lacJordan,  freely  etc.  ...  as  a  demesne  to  his  said  castle  or  manor  of 
Bellalahen,  together  with  other  10  quarters  of  land  which  lieth  m  Tohe 
Bellahaghe  and  Coolcarney  subject  to  this  Composition,  whereof  he  is  said  to 
be  now  seized  as  in  right  of  his  inheritance,  together  with  all  the  goods  and 
chattels  etc.   ...  by  knight's  service,  viz. — the  20th  part  of  a  knight's  fee  etc. 

"  And  also  it  is  covenanted  and  agreed  as  aforesaid  that  the  said  MacJordain 
Dexeter,  his  heirs  and  assigns  shall  have  one  yearly  rent  charge  of  5s.  sterling 
going  out  of  every  quarter  of  the  residue  of  the  said  quarters  being  118 
quarters,  amounting  by  the  year  to  £29,  10s.  sterling  in  full  recompense  of 
all  rents,  duties,  exactions  and  spendings  by  him  claimed  of  the  freeholders 
or  inheritors  of  the  same  (not  charging  the  portion  of  the  waste  land  upon 
the  inhabited)  with  all  the  goods  and  chattels  etc.  .  .  . 

"  And  that  they  and  every  of  them  their  heirs  and  assigns  shall  for  his  and 
their  portion  of  land  hold  the  same  of  the  said  MaeJordan  Dexeter  his  heirs 
and  assigns  by  knight's  service  and  the  rent  aforesaid,  viz.  by  the  40th  ]iart 
of  a  knight's  fee  as  of  his  said  castle  or  manor  of  Bellalahen  and  shall  do 
suit  and  service  to  the  Court  Baron  and  Court  Leet  of  the  said  manor." 

John  Browne  of  the  Neale,  said  to  be  seized  of  quarters  in  sundry 

Baronies,  shall  have  that  castle  and  12  quarters  thereof  free. 

Nicholas  FitzSymons  of  Downmacnynye,  said  to  be  seized  of  22  quarters, 
shall  have  8  quarters  thereof  attached  to  his  castles  of  Downmacnynye  and 
Castlereagli,  whereof '2  quarters  are  in  Ballycullane,  free. 

Piers  Barrett  of  Ballysakeery  shall  have  out  of  his  lands  the  castle  of 
Ballysakeery  and  4  quarters  free. 

Moyler  and  Tibbot  Reoghe  Bourke,  sons  to  Walter  Fada  Bourke,  shall 
have  10  quarters  out  of  their  lands,  if  they  have  so  much,  free,  viz.  5 
quarters  to  each  attached  to  such  of  their  castles  as  they  may  choose. 

Shane  Mac  Hubert  of  Donamona,  otherwise  called  the  Parson  of  Dona- 
mona,  in  respect  that  the  town  and  lands  is  greatly  encumbered  in  holding 
of  the  Sessions  there,  shall  have  the  castle  and  4  quarters  free. 

Farragli  MacDonnell  of  the  Clooneen,  in  respect  of  his  good  service  done 
on  Her  Majesty's  side  at  the  meeting  of  Shrule,  shall  have  that  castle  and 
4  quarters  of  his  lands  free. 

Richard  Barrett  of  Kyherrenan,  in  consideration  of  his  service  done  at 
the  said  meeting  of  Shrule,  shall  have  2  quarters  in  the  said  Toae  of 
Kyherrenan  free. 

Thomas  Nolan  of  the  Creevagh,  in  respect  of  his  sufficiency  to  serve  as 
a  clerk  in  the  said  country,  shall  have  the  said  castle  and  3  quarters  free. 

Moyler  Bourke  FitzThoinas  of  Clowneduffe  in  the  Barony  of  Carra  shall 
have  2  quarters  adjoining  his  town  of  Clowneduffe  free. 

Jordan  FitzThomas  of  Bellahagh  in  the  Barony  of  Bellalahen  shall  have 
the  said  castle  and  4  quarters  free. 

"And  forasmuch  as  divers  of  the  mean  freeholders  of  the  said  County 
of  Mayo  and  the  tenants  dwelling  upon  their  lands  are  and  shall  be  greatly 
burdened  by  this  Composition,  if  the  petty  Lords  and  Captains  next  above 
them  be  allowed  to  take  such  rents  and  customary  duties  as  they  pretend  to 
belong  to  their  said  petty  captainships,  which  had  their  beginning  but  by 
compulsory  means  agreeable  to  the  disorder  of  the  time,  for  remedy  whereof 
it  is  condescended,  concluded,  and  agreed  that  the  above  named  MacEvilie, 


APPENDICES.  367 

MacPaddv'ne,  MacPliillipine,  and  0']\I;illy,  and  all  others  of  that  sort  and 
calling  and  every  of  them,  shall  have,  hold,  possess,  and  enjoy  to  them  their 
heirs  and  assigns,  not  only  such  castles  and  lands  as  belongeth  to  the  name 
and  calling  of  MacEvilie,  [NfacPaddyne,  MacPliillipine,  and  O'Malley,  but 
also  such  castles  and  lands  as  they  or  any  of  them  be  now  justly  seized  of  as 
their  inheritance,  the  same  to  descend  from  each  of  them  to  their  heirs  by 
course  and  order  of  the  laws  of  England. 

"And  in  respect  of  confirming  unto  them  the  said  castles  and  lands  in 
manner  and  form  as  is  aforesaid,  that  after  the  decease  of  every  of  the  said 
petty  Lords  or  Captains  now  living  the  aforesaid  rents  and  services  shall 
thenceforth  be  utterly  determined  and  extinguished  for  ever  to  the  advantage 
and  easement  of  the  said  freeholders  and  their  heirs. 

"  Provided  always  that  this  Composition  nor  anything  contained  therein 
shall  not  be  deemed  constryd  or  adjudged  to  extend  to  bar  or  prejudice  any 
man's  right  or  title  to  any  of  the  lands  or  rents  mentioned  in  the  same,  but 
that  the  title  and  cause  of  action  of  them  and  every  of  them  shall  to  him  and 
tliem  be  saved  according  to  the  due  course  and  order  of  Her  Majesty's  laws. 

"  Provided  also  that  where  there  appeareth  certain  emulation  or  envy 
betwixt  the  above  named  MacWilliam  Ej'ghter  and  his  kinsmen,  whereof 
there  are  some  competitors  that  by  reason  of  their  birth,  being  descended  of 
MacWilliams  of  greater  fame  and  reputation  than  the  said  Sir  Richard 
Bourke,  think  themselves  more  worthy  of  the  English  succession  now 
devised  by  this  Composition,  and  others  standing  upon  their  expectancy 
of  succeeding  his  place  wisheth  the  continuance  of  that  customary  name,  that 
it  shall  rest  in  the  consideration  of  the  said  Right  Honourable  Lord  Deputy 
or  other  Governor  or  Governors  of  this  realm  for  the  time  being  how  and 
in  what  sort  the  above  named  castles,  manors,  lands,  rents,  and  seignories 
belonging  to  the  name  of  MacWilliam  shall  be  disposed,  confirmed,  or 
limited  in  possession  or  remainder  to  the  said  MacWilliam  and  his  said 
kinsmen,  anything  in  this  Indenture  contained  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing. 

"And  it  is  further  covenanted,  granted,  and  agreed  that^'all  tlie  persons 
assigned  by  these  Indentures  to  hold  their  lands  of  the  Queen's  Majesty  her 
heirs  and  successors,  by  kniglit's  service  as  of  her  house  or  manor  of  Strade, 
shall  do  suit  and  service  to  the  Court  Baron  and  Court  Leet  of  the  said  manor 
from  time  to  time. 

"  And  the  said  Lords  Spiritual,  Chieftains,  Gentlemen,  freeholders,  farmers, 
and  inhabitants  for  them  and  either  of  them,  their  heirs,  successors,  and 
assigns,  have  and  by  these  presents  do  give  full  power,  consent,  and  assent 
that  this  present  deed  indented,  and  every  word,  clause,  sentence,  condition, 
and  article  therein  contained  shall  be  enrolled  in  Her  Majesty's  High  Court 
of  Chancery  there  to  remain  of  record  for  ever. 

"  In  witness  whereof  the  said  lords,  chieftains,  gentlemen,  freeholders  and 
inhabitants  have  to  this  part  of  this  Indenture,  remaining  in  the  custody  of 
the  said  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Deputy  for  and  in  the  belialf  of  the 
Queen's  Most  Excellent  Majesty,  put  their  seals  and  subscribed  their  names 
the  13  of  September  a.d.  1585,  and  in  the  27  year  of  the  reign  of  our 
sovereign  lady  Elizabeth,  by  the  Grace  of  God  Queen  of  England  France  and 
Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith. 


368  APPENDICES. 

"  Provided  always  that  all  such  lands  as  John  Browne  aforesaid  hath  of  his 
proper  inheritance  within  the  Barony  of  Gallen  and  Clanmorris,  being  30 
quarters  ;ind  3  cartrons,  shall  be  fully  acquitted  and  discharged  of  and  from 
all  rents  services  and  demands  of  MacMorris  or  MacJordain  other  than  a 
yearly  rent  charge  of  12d.  sterling  going  out  of  every  of  the  said  quarters 
yearly  to  them  and  their  heirs,  anything  in  this  Indenture  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. 

"  William  Tweame.  Owin  Electe  Killala.  Richard  Bourke.  Walter  Kittaghe. 
William  Bourke.    M^Eville.    Pldmond  Bourke  MOliverus.    Mk  .    Peeter 

Barrett.  j\^Paddine.  William  Bourke  alias  the  Blind  Abbot.  M<=Jordan'3 
Mark.  Water  Leaghe  M<^Stephen.  Richard  Oge  Bourke.  Water  M'Eriddery. 
M'^'Morryshe.  Davie  M-^Murryshe.  William  Bourke  of  Srowle. 
Jordane  ]\Krhomas.  Edmond  Barrett.  One  O'Mayle.  O'Mayle.  Nicholas 
FitzSymons.  Rickard  IVPGibbon.  Teig  Roe  O'Mayle.  Rickard  Oge 
M^'Tomyne.  Shane  M^iibbone.  Richard  Barrett.  William  Garvey  of  the 
Leyhing.     Egorum  Edmondi  delone.^     John  Browne." 

Marginal  Notes. 

Marginal  notes  on  third  page  : — 

Forasmuch  as  there  is  a  remain  of  21  quarters  of  land  to  be  bestowed  by 
way  of  freedom  upon  such  Gentlemen  of  the  County  of  Mayo  as  were  not 
remembered  in  the  Indenture  of  the  late  Composition,  taken  betwixt  Her 
Majesty  and  the  Lords,  Gentlemen,  and  freeholders  of  the  said  County, 
It  is  condescended,  concluded,  and  agreed  that  Maurice  M'Enabb  of  the 
Togher  in  the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  shall  have,  hold,  possess,  and  enjoy  " 
quarters  of  the  aforesaid  remain  as  a  demesne  to  his  said  town  of  the  Togher, 
freely  exonerated  and  discharged  of  and  from  this  Composition,  willing  and 
commanding  on  the  Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Mayo,  and  all  other  Her 
Majesty's  receivers  of  her  Composition  rent  for  the  time  being,  to  allow  the 
same  unto  him  accordingly. — Given  at  Bellalaghen  the  15  September  1585. 
Richard  Bingham.  N.  White.  Thomas  Dillon.  Robert  Fowle.  Charles  Cal- 
thorpe.     Gerrot  Commerford.     Francis  Barkley. 

Forasmuch  ...  (as  above)  .  .  .  that  Thomas  Keoghe  of  Bellanclowy  in 
the  Barony  of  Kilmaine  shall  have  ...  (as  above)  ...  3  quarters  of  the 
aforesaid  remain  as  a  demesne  to  his  said  town  of  Bellanclowy '-'  freely  .  .  . 
(as  above)  .  .  .  the  15  September  1585. 

Richard  Bingham.  N.  White.  Thomas  Dillon.  Charles  Calthorpe.  John 
Mervine. 

Marginal  notes  on  fourth  page : — 

By  the  Chief  Commissioner  and  Council  of  Connaught  and  Thomond. 

Forasmuch  as  we  have  granted  unto  Robert  Oge  Barrett  of  Ballemeanagh 
within  the  Barony  of  Tirawley  in  the  County  of  Mayo,  Gentleman,  the 
number  of  three  (quarters  of  land  next  adjoining  to  his  said  town  of  Bally- 
meanacfh  free  and  exonerated  from  the  last  Composition, 

These  are  therefore  to  will  and  require  you  to  permit  him  to  enjoy  the  same 

1  Egorum  Edmondi  delone.  The  first  and  third  of  these  words  have  been  mis- 
taken by  the  copyist.     The  "  um  "  and  "  delone  "  are  but  guesses. 


APPENDICES.  3G9 

accordingly  without  any  molest  or  interrnption,  for  the  doing  of  whicli  this 
shall  be  your  Avarrant. 

Given  at  Roscommon  the  30  April  1587. 
intending  that  the  said  Robert  Oge  and  his  heirs  shall  enjoy  the  benefit  of 
this  freedom. 

Richard  Bingham. 

Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Mayo  and  on  the  Collectors  of  that  County  require 
you  to  allow  and  perform  the  effect  of  this  warrant  for  the  freedom  of  three 
quarters  of  the  freedom  a1)ove  named. 

Given  at  Galway  25  October  1587. 

To  the  Collectors  or  Receivers  of  Her  Majesty's  Composition  rents  of  the 
Barony  of  Tirawley  for  the  time  being  and  to  allow  Her  Majesty's  officers 
ministers  and  loving  subjects  within  the  said  Barony  whom  this  is. 

Marginal  note  on  fifth  page  : — 

Forasmuch  as  there  is  a  remain  of  quarters  .  .  .  (as  in  first  note)  .  .  . 
agreed  that  Millye  Mac  Evyllie  of  the  Kinturk  in  the  Barony  of  Carra  shall 
have  ...  (as  before)  .  .  .  three  quarters  ...  (as  before)  .  .  .  accordingly. 

Given  at  Donamona  the  19th  April  1586. 

Richard  Bingham.     .John  Browne. 

Exd.  per  Richard  Lenham. 

Notes. 

1  Moyler  and  Tibbot  Reagh  being  sons  of  Walter  Fada,  this  castle  should  be 
near  Ballycarra  and  Boherfayne,  now  Burnafaunia,  and  is  likely  to  be  a  name  for 
Gweeshadan  Castle.  ^  Now  called  Old  Castle.  ^  Now  Doonmacreena.  ■*  Pro- 
bably near  Carrowcally,  see  p.  348.  ''  Carrickaneady  in  Burrisool  is  meant. 
^  Doolough  in  Erris,  but  the  castle  has  di.sappeared.  '^  Castlaneulaghcarowe  in 
Inquisition.  '^  Ballycranan  seems  to  have  been  within  the  parish  of  Balla. 
9  Otherwise  Kilcolla,  now  Brownehall.  ^"  Claughychin  in  Inquisition.  ^'  Town 
of  the  Cloons,  comprising  CloonliHen,  Cloonenagh,  Cloonabilla  in  Cuslough 
demesne,  i'-  Newport.  ^^  Baile  O'Gobhaind  in  Hist,  et  Gen.  ?  ^*  Emiybeg 
near  Binghamstown.  ^^  Glenco,  east  of  Bangor.  ^^  Bofeenaun.  ^"  Now  cor- 
rupted to  Glenhest.  i^  Mountain  country  north  of  Castlebar.  '^  Lavally  in 
Tavase  in  Inquisitions  =  Baile  an  tSabhais,  see  p.  287.  Probably  not  far  from 
Castlelucas  and  Bally naf ad.  Castlelucas  may  be  Sauvages  Castle.  -°  A  little 
north  of  Drum.  ^'  Kerowe  Enny  in  Inquisition,  probably  the  correct  form, 
meaning  Annagh  quarter.  ^^  Seep,  oil  for  these  subdivisions.  -^  MacDaibheog 
Buidhe.  ^^  Rabins  near  Castlebar  or  thereabouts.  ^5  ^^  Castletown  in  Cong 
near  Ballycurrin.  -^  Illegible  figures.  ^'  A  mistake  for  Bellanaloob,  then  owned 
by  Thomas  Keoghe  Bourke. 


VIL 

THE  INDENTURE  OF  COMPOSITION  FOR  lAR 
CONNAUGHT. 

The  Indenture  bears  date  the  2nd  September  1585.  The  barony  of  Ross 
is  included  as  being  within  the  lordship  of  O'Flaherty.  Of  the  parties  thereto 
only  Sir  Morogh  ne  Doe  O'Flahertv  and  MacThomas  are  concerned  with  this 

2  A 


370  APPENDICES. 

part  of  Mayo.     Only  a  .suiiimaiy  of  the  parts  relating  to  Ross  is  given,  as  it 
is  in  the  same  form  as  that  for  Mayo. 

In  the  barony  of  Ross  there  are  nine  towns  eonsistiu^f  of  02  quarters  of 
laud,  tliat  is  to  .siy,  in  Ballyross,  4  qrs.  ;  in  Ballynonagh,  18  qrs.,  gotten  by 
the  O'Flahcrtys  from  some  of  the  Bourkes,  as  is  said,  for  an  Eric;  in  Bally- 
kilbride,  4  qrs. ;  in  Ballyglantrague,  4  qrs.  ;  in  Ballynacloghbrack,  4  qrs.  ; 
in  Ballydoolough,  4  qrs.  ;  in  Dooghta,  2  qrs.,  which  is  said  to  be  the  Joyce 
lands,  bearing  Seignory  as  well  to  O'Flaherty  as  to  MacThomas ;  in  Toms- 
nawe,  2  qrs.  ;  in  Dooros,  1  qr.  ;  in  Teernakill,  1  qr.  ;  in  the  Carrick,  1  qr. ; 
in  Tumneenaun,  1  qr.  ;  in  Breenaun,  1  qr.  ;  in  Mounterowen  and  CuUiagh, 
1  qr.  ;  in  Glenglosh,  4  qrs. ;  in  Carrae,  1  qr.  ;  in  Fowaghe,  1  qr.  ;  in  Slieve 
Partry,  4  qrs.  ;  in  Ballylnvyan,  4  qr.s. — which  in  the  whole  within  that  barony 
Cometh  to  the  aforesaid  number  of  G2  qrs. 

Sir  M.  O'Flaherty,  besides  his  other  castles  elsewhere,  got  the  castle  of 
Ballynonagh  and  4  quarters  free,  with  goods  of  felons,  to  be  held  of  the 
manor  of  Arkin  by  the  service  of  the  20th  part  of  a  knight's  fee. 

MacThomas  was  given  1  (|uarter  of  land  in  Dooroy,  free  of  the  composition 
and  of  all  demands  of  Sir  Morogh,  to  be  held  of  the  manner  of  Arkin  by  the 
40th  part  of  a  knight's  fee.  All  rents,  duties,  and  customs  claimed  as  due 
by  the  title  of  MacThomas  were  to  be  extinguished  after  his  death. 

The  remaining  57  quarters  of  land  were  charged  with  5s.  a  quarter,  payable 
to  Sir  M.  in  discharge  of  all  his  claims  on  the  freeholders,  to  be  held  of 
him  by  the  40th  part  of  a  knight's  fee  as  of  his  manor  of  Ballynonagh,  with 
suit  to  his  Court  Baron  and  Leet  there.  And  he  was  given  goods  of  felons 
therein. 

All  the  denominations  of  lands  survive  in  some  form  except  Tomsnawe, 
Carrae,  and  Ballybwyan.  Fowaghe  seems  to  survive  in  Knocknafaughy  and 
the  Fooey  River. 


VIII. 

BARRETT    INQUISITIONS. 

Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1-lG  James  I.,  p.   118,  No.  XLVIII. 

An  Inquisition  taken  at  Mayo  on  the  29th  July  1607  found  that  Pierce 
Barrett  of  Ballysakeery  was  seized  in  fee  of  the  following  estate  within  the 
Co.  of  Mayo. 

The  town  and  castle  of  Ballysakeery  with  G  qrs.  of  land  thereto  belonging, 
viz.  :  Dromonmore,  1  qr.  ;  Cionemicstirricke  and  Drommore,  1  qr. ;  Boyl- 
kilcoman  and  Cartronagh,  1  ([r.  ;  Currowy,  1  qr.  ;  Knockmorroe  and  Leo 
Carrowkehile,  1  qr. ;  and  Rusheens  and  Mulloghnageppaghe,  1  qr.  ;  4  (|rs. 
in  Kilroe  called  Knockminemoyne,  Cashel,  Meane,  and  Meelick ;  the  half 
town  of  Rathroeen  i  containing  2  qrs.  ;  Derreens,i  1  qr.  ;  Quygeaghe,^  |  qr.  ; 


APPENDICES.  37  I 

Crosspa trick,  1  qr.  ;  Slightsliane,  1  qr.  ;  Killeen,  1  qr. ;  Ballaiiatoua,  I  qr.  ; 
Killybrone,-  tV  qr.,  whereof  1  cartron  is  mortgaged  with  others ;  Strafarne, 

1  qr. ;  Fyaghe,  |  qr.,  also  mortgaged  ;  the  castle  and  bawn  of  Farragh,'  with 
Shian  qr.,  and  Lisglamaii  1  qr. ;  the  half  town  of  Loughdalla,'  containing 

2  qrs. ;  two  trines  of  tlie  half  town  of  Rathoma,^  which  are  mortgaged ; 
Bartry,'^  1  qr. ;  Carn,  1  (jr.,  mortgaged  ;  Attyharte,  1  qr.,  mortgaged ;  llanary, 
1  qr. — his  ancestors  were  seized  of  the  lands,  etc.,  following,  now  in  the 
possession  of  others,  but  liy  what  right  tlie  jury  know  not,  viz.  :  Killeny, 
^  qr. ;  Glanaghy,  4  qr.  ;  the  castle  and  town  of  Treanagh,'  of  the  Gth  part 
whereof  he  was  seized  ;  Kildavaroge,*  h  qr. ;  the  half  town,  castle,  ami  bawn  of 
Inishcoe,  which  were  possessed  by  the  sons  of  John  M'Oliverus  Bourke,  within 
the  jury's  memory  ;  Kyllyrhan,  2  qrs.  ;  also  possessed  by  the  said  Bourkes — 
said  Peirse  is  now  seized  in  fee  of  the  castle  and  town  of  Ballycashel,  con- 
taining 4  qrs.  called  Cashel,  Carrownisky,  Carrowhibbock,  and  Drommagara  ; 
Annaghbeg,  i  qr.  ;  Ballybeg,'^  1  qr.  ;  Atticloghy,^  1  qr. ;  Killnecabry,  1  qr. ; 
Rooghan,^  1  qr. ;  Kincon,"  ^  qr. — his  ancestors  were  seized  of  Kyllencroaghe 
1  cartron,  now  possessed  by  others ;  the  castle  and  cartron  of  Portnahally,  of 
which  half  is  in  his  possession,  and  half  in  Oliver  Bourke  FitzEdmond's — 
his  ancestors  were  seized  of  the  quarter  of  Carrowcor  "•  and  the  quarter  of 
Moyny,'^  both  now  mortgaged ;  the  quarter  of  Carrowneden '  and  the 
quarter  of  Namaull  i* — said  Peirse  ought  to  have  the  half  of  the  castle  of 
Inver  (or  Inveran),  and  the  bawn  with  the  haven,  and  a  quarter  of  land, 
now  possessed  by  Edmond  Oge  Barrett — and  by  hereditary  right  do  belong 
to  him,  now  possessed  by  the  said  Edmond,  Termoncarragh  and  Corroghery, 
H  qr.  ;  Immellevegger,*  1  qr.  ;  and  Nakill,^  h  qr. — his  ancestors  were  seized 
of  Inishkea  h  qr.,  and  have  the  haven  thereof,  now  possessed  by  Richard, 
Earl  of  Clanricard — Benet  Barrett  his  father,  and  his  ancestors,  who  were 
called  MacPadins,  had  divers  chief  rents  out  of  divers  lands,  viz.  :  out  of 
Ballynekeyll,  4  qrs. ;  Fara,  Ballyknockmore,  Ballelesnagavan,  Ballyhanrick,i" 
Balliphilip,  Ballikillekeran,  Ballenecorbally,  Ballenemoynaghe,  Kylcon,  and 
Brechoy,  Ballenemaney,  Aghaleague,ii  town  of  Crossmolina  Abbey  and 
town  of  Cassly,  out  of  each  of  these  a  cow,  16  pecks  of  wheat,  16  measures 
of  meal  called  barrens,  with  a  proportion  of  butter,  all  valued  at  21s.  each — 
out  of  Glanevin,*  Eallykrevy,*and  out  of  the  half  town  of  Moylaw,*  £1,  lis.  ; 
out  of  Crowaghbeg,  Kyllenee  qr.,  Beltra,ii  Ballynaleck,'i  Treynagh,  Carbad,!^ 
Steelagh,"  and  Dyrre,  5s.  3d.  each — out  of  5  half  quarters  in  Ross  1.3s. — 
out  of  Balloughdalla^i  Rathoma,^  and  Treanagh,^  3  half  towns,  10s.  6d.  each 
— 12  measures  or  barrens,  with  herbs  commonly  called  sowle,  which  they 
formerly  willed  according  to  the  rate  of  2s.  6d.  out  of  every  quarter  of  land, 
viz.  :  out  of  East  Bac,  Ballenecrery,  West  Bac,  Ballymacredmond,'*  Cur- 
ranaghe,  Clogaghe,  Reaghe,  (^)uigeaghe,  and  Cowlevyle,  2s.  6d.  each — out  of 
the  half  towns  of  Adaghe  [Ardagh  ?],  Rathreagh,  Kerreynan  i^  and  Mac 
Moyocke,!^  5s.  each — out  of  Crossmolina,  2  towns,  £1 — out  of  Killaghy  i«  and 
Rendowgan,  2s.  each — out  of  Bally sakerj^  one  town  and  a  half,  15s. — out  of 
the  quarters  of  Carrowcar,^  Carrowneden,''  and  Morgenny,  3s.  6d.  each — 
out  of  Ballo  quarter,  7s. — out  of  Carrownaghe-Trene,  3  qrs.,  10s.  6d. — out 
of  the  half  towns  of  Mahowne  and  Ballyloughbrone,i7  lOs.  6d.  each — out  of 
Kildavaroge,  ^  qr.,  Is.  3d. — and  the  ancestors  of  the  said  Perce  Barrett  used 
to  have  within    the  said  territory  divers  other   dues,   viz.  cess,   spending, 


372  APPENDICES. 

cutting,  and  rising  out,  etc.  Also  Courts  leet  and  baron  ;  and  in  right  of 
their  ca]itainship,  had  and  levied  all  waifs,  strays,  felons'  and  attainted 
persons'  goods  and  chattels,  fines  for  blood  and  all  other  casualties  and 
amerciaments. 


Calendar  of  Patent  and  Close  Rolls  of  Chancery, 
Ireland,  Mokrin,  Vol.  II.  p.  217. 

Edmond  Barrett  and  his  son  Ednumd  having  petitioned  to  be  allowed  to 
surrender  their  lands  in  Erris  and  Tirawley  and  to  take  them  back  by  grant, 
the  following  inquisition,  taken  at  Cloonagashel  uu  the  9th  March  1594, 
found- 
That  the  lands  following  are  the  lawful  inheritance  of  Edmond  Barrett 
senior  descended  to  him  from  his  ancestors  or  purchased  by  him  :  namely, 
Inver,  Tiraun,  Leam,  Corraghrie,  Toescart,  Inishkea,  Ballencarn,  Ballen- 
glancoe,  Dookeeghaun,  Ballycroy,  Ballymunnelly,  Dowkreghan,  Doohooraa ; 
tlie  half  quarter  of  the  Carowleccan,  Killiride,  Rathlackan,  in  the  barony  of 
Tirawley,  late  in  the  possession  of  Slight  Shad.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
barony  of  Erris  acknowledge  the  absolute  and  sole  interest  of  all  Erris  to  be 
his  lawful  inheritance,  except  Redmond  Barrett  of  Tiraun,  who  claims  the 
castle  of  Tiraun  and  a  quarter  of  land  thereto  belonging,  a  cartron  of 
Shanaghy,  and  the  interest  which  John  Browne  of  the  Neale  had  to  some 
parcels  in  Erris  ;  of  the  nature  or  validity  of  those  interests  the  jurors  were 
uninformed,  but  they  found,  by  ancient  testimony  and  witnesses  of  great 
credit,  that  the  whole  barony  of  Erris  was,  and  is,  the  lawful  inheritance  of 
Edmond  Barrett,  which  was  sufficiently  witnessed,  with  great  credit,  a  long 
time  l)efore  the  coming  of  Browne  into  Mayo.  Ulick  Bourke  M'Moyler  and 
Sliane  Bourke,  of  Erris,  usurped  upon  part  of  Erris  and,  being  traitors,  were 
slain  in  open  rebellion  by  her  Majesty's  forces. 

These  documents  show  the  greatest  claims  of  MacAVattin,  and  that  the 
principal  estate  was  about  Ballysakeery  and  Killala.  The  chiefry  was 
scattered  all  over  Tirawley,  whether  held  by  members  of  his  family  or  by 
freeholders,  but  did  not  include  Glen  Nephin  and  Glenhest. 

The  denomination  Boylkilcoman  explains  the  description  "William  Fionn 
of  Kilcommon." 

MacWattiu  had  not  chieftain  rights  in  Erris,  but  hereditary  right  in  an 
estate  therein. 


Notes. 

1  In  Ballysakeery.  ^  In  Killala.  ^  In  SE.  part  of  Kilfian.  *  In  Crossmolina. 
*  In  Rathreagh.  **  In  Kilfian.  '  In  Kilbride.  ^  Eralagh  in  Kilraore  Erris. 
^  Nakil  or  Surgeview  near  Fallmore.  i"  In  Kilbelfad.  ^^  In  Lackan.  ^^  In 
Templemurry.  ^^  In  Kilcummin.  ^*  In  Addergoole.  ^^  Castlehill  and  Bally- 
moyock  in  Addergoole.  '•  Cam  townland  in  Lackan.  '"  Near  Cloonagh  Lake 
in  Ardagh.     ^*  In  Doonfeeny. 


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2B 


Table  II. — List  of  Domxoxiax   Kings  of  Connaught 
WITH  Pedigrees. 


Fir  Ckaibe. 


Fiach. 

I 
Fidach  (K.). 

I 


Gamanry. 


I 
Fraech.i 

I 
Donnell. 


Ailill  Dubh. 

I 
Flidas. 


Cairbre  Firdaloch. 

I 
Ailill  =  Magu. 


Eochaidh  Allat  ( K. ). 


Oengus  Finn  (K.). 

I 
Oengus  Fert  (K.). 

Conall  Cruachna  (K.). 


Get.  Ailill  Find. 

I 

Sanb(K.). 

i 

Garad. 

I 
Morna. 


Eocbaidh.     Feradach  (K.).     Cetgen  (K. 
Aidh(K.).       Forgna(K.). 


Nemand. 

I 

Garad. 

AidGlunduff(K.). 


GoU  (Aedh). 


1  I  am  not  sure  whether  Fraech  or  his  brother  was  father  of  Donnell. 

TUATHA   TAIDEN. 

Cuirrech. 

I 
Curaidh,  or  Conrach  Gas. 


Ailill  Mor(K.).        Tinni(K.).         Elim. 

I 
Maine  Aithremail  (K.). 

I 
Cairbre  [Cenncait]  (K.). 

I 
Eochaidh. 

O'Flaherty  makes  Cairbre  contemporary  with  Get's   son  Sanb.      Latinizes  Conrach 
as  "  Conrius"  :   "  Tinneus  filius  Conrii  "  ("  Ogygia,"  p.  269). 

Ailill=Magu  of  Murrisk. 

1       T1  \  I  \  i  \  i 

Get.     Ailill  Find.     Anluan.     Mogcorb.     Toca.     Scandal.     Anfind.     Fergal. 


Table  III. — Succession  of   Kings  of   Connaught,  chiefly 

FROM   O'FlAHERTy's   "  OgYGIA  "    AND   KeATING's    HiSTORY, 
BUT    supplemented    FROM    OTHER    SOURCES. 


1. 

Eochy  Allat  (G.). 

n. 

Feradach  (F.). 

2. 

Tinni  (T.). 

12. 

Forgna  (F.). 

a. 

Ailill  Mor  (T.). 

13. 

Cetgen  (F. ). 

4. 

Maine  Aithremail  (T. ). 

14. 

Aid,  son  of  Eochy  (F.). 

5. 

Cairbre. 

15. 

Nia  Mor,  of  Corco  Firtri  (M 

6. 

Sanb(G.). 

16. 

Lugad,  of  Corco  Firtri  (M.). 

i. 

Eochv  (T.). 

17. 

Aid,  son  of  Garad  (G.). 

8. 

Oengus  Finn  (F. ). 

18. 

Condeus  (M.). 

9. 

Oengus  Fert  (F. ). 

19. 

Muredach  Tirech  (M.). 

10. 

Conall  Cruachna  (F.). 

20. 

Eochy  Moyvane  (M.). 

F  =  of  Fir  Craibe,  G  =  of  Gamanry,  M  =  Milesian,  T=ofTuatha  Taiden. 
Conrach  Gas,  father  of  Tinni  and  Ailill  Mor,  is  mentioned  as    King  of  Connaught 
contemporary  with  Conghal  Clairinghneach  ;  Ailill,  son  of  Fiach,  is  called  "  son  of  King 
of  Connaught  "  (Ir.  Texts  Society,  vol.  v.,  "  Martial  Exploits  of  Conghal  Clairinghneach," 
pp.  2,  27): 

374 


Table  IV. 
THE    IRISH    GENEALOGICAL   SYSTEM. 

Noah. 
Japhet. 
Magog. 


Fathachta. 
Sera. 


1                    1 

Partholan.                         Tath. 

Nemed. 

1 
Starn. 

1 
larbanel,  the  Prophet. 

1 
Fergus  Lethderg. 

Firbolg 

Danonians. 

The  Britons  of 
Great  Britain. 

Loch. 

Niad. 

Dela. 

Delbaeth. 
&c. 

&c. 

1 
Bile. 

1 

Galam,  or  Miled  of  Spain. 

1                              1 
Eremon.                    Ir. 

1                       1 
Eber.                Arec 

Ugaine  Mor.             Irians. 

Eberians. 

Baath. 


The  Gael  or  Scots. 


Breogan, 


Ith. 


Calry  and 
Corcalaidhe. 


Cobhthach  Caelbreg. 


Eremonians  of 
Connaught, 
Meath,  &c. 


Laegaire  Lore. 


Eremonians  of 
Leinster,  &c. 


375 


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1. 

2. 
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8. 

9. 

10. 

11. 
12. 

13. 
14. 

15. 
16. 
17. 

18. 

lit. 
20. 


Table  VIL— THE    RACE  OF    DATHI. 

HY  FIACHRACH  MUAIDHE. 

Fiacra  Foltsnatac  (K.). 

I 

Dati  (K.I.  427). 

I 

Fiacra  Elgac. 

I 

Maoldub. 


Tibraide  (C.  575). 


Maelcotaig  (C.  GOl). 


Maoldub  or  Maolduin. 

I 

Duncad  Muirsce  (K.  681). 


Ailill. 

I 
Catal. 


Airectac  (C.  730). 


Innrectac  (K.  718). 

I 
Ailill  (K.  763). 


Donncataig  (K.  772).  DuBinrect  (K.  767).  Catal  (K.  816). 

Conmac. 

_J 

I 
Dubda. 

I 
Celiac. 

I 
Aed  "O'DuBda"  (C.  983). 


Maelruanaid  (C.  1005). 


Gebennac  (1005). 


I 
Maelseaclainn  (C.  1005). 

i 
Niall. 


21.     Niall. 


Taitlec. 


22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 
30. 


Aed. 


Aed  (C.  1059  ?).       Ruaidhri 
I  Mear. 


Domnall. 


Clann  Domnaill  of  Lough  Con. 


Catbarr. 


Caoiiian. 

I 

Calal. 

I 
Diarmaid  "O'Caomain." 


Gil'.a  na  Naoih. 

Catal. 

I 
Doriinall. 

Diarmaid. 

Gilla  na  Naom. 


Niall.  Muircertac  (C.  1096). 

^1 

.  I 
Aed  (C.  1143). 


Ae;l 


Domnall  Finn      Thomas.     David.     Muircertac 


(C.  1126  ?). 


Finn  (C). 


Muir-         Taitlec        Brian  Derg  Taitlec      Cosnamaig     Amlaeib 

certac.       (C.  1192).         (C.  1153).         (C.  1128).    Mor(1162).       (1135). 


Domnall. 


Aed.        Murcad  (1182). 

J   . 

Donncad  Mor 

(C.  1213). 


Maelruanaid  Brian  Muircertac 

(C.  1238).  (C.  1242).  (C.  1248). 


Cosnamaig 
(1181). 


Taitlec  (1282).  Cosnamaig. 

I 
Sen  Brian  (C). 


379 


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381 


Table  IX. 
THE    HY    BRIUIN    AI. 

Muredach  Mai. 


Fergus. 

I 
Eocaid  Tirmcarna  (K. ,  deposed  492). 

Aed(K.  576). 


Ca{al. 

.1 
Fugartac. 


Maelcotaig  (K.  584).     Aid  (591). 


Uada  (K.  602). 

I 
Ragallac  (K.  646). 


Curnan. 

I 
Silmaelruain,  O'Flynn. 


Fergus. 
Mureclac  Mulletan  (K.  701). 


Cellach  (704). 


Inrectac  (722). 


Domnall  (K.  727).       Fergus  (K.  755). 

I 

I  I 

Cathal  (K.  734).  Flathrui  (K.  778). 


Artgal  (K.  782).  From  Catal  the  Clann  Cathail. 


Ill  I 

Murgil.     Muredac(731).     Conmac.     Aed  Balb  (K.  741). 

I  I 

Tomaltac  (7()9). 


Clann  Conmaig  and  Murcada. 


Murgis  (K.  814).       Finsnechta  (833).       Diarmaid  (832). 


L.I  I 

Taag.       Catal  (K.  83G).      Diarmaid. 

I 
Conor  (K.  879). 


Catal  (K.  923).     Aed  (K.  887).     Tadg  (K.  895).     Domnall  (K.  924). 

I 
Tadg  "of  Three  Towers  "  (K.  954). 


Conor  (K.  971).       Clann  Taidhg  O'Mulloy. 

1 
Cathal  (K.  1010). 

I 
Tadg  "  of  the  White  Horse  "  (K.  1030). 


Aed  (1067).       Maelruanaid  (1077). 
I  Clann  Maelruanaid. 

Ruaidhri  (K.  1092,  d.  1118). 


Toirdelbac  Mor  (K.,  K.I.  1150).     Tadg  (K.  1097).     Domnall  (K.,  dep.  1106,  d.  1118). 

382 


1. 


4. 


9. 

ao. 
11. 

12. 
13. 

14. 

15. 


Table  X. 
THE    SILMURRAY    CLANS. 

Muredhach  Mullethan  (701). 

i 


2.     Inrechtach  (722).  Cathal,  from  him  Clann  Cathail  and  Clann  Conor. 

j 

I  ^  I 

3. 


Murgil.  Conmach,  from  him  Clann  Conmhaigh  and  Clann  Murchadha. 


Tomaltach. 


5.      Murgis  (814).     Diarmaid  Finn  (832),  from  him  Clann  Uadach  and  Ui  Diarmada. 


6.  Tadhg.  Diarmaid,  from  him  Clann  Tomaltaigh  and  Muinter  Roduibh. 


Conor. 

I 
Cathal. 

r 

Tadhg  "  of  Three  Towers  "  (954). 


Conor  (971).         A  son,  from  him  Clann  Taidhg. 


Cathal  (1010). 

I 
Tadhg  ' '  of  the  White  Horse  "  (1030). 


Aedh  (1067).         Maelruanaidh  (1077),  from  him  Clann  Maelruanaidh. 


Ruaidhri  "  of  the  Yellow  Hound"  (1118). 
Torlogh  Mor  (1156). 

Clans  and  Chiefs'  Names. 


Clann  Cathail — O'Flannagain. 

,,       Conchubhair — O'Maolbrenainn. 

,,      Conmhaigh — O'Finachta. 

,,      Murchadha — O'Finachta. 

,,       Uadach — OTallamhain. 
Ui  Diarmada — O'Concennain. 


Clann  Tomaltaigh— MacMurchadha. 
Muinter    Roduibh  —  O'Roduihh,    after- 
wards called  Mag  Oirechtaigh. 
Clann  Taidhg— O'Maolmhuaidh. 

Maolruanaidh  — MacDiarmata. 


The  following  clans  were  of  the  Silmurray,  but  I  do  not  know  their  descent,  and  in 
some  cases  only  chief's  name  and  not  the  tribe  name : — 

Clann  Faghartaigh— O'Cathalain. 
Murthuile — O'Maonaigh. 
(name  unknown) — O'Murrav. 

O'Cathail. 

O'Taidhg. 

O'Flanagain  had  as  sub-chiefs  O'Maolmordha,  O'Cartaigh,  O'Mughroin. 
From  MacDermot  came  MacDermot  Gall  and  MacDermot  Roe  in  Artech  and    I  ir 
Tuathail,  and  the  two  MacDonoghs  of  Corran  and  Tirerrill. 


383 


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Table  XIL— SUCCESSION  OF  KINGS  OF  CONNAUGHT 
OF  RACE  OF  EOCHAIDH    MUIGHMHEADHOIN. 

Those  are  entered  for  whom  there  is  good  authority  in  annals,  though  all  annals  do 
not  name  all.  The  last  date  is  that  of  close  of  reign,  by  death  usually.  The  annalists 
counted  the  year  to  him  who  reigned  on  New  Year's  Day.  Date  of  beginning  of  reign 
is  omitted  only  when  quite  uncertain.  F.  prefixed  denotes  of  Hy  Fiachrach  North,  A.  of 
Hy  Fiachrach  Aidhne.  O'R.  and  OF.  denote  an  O'Rourk  or  an  O'Flaherty.  Those  not 
so  marked  are  of  Hy  Briuin  Ai,  from  Brian  Orbsen  downwards.  The  dates  generally 
follow  the  Annals  of  Ulster,  especially  after  ()62. 


Muredach  Tirech  . 

Eochy  Moyvane    . 

1. 

Brian  Orbsen 

2. 

F. 

Fiachra 

3. 

F. 

Dathi     . 

4. 

Duach  Galach 

5. 

F. 

Amalgaid 

6. 

F. 

Ailill  Molt      . 

7. 

Eoghan  Sriabh  (?) 

8. 

Eochy  Tirmcharna 

9. 

Duach  Tengumha 

10. 

F. 

Eoghan  Bel  . 

11. 

F. 

Ailill  Inbanna 

12. 

F. 

Feradach 

13. 

Aedh     . 

14. 

Maelcothaigh 

15. 

Aedh     . 

16. 

Uada     . 

17. 

A. 

Colman 

18. 

Ragallach 

19. 

A. 

Laidhgnen     . 

20. 

A. 

Guaire  .Aidhne 

21. 

Cennfaelaidh 

22. 

F. 

Dunchadh  Muirsce 

23. 

A. 

Fergal  Aidhne 

24. 

Muredach  Mulletha 

25. 

Cellach 

26. 

F. 

Indrechtach  . 

27. 

Indrechtach  . 

28. 

Domhnall 

29. 

Cathal  . 

30. 

Aedh  Balbh  . 

31. 

Fergus  . 

32. 

F. 

Ailill  Medhraighe . 

33. 

F. 

Dubhinnrecht 

34. 

F. 

Donncathaigh 

35. 

A.(?) 

Flathrui 

36. 

Artgal   . 

37. 

Tipraite 

38. 

Muirgis 

39. 

Dermot 

40. 

Finsnechta    . 

41. 

Cathal  . 

42. 

Murchadh     . 

43. 

Fergus  . 

44. 

Conor    . 

45. 

Aedh     . 

46. 

Tadhg  . 

47. 

Cathal   . 

48. 

Tadhg  . 

49. 

O'R. 

Fergal   . 

50. 

Conor    . 

51. 

Cathal  . 

52. 

O'R. 

Aedh     . 

53. 

Tadhg  . 

54. 

Aedh     . 

55. 

O'R. 

Aedh      . 

56. 

Ruaidhri 

57. 

O'F. 

Flaherty 

58. 

Tadhg  . 

59. 

O'R. 

Domhnall 

60. 

Domhnall 

61. 

Torlogh  Mor 

62. 

Ruaidhri 

63. 

Conor  Moenmoy  . 

64. 

Cathal  Carrach     . 

65. 

Cathal  Crovderg    . 

66. 

Aedh     . 

67. 

Aedh     . 

68. 

Felim    . 

330-357  ) 
357-365  f 
3(56-388  ) 
388-400  i 
401-407 
408-427 
428-449 
450-463 
464-487 
488-492 
493-499 
500-537  I 
538-544  f 
545-556 
557-576 
577-583 
584-590 
-602 
603-622 
623-646 
G47-652 
653-662 
663-681 
(681)-682 
683-695 
695-701 
702-704 
705-706 
707-722 
722-727 
728-734 
735-741 
742-755 
756-763 
764-767 
768-772 
773-778 

779-782 
783-785 


786-814 
815-832 
833- 

-836 

837-839 

840-842 

843-879 

880-887 

888-895 

896-923 

tl24-954 

955-966 

967-973 

974-1008 

1009-1015 

1016-1030 

1031-1067 

1068-1087 

1088-1092 

1092-1092 

1093-1097 

1098-1102 

1103-1106 

1107-1156 

1157-1186 

1186-1189 

1189-1201 

1201-1224 

1224-1228 

1228-1233 

1233-1265 


Their  connection  with  Connaught 
is  very  vague. 

These  dates  are  quite  uncertain. 

Became  K.I. 

Became  K.I. 

Deposed. 

Ere,  son  of  Ailill  Molt,  probably 
came  in  about  this  time. 


Called  of  Aidhne  by  MacFirbis, 
but  I  think  he  was  of  Hy  B. 

Resigned.     Son  of  No.  29. 

Son  of  Tadhg,  whom  I  cannot 
identify.  O'Conor  calls  him 
son  of  Muirgis. 

Died  an  anchorite  in  844. 


Son  of  Aedh.     Not  identified. 
Son  of  Fothagh.     Not  identified. 


387 


Table  XIII. 

THE    UI    BRIUIN    OF    UMALL 
According  to  MacFuibis's  Great  Book  of  Genealogies. 

(6)  Seachnusach  was  son  of  (5)  Eochaidh  Sine,  son  of  (4)  Tuathal,  son  of  (3)  Air- 
medach,  son  of  (2)  Conall  Oirisen,  son  of  Brian  Orbsen,  from  whom  are  the  Ui  Briuin  of 
Connaught. 


6. 

Seachnusach. 

1 

7. 

1.  Aongus 

1                                  1 
2.  Daimin.                3.  Domnall. 

1                                  1 

8. 

A                A 

Cumusgrach.             O'Mughron.                 O'Tolarb. 

1 

9. 

1 
Flannabhra  (K., 
1 

k.  773). 

fUS. 

s  and 
ooney. 

10. 

1 
1.  Cosgrach  (K.,  k. 

812).          2.  Flathgal(K.,k.  780).           3.  Ferg 

11. 

1.  Conall. 

1 

1                                     /\ 

2.  Colman.                      G'Fergu 

1                            Muinter  R 

12. 

1 

1.  Maille. 

1 

1            A 

2 O'Colman. 

1 

13. 

1 
1.  Seachnusach. 

1 

O'Gormghaile. 

14. 

1 

Flannabhra. 

1 

15. 

1 
Dubhdara. 

1 

16. 

1 

Muiredhach. 

1 

17. 

1 
Dubhdara. 

1 

18. 

1 
Muiredhach. 

1 

19. 

Dubhdara. 

1 

20. 

Muiredhach. 

1 

21. 

1 
1.   Domnall  Finn. 

1 

1 
2.  Niall. 

22. 

1 
Muiredhach. 

1 

23. 

1 
Domnall. 

24. 

i 
Brian. 

25. 

1.  Domnall  Ruadh 
(K.,k.  1337). 

2.  Dia 

rmait. 

26. 

1.  Cormac  (k.  1337). 

1 

1                        1 
2.   Brian.         3.  Tadhg.                       4.  Eogh 

an  (K.). 

1 

II                            1                    /\ 

27. 

1.  Maelseachlainn.     2 

.  Maghnus.     3.  Eoghan.     4.  Muiredhach. 

NOTE.- 

—10  (2).  Flathgal  is  added  from  Annals. 

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393 


X. 


Table  I. 
THE    SUCCESSION    OF    THE    MACWILLIAMS. 


MacWilliam  Eighter. 


MacWii.liam  Oughter. 


Edmond  I. 
Thomas  I. 
Walter    . 
Edmond  II. 
Thomas  II. 
Richard  I. 
Richard  II. 
Theobald  I. 
Edmond  III 
John  I.    . 
Mailer     . 
Edmond  IV. 
Tohn  II.  . 
Ulick       . 
Theobald  II 
The  succession 
David 

Richard  III. 
John  III. 
Richard  IV. 
Richard  V. 


.  1340-1375 
.  1375-1401 
.  1401-1440 
.  1440-1458 
.  1458-1460 
.  1460-1469 
.  1469-1479 
.  1479-1503 
.  1503-1513 
.  1513-1514 
.  1514-1520 
.  1520-1527 
.     1527- 

-1534 

-1537 

is  uncertain  here. 

-1558 

.     1558-1570 

.     1570-1580 

.     1580-1.583 

.     1583-1585 


Ulick  I.  . 
Richard  I. 
Ulick  II. 
Ulick  III. 
Ulick  IV. 
Richard  II. 
Ulick  V. 
Richard  111. 
John 

Richard  IV. 
Richard  V. 
Ulick  VI. 
Ulick  VII. 


Note. 


d.  13.53 
13.53-1387 
1387-1424 
1424-1485 
1485-1509 
1509-1519 
1519-1520 
1520-1530 
1530-153f) 

1536 
1536-1538 
1.538-1543 
1543-1567 


"  of  Annaghkeen. 

"Og." 

"  .An  Fhiona." 

"  Ruadh." 

"  Finn." 

"Og." 

"  of  Dunkellin." 

"  Bacach." 

"Og." 

"  na  gCeann." 


-Ulick  I.  was  not  called  MacWilliam. 
Ulick  VII.  had  no  power  in  the 
country  after  Earl  Richard  Saxonagh 
came  of  age. 


Table  U. 
RELATIONSHIPS    OF    THE    LOWER    MACWILLIAMS. 


Theobald  I. 
(1503). 


Sir  Edmond  I.  (1375). 

I 
Sir  Thomas  I.  (1401). 


Walter  (1440).  Edmond  II.  (1458).  Thomas  II.  (1460).  Richard  I.  (1473). 


Richard  II.  (1479). 


Meiler  (1520).  Edmond  III. 
I  (1513). 

I  I 

John  II.  Ulick  II.  (1534). 


I 
John  I.  (1514) 

Oliverus. 


Ulick  1. 


Edmond  IV.    Theobald  II. 
(1527).  (1537). 

I 
David  (1558). 


I 


Richard  III.       Edmond,  Tanist       lohn  III.      Richard  \'.       Richard  IV. 

(1570).  (1586).  '(1580).  (1585).  (1583). 

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THE    COUNTY    OF   MAYO   AS    FORMED  IN  THE  16™  CENTURY, 


"THE    COUNTRY     OF     MAC    WILLIAM     EIGHTER' 

and  parts  of  the  adjoining  Counties. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  ESTA8T,  LONDON. 


Casties    are  sfiofi  ar^d 


NOTES    ADDED    IN    THE    PRESS. 

The  coat-of-arms  on  cover  and  title-page  is  that  described  on 
p.  351,  used  thus  as  the  general  coat  of  the  Bourkes  of  Mayo,  to 
whose  power  the  county  owes  its  form.  See  Jl.  of  the  Galiray  Arrh. 
and  Hist.  Soc,  III.  p.  58. 

The  frontispiece  shows  the  war-dress  of  a  chieftain  in  the  West 
of  Ireland  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  or  earlier.  The 
quilted  garment  showing  below  the  mail  and  on  the  arms  is  a 
gambesson,  a  wadded  tunic  protecting  from  the  weight  of  a  blow 
as  the  mail  protected  from  cutting.  It  represents  a  William  IJurke 
of  the  family  of  MacDavid.  See  R.S.A.L,  XXXVII.  p.  807,  and 
Jl.  of  the  Galway  Arch,  and  Hist.  Soc,  II.  p.  103. 

P.  28.  I  am  indebted  to  Archbishop  Healy's  "  Life  and  Writings 
of  St.  Patrick  "  for  St.  Patrick's  route  from  Kilmullen  to  Kilmaine, 
and  for  the  identification  of  Stringill's  Well,  erroneously  given  in  my 
"  Notes  on  the  Dioceses  of  Tuam,  &c." 

P.  156.     The  Festival  of  the  Holy  Cross  in  autumn  is  14th  Sept. 

P.  191.  The  parts  of  Malbie's  letter  marked  by  inverted  commas 
are  not  all  full  transcripts,  but  condensed  in  parts. 

P.  338.     I  should  place  this  map  in  p.  327. 

P.  358.  Eyghterhyre,  lochtar  Thire,  is  probably  the  part  north  of 
the  river  Robe. 


INDEX. 


The  letter  h  following  b,  c,  d,  f,  ^',  ni,  p,  t  in  Irish  words  marks  the  change  called 
iispiration,  and  is  sometimes  omitted.  Thus  Eochaidh  Muighmedhoin  is  the  same 
as  Eocaid  Muiginedoin.  Surnames  and  tribal  names  in  Ua  and  Ui  are  indexed  as 
O  and  Hy.  except  a  few  occurring  in  only  one  form. 

Established  English  forms  of  Irish  names  are  generally  used,  as  Dermot  for  Diarmaid, 
Murtou"li  for  Muircheartach.  But  Aedh  is  substituted  for  Hugh,  which  is  an  English 
name. 

When  English  families  have  adopted  Irish  surnames,  those  surnames  are  entered 
under  tlie  original  name.  De  Burgo  is  used  for  the  early  members  of  that  family. 
The  form  Bourke,  used  by  them  in  the  sixteenth  century,  is  used  for  the  Mayo 
families  only,  and  Burke  for  tlie  others. 

The  O'Conors  are  treated  in  clans  under  "  O'Conor." 

Pedigree,  if  known,  is  given  sufficiently  for  reference  to  the  genealogical  tables. 

The  following  are  not  indexed  : — App.  IV.  Lists  of  lands  in  App.  V.  Subdivisions 
of  baronies  in  App.  VI.  and  App.  VII.     Lists  of  lands  in  App.  VIII. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


Ba.  =Baronv. 
C.    =  Church. 
Ca.=  Castle. 
P.    =  Parish. 


Abbatial  jurisdiction  disappears,  48 

Abbeygormican  P.,  53 

Abolition  of  petty  lordships,  366,  367 

Achadh  Fahliair.     See  Aghagower 

Achill,  190,  800 

Achonry,  11.");  Cathedral,  92;  See  lands, 

360 
AclareCa.,  1.39,  164,  212 
Adam  Duff,  Staunton  (?),  80 
Adamuan's   shrine,  house  of,   or   Skreen 

C     42 
Adder-oole,  Tirawley,  C,  94  ;  Ca. ,  297 

P.,  290 

Coolcarney,  151 

Adlayn,  Athlethan,  344.      See  Ballylahan 
Aedh,  s.  Eochy  Tirmcharna,  33 

Fortamail,  33 

Aedh  Dubh  becomes  Aedh  Find,  327 
Aedh  MacMorna,  11-13 
Aedhgal,  K.  Umall,  34 
Aenach,  royal  fort  of  Carra,  286 

Drithlind,  24 

Aensabha,  K.  Iruaithe,  4 
Agabard,  P.,  116 

Aghagower,  28,  44,  70,  81,  113,  114,  250, 
251 

Abbey,  35 

Episcopal  Manor,  93,  104,  300,  301 

Aghalahard  Ca..  207,  285 
Aghamore  P.,  19,  313 

AghleCa.,  301 

Aglish  P. ,  286 

Aliena  Ca. ,  322 

Aicideacht,  Clann  Cuain,  47,  83 


Co.    =  County, 
dau.  =Daughter  of. 
s.       =Son  of. 


Aicill  and  Umall,  12,  18,  303 
Aid,  s.  Garad,  K.C.,  11,  14 
Aidhne.  6,  15,  21,  64,  76,  122 
Ailech  Esraclitae,  26 
Ailech  Mor  Ciarraige,  8,  27,  104,  314 

identified   as   Castlemore,    cajitured 

by  Fergus  MacRoigh,  339 

Ailill,  s.  Cairbre  Fir  da  Loch,  8 

Finn,  K.  Gamanry,  7,  8 

Inbandha,  31,  33 

K.  Leinster,  8 

Meadraige,  K.C.,  34 

Molt,  K.  I.,  17.  24,  28,  29 

Mor,  K.C.,  8,  3.38 

Ailills  of  Q.  Meave's  time  distinguished, 

337-9 
Aille  Ca.,  301 
Ailleraore,  306 
Airtech,  19,  27,  79,  101, 134,  139,  242,  318, 

345 
Aithyn  Athmegorych,  343 
Alba,  10 

Alexander,  a  Gallowglass,  177 
Alia  Gere,  cave,  42 
Alle.  292 
Amalgaid,  s.  Dathi,  25 

s.  Fiachra  Elgach,  33,  289 

s.  Fiachra  Foltsnathach,  25-28,  289 

his  sons  at  Feis  of  Tara,  28 

Anachdubhan,  Annagh  in  L.  Con,  152 
Angevyneston,  314 

Anjjlo-Norman  baronial  and  other  castles, 

103.  140 
— —  earthworks,  103 

invasion,  59 

Lords,  first  effects  of  settlement,  69 


INDEX. 


425 


de  Angulo,   MacCostello,    MacGoisdelbh, 

connection  with  Dillons,  318 
Balilraithe,  315 

David,  s.  Gilbert  Mor,  315 

Gilbert,  53,  63 

Gilbert,  313,  314 

Gilbert,  314,  315 

Gilbert,  s.  Gilbert  Mor,  314,  315 

Hugo,  315 

Jocelyn,  313 

John, 314 

Miles,  102,  lir> 

Philip,  53,  63,  75,  313,  314 

Philip,  315 

Philip,  s.  Gilbert,  343 

Matilda,  wife  of  Jordan,  314 

•  Micliael,  315 

Thos.,  s.  Gilbert  Mor,  315 

Wm.,  313,  314 

MacCostello,  MacCostellos,  MacGois- 
delbh, 80.  87,  114,  134,  149,  163,  166, 
167,  172,  185,  190,  199,  242,  257,  263, 
264,  313 

MacCostello,  list  of  obits  of,  317 

MacCostello,    gives    Castleniore    to 

Theob.  Dillon,  318,  319 

MacCostello,  his  rising  out  to  Mac- 

AVilliani,  355 

MacCostello,  E<lm.,  212 

• MacCostello,     Edm.     an    Machaire, 

315,  317 

MacCostello,  Gilbert,  115,  127,  130, 

132 

MacCostello,  Gilladuff,  s.  Philip,  or 

MacPhilip,  316 

MacCostello,  John  Finn,  155 

MacCostello,  John,  surrenders  lord- 
ship for  regrant,  318,  319 

MacCostello,   Jordan  Boy,  s.  John, 

s.  Walter,  316,  317 

MacCostello,  Maiduke,  134 

MacCostello,   Miles,   102.   116,  313, 

314,  315 

MacCostello,  Philip,  75 

MacCostello,  s.  Richard  Boy,  s,  John, 

s.  Moyler,  269 

■  MacCostello,  Shane  Boy,  269 

MacCostello,  Walter,  130 

MacCostello.  Walter,  276 

MacCostello,  s.  Walter  Fooff  (Fodh- 

bhtha),  s.  Moyler,  269 

MacCostello  Roe,  156 

MacCostello,  MacBhaldrin,  315 

MacCostello,  MacJorilan  Duff,  311, 

315,  316,  317 

•  MacPhilip  of  Letter,  315 

Clan  Costello,  169 

Clan  Jordan,  269 

Clan  Philip,  316 

Aunacare  Ca.     See  Carras 
Annagh,  Fiiary,  P.,  19,  1.56 

Ca.  in  L.  Cam.,  205,  206 

Ballyhauuis,  319 

in  L.  Con,  royal  fort,  290 

Annaghdown  Diocese,  92 
Annaghmore  Ca. ,  139 
Annaly.  175 

Annals  of  Multifarnham,  308 
Aodhan  of  Cloonoghil,  Saint,  31 
Aquirk  Ca.,  365 


Ara,  Irish  of.  1G4 

Aran  Isles,  229,  233,  245 

Archbishop  of  Connauglit,  48 

Archbishoi)  of  Tuain,  origin  of  jjosition,  4'.' 

Archdeacon  of   Stafford,   John  de   (Jray. 

52,  53 
Architecture,  41 
Ardagh  P. ,  290 
Ardcarne,  84 
Ardcree  Fort,  117 
Ardee.  battle.  47 
Arden,  Hugo.  77 
Ardnaglass  Ca.,  212 
Ardnarea,  32,  69,  117,  148,  152,  153,  1,58, 

164,  165,  176 

battles,  160,  212,  213 

Ca.,  138,  143,  162,  167,  195,  212,  213, 

365 

Manor,  102,  295 

1'. ,  295 

Ardrahan,  Ardrathain,  140;  battle,  76 

Arkagh,  Airtech,  345 

Arkin  Manor,  370 

Armagh,  Archbishop  of,  64,  231,  237 

Assembly  of  Tribe  of  Anialgaid,  29 

Assylin,"Eas  Male  nEirc,  27 

Athanchip,  12(1;  battle,  118;  Ca.,  314 

Ath  Angaile  Ca. ,  119 

Athard  Ca. ,  180 

Athassel  Abbev,  Golden  Abbey,  68,  128, 

137 
Athboy,  122,  341 
Ath  Caradli  Conaill,  118 
Ath  Cind  Locha  Tecliet,  130 
Ath  Cliath  in  Chorainn,  Ballymote,  124 
Ath  Disert  Nuadan,  Kastersyow.  131 
Athecartha,  Carras,  281 
Athenry.  21,  136,  164,  170,  174,  188,  344 

destroyed  by  O'Donnell ,  2(')7 

Athenry,  Baron  of.  See  Bermingham,  Lord 

Athenry  and  MacFheorais 

battles,  56,  115,  125,  126 

battles,  array  of  Irish  tribes  in  1316, 

127 

Dominican  Friary,  128 

Athleague,  134,  140;  Ca.,  161,  308,  309 

on  Shannon,  62 

Athleathan.     See  Ballylaliaii 

Abbey.     Sec  Strade  Abbey 

Ath  Lighen,  battle,  155 

Athlone,  52,  53.  55,  64,  72,  78,  S4,  116, 
124,  170, 171, 182, 188,  191, 195,  253,  263 

Ba.,  72,  140 

Bridge  and  castle,  55 

Ca.,  186,  197 

Ca.,  rent  of  its  lands,  260 

Athmethau,  308,  309 
Athniogha,  Ballymoe,  11 

Ath  na  Croisi,  battle,  41 

Ath  tighe  in  Mesaigh.     See  Attymas 

Attacots,  Aitechtuatha,  3,  9,  10,  11 

from  Britain,  334 

and  Milesians.  327.  328.  ^39 

Revolution  of,  9,  10 

de  Atthy,  J.,  344 
Attymas,  73  ;  P. ,  312 
Aughnanure  Ca.,  225 

Aughrim,    125,   136;    Butler   Estate   and 

Ca..  140 
Aughros,  Eachros.  battle,  34 


4'2i\ 


INDEX. 


Auffustinian  Canons  and  old  Irish  Orders, 

41t,  '.14  ;  Hermits  or  Austin  Friars,  95 
Avancini,  G. ,  and  Italians,  221 


B. 


Bao,  the  Bacs,  73,  115,  290,  293 

herrings  due  from  the  Great,  353 

Bac  and  Glen,  Cantred  of,  102,  292,  293, 

344 
Bao  and  Glen  Nephin.  290,  291 
de  Badelesmere,  M.,  282 
Baile  Odlibha,  Ballyovey,  18 

Tobair  Patraic.     See  Ballintubber 

Balhegh  (Bellahy?!.  212 

Ball:.,  87,  115,  110;  Abbey,  111;  P.,  19, 

322 
Ballagh,  meaning  of,  111 
Ballaghaderreen,  27 
Ballakiuoshine  Ca. ,  180 
Ballenekinie  Ca. ,  180 
Ballenemask  Ca.,  Bally loughmask,  180 
Balliallon,  alias  Slieve  OLoee,  319 
BalliaraCa.,  139 
Ballinamore  Ca.,  311 
Ballinasloe  Ca. ,  36 
Balliuchalla,  281 

Ballindeonagh  Ca. ,  Bally nonagh,  135 
Ballinderry  Ca. ,  272 
Ballindingeii,  319 
Ballindoo,  319 
Ballinduff,  153 
Ballinglen,  297 
Ballinrobe,  An  Kodhba,  108.  116,  149,  208, 

223,  266,  282 

Abbey,  95, 1.35 ;  Abbey  land.  :?58-360 

Ca.,  i80,  207,  282,  284,  352,  3  >2 

Manor,  104 

St.  John's  House  at,  95 

Ballinsmalla  Abbey  and  lands,  95,  358 
Ballintubber,  SI,  114,  189,  208 

Abbey,  90,  164 

Abbev,  cause  of  foundation,  71 

P..  286 

Ballintubber,  Roscommon,  124,  157 

Ca.,  101,  140,  1.50 

Ballisnahinev  Ca.,  10.5,  106 
Ballvbauan,  287 
Ballybeg  Abbey,  295 
Ballycarra,  Ballynacarra  Ca.,  364 
Ballvcashell,  365 
Ballycastle,  158,  295,  297 
Ballycong  Lake,  73 
Ballvcroy,  26,  102,  293,  300 

Ca..  Doona,  221 

Manor,  104,  298 

Ballycurriu  Ca.,  365 
Ballyhaunis  Ba.     See  Costello  Ba. 

Abbey,  95,  316 

Ballyheane  C,  28  ;  P.,  18,  286 
Ballyhowly  Ca. ,  322 
Ballvkenaw,  Ballykinava,  343 
Ballykiiie,  and  Ca.,  105,  285,  354 
Ballykinlettragh,  297 
Ballyknock  Ca. .  189,  301 

Ballylahan,  Bellalalien,  Bel  atha  leathain, 
108,  113,  125,  302,  312 

battle,  149 

Ca.,  10.3.  104,  307,  365,  366 


Ballylahan  Ca. ,  gate  carried  off,  149 
Kallyloughdalla,  317,  365 
Ballyiiiacscanlan,  352,  353 
Ballyinartin,  281,  283 
Ballyinonagh,  108 
Ballymoe  Ba.,  19,  55,  137.  140 
Ballyniote,   Ath  Cliath  in  Chorrain,  124, 
152,  157,  229,  2.57,  263,  273 

Ca.,  125,  139,  353 

Ca.,  sold  to  U'Donnell,  272 

Ca. ,  lands  of,  260 

Ballynacarra  Ca.,  Ballycarra,  288 
Ballynacarrach,  Dun  na  nGall,  36,  47 
Ballynahaglish  P. ,  290 
Ballynahinch  Ba.,  19 
Ballynakill  (Glinsk)  C. ,  68 
Ballynastangford,  322 
Ballynegloonty  Ca.,  Cuslough,  284 
Ballynonagh  Ca. ,  Ballindeonagh,  209,  250, 

324,  370 
Ballyovey  P.,  18.  324 
Ballysadare,  Easdara,  79,  85, 117,  257,  268 

Strand  of.  5,  121,  149 

Ballysakeery  Ca. ,  P.,  244,  293,  366,  370, 

289,  290 
Ballyshaunon,  257,  271,  314,  352,  353 
Ballyteige,  121,  295 
Ballyveghan  Ca.,  Newport,  301 
Balydunegau  Manor,  342 
Banada  Abbey,  212 

Ca.,  102,  117,  122,  139 

Ca.  made  an  abbey,  10.3,  353 

Bende,  Manor,  122,  342 

Baptism  of  sons  of  Amalgaid,  29 
Barkley,    F.,     Provost    Marshal    of    Con- 
naught,  201,  207,  212,  215,  216,  237,  368 

Barna,  352 
Barnagee,  243 
Baronnvston  Manor,  309 
Barreel'Ca. ,  322 

Barrett,  Barretts,  117,  1.58,  160,  166,  167, 
185,  290,  291,  296,  297,  298,  299 

and  Branaghs,  293 

the  Failghecli,  294 

Bishop,  167,  296 

Batin  or  Wattin,  121,  291.  292,  293 

Edmond,  299 

Edni.,  s.  Edm.,  299 

Edm.  of  Dowlagh  Ca.,  357,  368 

Edm.  Og  of  Erris,  s.  Benet,  371 

Henry,  155 

Maigeog  Gallda,  151 

Sir  Maigiu,  293 

•  Peter,  Perce,  Piers,  239,  357.  368,  371 

Peter,  grant  of  lands  and  freedoms, 

366 

Philip  or  Philf)in,  293 

Redmond  of  Tirauu,  372 

Rich.,  155 

Rich.,  292,  293 

Rich.,  344 

Rich. ,  s.  Edm. ,  299 

Rich. ,  s.  the  Bishop,  152 

Rich,    of    Kyrenan,    176,    357,    368; 

^'rant  of  lands  and  freedoms,  366 

-  Rich,  of  Ross,  357 

Ricin  Og.  s.  Ricin,  293 

Robert,  brother   of   W'm.   Mor,  292, 

293 

Robert,  152 


INDEX. 


427 


Barrett,  Robert,  of  Dumlonnell,  150 

Robert,  s.  Batin,  2'J3 

Robert  Og,  of  Ballemeanagh,  grant 

of  lands  and  freedoms,  308,  369 

Thos.,2y2,  293,21)4 

Thos.,  156 

Thos.,  s.  Pliilip,344 

Wm.,  of  Bac  and  Glen,  102, 121,  291, 

292,  293 

Wni.,  his  sou  "Wm.,  292 

AVni.,  his  sou  AVni.'s  heir,  344 

Wra.,  s.  Richard,  292,  343 

Wm.  Breatlinacli ,  Finn,  291 

Clans,  293 

MacAndrew,  185,  293 

MacBhaitin.     See  MacWattin 

MacToimin  of  Eiris,  185,  293,  299 

MacToimin,  Ricard  Og,  357,  368 

MacWattin,  MacPaddyue,  155,  185, 

292,  293,  298 

MacWattin,  giant  of  lands  of  chiefry, 

367 

MacWattin,  claims  as   lord   in  Tir- 

awley  and  Erris,  371,  372 

MacWattin,  Beuet,  371 

MacWattin,  Kobert,  155 

Barretts  Ba.,  Co.  Cork,  291 

de  Vy.nry,  102,  125,  288,  295,  296 

John,  292 

Simon,  343 

Wm.,  342 

•  nephew  of  Lord,  276 

Bartrach,  29 

Bassenet,  Capt.,  177 

Battwrin,  Reaid,  216 

Baxter,  274 

Bealagary,  or  Belanagar,  319 

Bekan,  319;  P.,  19 

Belaclare  or  Aclare  Ca. ,  139 

Belahaunes,  Ballyhaunis,  Ba.    Sec  Costello 

Ba.,313 
Belanagar,  319 
Belanaloob  Ca.,  Newbrook,  180,  208,  243, 

245,  282,  283,  368 
Belantondaigh,  149 
Bel  Atha  na  nCarbhan,  battle,  163 
Belclare,  in  Murrisk  Ba.,  305 ;  Ca.,  306 
BelclareP.,  19 
Bel  in  Clair.     See  Aclare 
Bell,  J.,  Bishop  of  Mayo,  92 
Bellabourke,  28  ;  Ca.,  288,  301 
Belladrehid,  32 
Bellaghlvsconan  Manor,  309 
Bellahagh  Ca.,  Old  Castle,  255,  312,  366 
Bellanclowy,  Belanaloob  (?),  368,  369 
Bellavari  Ca. ,  311 
Bellaveel,  319 
Belleek  Ca.,  2.55,  293,  3(55 
Benedictines,  95 
Benfadda  Ca. ,  242,  319 
Beo  Aedh,  St. ,  24 
de  Bermingham.     See  also  Lord  Athenry 

and  MacFheorais 
Bermingham,  .55,  125,  143,  144,  147 

Lord    Athenry,   144.    151,    152,  154, 

155,  168,  171,  172,  188,  189,  193,  201, 
208,  235,  241,  248 

Andrew  and  his  dau. ,  296 

Basilia,  308 

Edward,  220,  235,  241 


Hermingham,  James,  172 
John,  Vm\  of  Louth,  287 

Peter,  102,  295 

Peter,  s.  Jas. ,  290 

Peter,  s.  Meiler,  295,  290 

Richard,  made  liaron  of  Athenry,  127 

Wm.,  Archbp.  Tuani,92,  107 

Wm.,  8.  Richard  and  his  wife  Elena, 

107 

Clann  Fheorais,  143,  101 

_MacFheorais,  317  ;  his  coat  of  mail, 

167  ;  his  country,  295 
Berna  in  Mil,  battle,  131 
Bernasof  Tir  Oilella,  11 
Bhailldrin,  210.     See  de  Angulo 
Bingham,  Lieut.  F. ,  22(),  227,  228 

Sir  George,  210,  213,  217,  228,  200 

Capt.  George,  murdered,  250 

Capt.  John,  209,  244,  246-248,  253, 

255,  258,  2(iO 

Sir  Richard,  175, 199,  205-217,  220- 

225,    229-232,    236-239,    241,    244-263, 
268,  269 

first  trial,  207,  216 

leaves  Government  and  returns,  217, 

220 

wedding  present,  239 

second  trial,  237,  241 

third  set  of  charges  and  tiial,  259- 

202 

his  administration,  261,  202 

letter  on  social  conditions,  250,  251 

jdot  against  him,  and  flight  to  Eng- 
land, 201 

removed  from  office,  207 

Bishop  and  Archl)p.  of  Connaught,  48 
Bishoprics  of  Connaught  formed,  48,  49 
Bishops'  petition  for  redress,  91 
Bisset,  Margery,  285 

liirth  of  Cormac  legend,  43 
Blackcaddell  or  Blake,  Capt.  A.,  277 
Blake,  Val.,  249 
Blind    Abbot.       See    Bourke,    Wm.,    s. 

David  I. 
Bodkin,  Chr.,  Archbp.  Tuam,  92,  98,  9!», 

163 

Visitation,  99 

Bogadoon,  297 

Bohola,  Ca.,  P.,  Tuath,  297,  311 
Bolg  Tuath  of  Badhghna,  3,  331,  332 
Bonauglit  of  the  Clandonnells,  184,  285 
Book  of  Bourkes"  Complaints,  232,  263 

of  Rights,  18,  20,  21 

Borris,  221 

Hothar  na  Faine,  Burnafania,  150 

Bouleyfadnck,  29 

Bowen,  W.,  '^19,  225.  226,  235,  238,  287 

Boyd's  Island  near  Castlebar,  47 

Boyle,  84,  210,  203,  2(;G,  274 

Abbey  and  rent  of  lands,  314,  200 

Abbey  fortified,  66 

Brabazon,   Capt    A.,   191,  192,   194,  195, 

259,  260,  263,  266 
Branaglis,  or  Barretts,  293 

Walshes,  287 

Breaghwy  P.,  280,  288 
Breastagh  Ogham,  31 
Breathnach,  IJranagh,  Wm.,  291 
Bredagh,  121,  290-292;  C,  291;  Theodum, 

291 


428 


INDEX. 


Bree3  Ca.,  103,  149,   2G3,  2G5,  208,   272, 

321,  322, 305 
Biefne,  21,  41,  45.  124,  317 

OReilly,  175 

Brehon  Law,  l'J7  ;  weakness,  203 ;  conflict 

with  English  Law,  301,  302 
Brendan  of  Clonfert,  St.,  32 
Bies,  s.  Elathan,  s.  Delbaeth,  329 

s.  Elathan,  s.  Neid,  329 

Bretasches,  103 

Bretnach,  Bretnath,  Brauagh,  Adam,  121, 
292 

Bri.     See  Brees  Ca. 

Brian  Boio,  40,  44 ;  nature  of  his  supre- 
macy, 203 

Orbsen,  K.C.,  15, 18,  19,  21,  24,  303 

Brittas,  Lord,  135 

Broadliaven,  4,  221,  278 
Brogail,  Briole,  11 
Browne,  Doni.,  235 

John,   198,  201,   205,   208-210,   218, 

219,  222,  224,  226,  285,  357,  369,  372 

commission  and  death,  224 

remarks  on  Co.  Mayo,  198 

took  MacWilliam  [nisoner,  219 

acquisition  of  lands,  219 

grant  of  freedoms,  366,  368 

John,  nepliew  of  John,  219,  241 

Bruce,  Edward,  124,  125 

le  Brun,  Fromeut.  287 

Bryaneston  Manor,  309 

Bunduff,  271 

Bunfinne  Ca.,  100 

Bun  Gaillmhe.     See  Galway 

Bunninadden,  318 

Bunratty  Ca.,  124 

Bunree  River,  290 

Burgh,  Ld.,  200,271 

Burgheis  Cinn  Trachta,  Burrishoole,  114, 

300 
de  Burgo,  Bourke,  Burke 

clans  of  14th  centurv,  138 

Glinsk  effigy,  68 

David,  50 

Sir  Edmund,  s.  Earl  Richard,  57, 130, 

131,  133-135;  his  murder,  134,  135,  142 

Sir  Edmund,  his  wife  Slany,  135 

Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Ulster-,  132 

<iyle,  dau.  Sir  Wm.  Liatli,  1:12 

Hubert,  Bishop  of  Limerick,  137 

Hubert,  s.  Gilbert,  343 

Joan,  dau.  Earl  Rich.,  123 

Sir  Jolm,  s.  Earl  Rich.,  130 

John,  s.  AVm.  Og,  282 

John,  344 

Moyler,  s.  Rich. ,  343 

Philip,  s.  ■\Vm.  Og,  282 

Richard,  s.  David,  343 

Richard,  s.  Edm. ,s.  Earl  Rich.,  144, 

147 

Rich.,  s.  Henry,  343 

Richard,  s.  William  Conquer,  53-55, 

60,  08,  78-84,  87.  102,  113,  291,  314; 
Justiciary,  78  ;  grant  of  25  cantreds,  79; 
arrests  Felim  O'Conor,  79,  83 ;  tries  to 
keep  Irish  as  vassals,  80 

Richard,  s.  Rich.,  s.  Wm.  Conquer, 

113 

dau.  Rich.,s.  Wm.  Conquer,  wife  of 

Gerald  Prendergast,  321 


de  Burgo,  Earl  Richard,  56,  107,  110,  119, 
120,  123-125,  291.  341  ;  imprisoned,  116, 
122  ;  character  and  power,  128 

Rich.,  s.  John,  107 

Richard  na  Coille,  or  Finn,  119 

Earl     Walter,     113,    115-119,    291; 

becomes  earl,  117 ;  his  wife  Evelina, 
119  ;  liis  sister,  291 

William    Conquer.    51,    52,    64-68, 

291 ;  his  grants  of  Counaught.  08,  291  ; 
marriage,  sons  and  their  descendants, 
137  ;  his  Irish  pedigree,  351 

Earl   William,    123.    130,    131.    132, 

142,  343 

Wm..  Sheriff,  s.  Wm.  Conquer,  80, 

114 

Wm.  Og.  s.  Rich.,  s.  Wm.  Conquer, 

118,  119 

Sir  Wm.  Liath,  s.  Wm.  Og,  107, 120, 

122.  123,  125,  120,  128,  282,  287,290; 
his  position  and  power,  128;  Lis  sons, 
57  ;  Finola  his  wife,  123 

Wm.  of  Owyll,  Umall,  344 

Bourkes  of  Cloonagasliel,  284 

of  Turlough,  225,  297 

Bc.k  of  Complaints.  232 

petition  for  redress.  232,  238 

Bourkes'  submission  (1589),  233 
Bourke,  Ambrose,  s.  David  Ban,  195 

Anton}',  8.  John,  s.  Mevler  of  Erris. 

255 

Cate.  157 

David  1..  171,  173;  his  wife  Finola, 

169 

David  Ban,  297  ;  his  sons.  317 

David,  s.   Moyler.  s.   Walter   Fada, 

209 

David   an    Fhraoch,  s.   Oliver,    255, 

264,  268  ;  grant,  of  land  and  freedoms, 
305 

— —  David,  s.  Rich.,  s.  Rich,  an  Deman 
an  Chorrain,  209 

David,  s.  Rich.,  272 

David,    s.    Ulick   an   Timchill.    272, 

270 

David,  s.  Ulick  of  Erris,  246 

David  of  Belanaloob,  282 

•  David,  2.55 

Sir  Edmond  Albanagh,  131, 133,  134, 

130,  142,  144,  140-148,  296,  297,  322 

Edm.,  s.  David  I.,  242-244 

Edm.,  s.  David,  s.  Rioli.  III.,  247 

Edm.,  s.  John  III.,  252,  271 

Edm.    of   Rappa,   s.    Oliver  I.,   357, 

368  ;  grant  of  land  and  freedoms,  304 

Edm.,  s.  Rich.  II.,  160 

Edm.,  s.  Rich.  III.,  216 

Edm.,    s.    Rich.  IV.,  215,  249,  2.51, 

252,  254,  257 

Edm.  II.,  Na  Fesoige,   s.  Thos.   I., 

154,  155,  156,  283,  288  ;  his  sons,  159, 
160 

Edm.   of  Cong,  177.  178,  187.  216. 

228.  233,  242,  264,  284,  357.  358  ;  grant 
of  land  and  freedoms,  365 

Edm.,  8.  Thos.  Duff,  215 

Edm.  of  Castlebar,  s.  Ulick  II..  170, 

178,  186,  200,  207.  210,  215.  288,  357  ; 
grant  of  land  and  freedoms,  364 ;  his 
sons.  210  ;  in  Low  Countries.  243 


INDEX. 


429 


Bourke,  Edni.,  s.  Win.,  156 

Edm.  III.,  1G3-I(i5 

- — -  Edm.  IV.,  1()5,  KiO 

•  Edm.  AUta,  s.  Rich.  V.,  195 

Edm.  Boy,  s.  Tlios.  Biica<;h,  171 

Edm.  Ciocarach,  s.  David  Ban,  20(), 

213 

Edm.,  s.  Rich.  Boy,  s.  John,  172 

Edm.,  s.  Rich.  IV.,  210 

Edm.Ciocaracii.s.AValter.s.  Rich. II., 

1(55 

Edm.  of  Tiiawley,  253 

John,  s.  Meyler,  s.  Walter  Fada,  253 

John,  s.  Meyler  of  Enis,  255 

John  Og,  s.  above,  255 

■  John,  s.  Rich.  I.,  Kil 

- — -  John  I.,  s.  Rich.  II.,  1G5,  2!)7 ;  his 
sons,  167 

John,  s.  Rich.  III.,  223,  264,  272 

John,  s.  Rich.  IV.,  224 

John  II.  of  the  Teiinou,  167 

John  III.,   171,   176,    17!)-181,   183- 

187,  18'J,  191 ;  made  Senesclial  of  Mayo, 
184  ;  to  be  an  earl,  187  ;  his  sons,  371 

JoliD,  s.  Thos.  I.,  288 

■  John  of  Muiiiter  Crecliaiii,  159 

John  an  iSleibhe,  207 

John  of  Erris,  372 

John,  215 

• sons  of  John,  149 

John,  180 

•  Meyler  I. ,  165 

Meyler,  s.  Rich.  Boy,  s.  John,  172 

Meyler,  s.  Tlieob.  na  Long,  2()9 

Meyler,  s.  Theob. ,  s.  AValler  Fada,  257 

Meyler,    s.    Thos.    of    Clowneduffe, 

grant  of  lauds  and  freedoms,  36l> 

Meyler,  s.  Thos.  Roe,  215,  216 

Meyler,  s.  Ulick  of  Erris,  24(> 

Meyler,  s.  'Walter,  s.  John  II.,  177, 

185,   187,  197,  357  ;   grant  of  land  and 
freedoms,  366 

Meyler,  s.  Walter  Fada,  206,  215 

Meyler  Og,  s.  Walter  Fada,  248 

Meyler  of  Monycrower,  21(! 

Oliverus  I.,  162,  168,  171.  177 

Oliverus,  s.  David  Ban,  215 

■  Oliverus,  s.  Edm.,  s.  Oliverus  I.,  268 

Oliverus,  s.  John  III.,  264,  268,  271 

Oliverus,  s.  Edm.,  371 

Oliverus,  s.  John,  s.  David  Ban,  195 

Oliverus,    grandson   of   David  Ban, 


206 


Oliverus,  s.  Rich.  IV.,  272 

Oliverus,  s.  Rich.  V.,  268 

Oliverus,  Captain,  274 

Redmond  of  Iniscoe,  296 

Reymond,  s.  Sir  William,  131,  135, 

13ii 

Rich.  I.,  s.  Thos.  I.,  154,  158,  283 

Rich.   II.,  158,  159;    his  sons,   1.59, 

1(16,  167 

Rich.  Og,  s.  Rich.  II.,  161 

Rich.  III.,  s.  John  II..  171-173,  176- 

178 

Rich.  Og  or  Roe,  s.  Rich.  III.,  177, 

186,   191,   206,  215,  3.57,  368;  grant  of 
land  and  freedoms,  3()5 

Rich.,  s.  John  III.,  252 

Rich.  Mac  an  Demain  an  Choraiu,  s. 


Rich.,  s.  Edm.  IV.,  20<),  208-210,  215, 
222,  223.  228,  229,  232,  245,  251,  2.52, 
254,  255,  257,  2(18,  269,  271,  301  ;  set 
up  as  MacWilliam  and  killed,  278 
Bourke,  Rich.  IV.  an  laraiiin,  s.  David  I., 
169-171,  186-19(i 

Rich.,  s.  Tlios.  (II.  ?),  159 

Rich.,  8.  Ulick,  255 

Rich.,  s.  Ulick,  .s.  David  Ban,  252 

Rich.,  s.  Walter  Kiltagh,  2;J1 

Rich.,  s.  Edm.  Albanagh,  149 

Rich.,  s.  Edm.  II.,  288 

Rich.,  s.  Edm.  of  Castlebar,  194,  195 

■  Rich.,  s.  John,  s.  Mevler,  208 

Rich.  Boy,  s.  John,  172.  173 

Rich,  v.,  s.  Oliverus  I.,  189,  191-197. 

200,  201.  205,  357,  362,  363,  368 ;  grant 
of  rent  charges,  362,  36o 

Rich.,  8.  Wm.,  8.  David  I.,  224,  246 

Ricard,  s.  Wm.,  s.  Davi'l  I.,  224 

• Rich.,  s.  Wm.,  s.  Rich.  V.,  269 

Ricard,  killed  iu  Muuster,  276 

Rich.,  235 

Rich.,  255  ^ 

Rich.  Yu  Yeren,  215 

Seonin,  147 

Siiane  MacOliverus.     Sec  John  III. 

Theobald  of  tlie  Kerne,  303 

Theob.,  Tibbot  Ma«l,  297 

Theob.  I.,  145,  159-161 

Theob.  II..  167 

Theob.   Reagh,  s.  Walter  Fada,  20(), 

215,  357;  grant  of  land  and  freedoms.  366 

Theob.  Reagh,  s.  Walter,  s.  Rich.  II.. 

165 

Theob.,  s.  Walter  Kittagh,  s.  John 

III.,  252.  253.  255.  258,  263-279,  281; 
position  after  inauguration,  265  ;  his 
demands  in  1596,  266.  267  ;  proposes  to 
seize  O'Dounell,  277,  278;  goes  to 
Spain,  279 

Theob..  Tibot  na  Long,  s.  Rich.  IV., 

1st  Viscount  Bourke,  164,  196,  224, 
250-255,  264,  267-269,  271-279,  311; 
his  rise  to  i)Ower.  252  ;  orders  on  his 
demands,  270 ;  his  galley,  274  ;  liangs 
Dermot  O'Oonor,  277 

Theob.,  killed  in  Munster,  276 

Theob.  (Thebault  Boy),  255 

Theob.  (Thebault),  s.  Thos.  Duff,  255 

Sir  Thomas   I.,   148-153;    succeeds 

by  Irish  custom,  148;  acknowledges 
seniority  of  BlacWm.  of  Clanricard,  151  ; 
partition  of  his  estates,  282,  283 

Thos.  IL.  157,  283 

Thos.,  8.  David  Ban,  206 

Thos.   Roe,   s.  Rich.   III.,  172,  177, 

188,  205,  215  ;  his  i.slaiid,  205 

Thos.,  s.  Rich.  Boy,  s.  John,  172 

Thos.  Keaghe,  185,  197.  3i;.S.  369 

Thos.,  s.  Walter  Kittagh,  271 

Thos..  s.  Win.,  s.  David  I.,  246 

Thos.  Ballagh.  255 

Thos.  of  Island  Caca,  225 

Thos.,  147 

sons  of  Thos.  Bacagh.  170 

sons  of  Thos.,  167 

Tiliot.     See  Tlieobald 

Ulick  I.,  2.S8 

Ulick  II.,  167 


430 


INDEX. 


Bouike,  Ulick  of  Ei lis,  2l'8-230,  251,  255 

Ulick  of  Enis,  Sei-l  of,  1S8 

Ulick,  s.  John,  s.   Jleyler  of  Erris, 

255 

Ulick,  8.  Meyler  of  Erris,  372 

• Ulick  Roe,  s.  John  III.,  196 

Ulick,  s.  Rich.  I.,  160 

Ulick,  s.  Win.,  s.  David,  I.,  208 

Ulick  of  the  Neale,  228 

Sir  Walter,  128,  130,  131,  142 

Walter  I. ,  154-1.5(),  2813 

Walter  Ban,  s.  David  Ban,  200 

Walter,  s.  Edni.  of  Castlebar,  205 

Walter,  s.  John  II..  177 

Walter,  s.  John,  172,  173,  283 

AValter  Kittagh,  s.  John  III.,  llto, 

l!l(),  207,  213,  228,  233,  239,  242,  243, 
245,  247,  21)3,  357,  3G8 ;  agreement  with 
Barretts,  351  ;  grant  of  lands  and 
freedoms,  3()5 

Walter  Fada,  109  ;  his  sons,  191, 195 

Walter,  s.  Rich.  II.,  1(!0 

Walter  ne  Mully,   na  mBuillidh,  s. 

Rich.  III.,  219,  223,  224,  233,  228-230, 
238.  242,  245,  247 

Walter,  s.  Rich.  IV. .  224,  232,  254 

■ Walter,  s.  Theob. ,  s.  Edm.,  156 

Walter,   s.    Tlieob. ,  s.  Walter  Fada, 

253,  2.54 

Walter,  grandson  of  Thos.  II.,  163 

Walter,  s.  Ulick,  255 

Walter,  s.  Wm.,  305 

Wni.,  the  Blind  Abbot,  s.  David  I., 

2U9,  210,  215,  222,  225,  22(5,  228-232, 
230,  239,  240,  241,  281,  3-57,  358;  his 
sons,  242 ;  grant  of  land  and  freedoms, 
304;  made  Mac  William,  240  ;  loses  his 
foot.  243 

Wm.  Saxonagh,  s.  Edm.  Albanagh, 

148,  295 

Wm.  of   Shrule,    s.   John   II.,   177, 

216.  225,  231,  241,  204,  271,  284,  357, 
3.58,  368 ;  grant  of  lands  and  freedoms, 
304 

Wm.,    s.  John  III.,    187,   196,    207, 

221,  247,  357,  368  ;  grant  of  lands  and 
freedoms,  305 

■ Wm.,  8.  Moyler,  s.  Walter  Fada,  269 

Wm.,  s.  Moyler  Og,  s.  Walter  Fada, 

208 

Wm.,  s.  Rich.  I.,  157 

Wm.,  s.  Ricli.  II. .  160 

Wm.,  s.  Rich.  V. ,  207 

Wm.,  s.  Rich.,  271 

Wm. ,  of  Tirauu,  357 

Wm.,  s.  Ulick,  s.  Theob.  Reagh,  s. 

Rich.  II.,  206 

Wm.,  gt.  gr.  s.  Sir  Edm.,  or  of  Sir 

Redmond,  1.52 

Wm.,  196 

Clangibl)on,  188,  190,  208,  209,  224, 

225.  301.     See  also  MacGibbou 

Clan    Jonyn,    Clann    Seonin,    282. 

See  also  Mao.Tonvn 

Clan  Meyler,  172,   283.     Also  Mac- 

Meyler 

Clan    Pliili>in,     208.       Also      Mac- 

Pbilpin 

Clan    William,    various     meanings, 

133,  137,  138 


Bourke,  Clan  William,  arms  of,  351 

MacCavoke,or  MacDaibheog  Buidhe, 

300,  301 

MacGibbon,  173,  2.50,  273,  301,  305, 

30(5 

MacGibbon,   Edm.  Og.  s.  Richard  a 

chegga,  210 

MacGibbou,  Edm.  Og,  3.57 

-MacGibbon,  Kdm.,  s.  Movler,  215 

MacGibbon,  Gilladulf,  210,  357 

MacGibbon,  John,  215,  368 

M.icGibl)on,  John,  s.  Me.vler  Og,  246 

MacGibbon,  IMeyler  Og,  216 

MacGibbon,  Ricard  a  choga,  215 

MacGibbon,  Ricard  Og,  215,  3.57,  3.58 

MacGibbon,  Sherone,  Geoffrey,  357 

MacGibbon,  Tibot,  250 

MacGibbon,  Tibot  Reaghe,  s.  Tibot, 

233 

!Mac Jonyn,  MacSeouin,  now  Jen- 
nings, 107,  173,  208,  284 

Mac.Jonyn,  David,  216 

MacJonyn,  Edm.,  216 

JMac Jonyn,  Hubert,  210 

MacJonyn,  John,  216,  272 

MacJonyn,  Meyler,  107 

■ •  MacJonyn,  Richard  Og.  209,  242,  275 

MacJonyn,  Rich.,  s.  Tibot,  187 

Mac.Jonyn,  s.  Seonin  Mor,  165 

MacJonyn,  Walter,  216 

■ MacMeyler,  of  the  Neale,  173,   282, 

284,  285 

MacMej'ler,  John,  s.  Rich.,  172 

MacMeyler,  of  Umall,  300,  301 

MacPhilpin,  185,  225,  244,  288,  300, 

301,  354,  359  ;  grant  of  Limls  of  chiefry, 
367 

MacPhilpin,  Henry,  147,  149 

MacPhilpin,  Walter,  3.57 

MacPhilpin,  Wm.  Ciom,  216 

IMacSeonin.     See  MacJonyn 

MacTibbot,  of   the    Crich,   205,  216, 

219,  248,  284,  354  ;  his  sous,  270 

MacTibbot,  Edm.,  233,  250 

MacTibbot,  John,  239 

MacTibbot,  Moyler  Og,  215 

MacTibbot,  Walter,  233 

MacTibbot,  of  Umall,  300,  201,  359 

MacTvbbott  Reauhe,  Tiios. ,  216 

Mac  Walter  Boy.^of  Umall,  .300,  301 

MacWilliam  (Bourke  or  Burke).  Mac- 
William,  origin  of  title  and  sui)remacy, 
137,  145,  14()  ;  various  uses  of  title  and 
division,  as  ujiper  and  lower,  137,  145 

MacWilliam  lochtar,  or  Eighter,  the 

Lower,  140,  142.  143,  148-151,  154,  158, 
162-164, 168-173, 182, 183,  198,  199,  202, 
282,  283,  296,  300,  301,  .322,  .324;  with 
other  MacWm.  helps  Earl  of  Ormond, 
154  ;  and  O'Neill,  100  ;  sujiposed  reason 
of  superiority  over  Clann  Ricaird,  3.52  ; 
submits  disputes  to  Council,  172  ;  gives 
pledges,  199;  abolition  of  title  and 
division  of  seigniory,  2ll5,  207, 367  ;  abo- 
lition a  cause  of  rebellion,  215;  his 
inauguration  place,  281  ;  mensal  lands 
and  dues,  App.  V.  ;  claims  on  O'Malley, 
305;  on  Gallen,  310;  on  Carra,  388; 
on  Tirawley,  297  ;  lands  in  Umall,  354  ; 
his  risings  out,  355.     See  also  Bourke, 


INDEX. 


431 


Kicb.  V,,  grant  of  rent  charges,  362, 
3(J3 
Bourke,  MacWilliam  Uachtar,  Oughter, 
the  Upper,  143,  148-151,  154,  158,  162, 
164,  166.  With  other  MacWni.  helps 
Earl  of  Ornioiid,  154,  and  O'Neill,  166 

Sliocht  (or  Sept  of)  Diivid  Duff,  360 

Sliocht  Meyler.     Sec  Clau  IVIeyler 

Sliocht  Ricaird,  288,  297 

Sliocht  Ricaird,  in  Uniall,  354 

Sliocht  Thomas,  in  Kilmaiiie,  353 

Sliocht  Thomas  Roe,  in  Uniall,  354 

Sliocht    Walter,    in   Kilmaine,   247, 

282-284,  353 

Sliocht  "Walter  Boy,  in  Umall,  300, 

301 

Sliocht   Ulick,    196,    223,    231,   246, 

248.  254,  269,  278,  279,  288,  300,  301, 
360 

Sliocht  Ulick,  of  Enis,  224 

Sliocht  Ulick,  in  Umall,  354 

Sliocht  Mhic  Teboid  na  Criche,  282, 

284  ;  Sleight  vie  Tibbot.     See  also  Mac- 
Tibbot 

Burke,  Edm.,  s.   1st  Earl  of  Clanricard, 
172 

John,  s.  2nd  Earl,  180,  185-187 

Redmond  of  Beiimore,  224 

Redmond  na  Scuab,  275 ;    his  sons, 

266 

■  Richard  I.  Og,  s.  Ulick  of  Annagh- 

keen,  133,  144,  147-151 

Richard  IV.  Bacagh,  168 

Richard  V.  Og,  168 

Richard,  of  Derry  Maclaghney,  193 

— —  Richard    Saxonagh,    2nd    Earl,    99, 

143,  146,  162,  163,  170-173,  176,   177, 

179,  180,  201,  208,  210,  212  ;  his  sons, 

180,  185-187,191,  194,  196 

Richard,   4th   Earl,   371  ;    claims   to 

Moyne  and  Eraglit  Thomas,  283 

Ulick  I.  of  Aniiaghkeen,  143,  144 

Ulick  II.,  160;   rebels,  144;  King's 

Deputy  in  Connaught,  144 

Ulick  III.,  154,  1.5.5-158 

Ulick  IV.,  163,  164 

Ulick,  s.  Ricli.  v.,  168 

Ulick  VI.,  na  gCeann,  1st  Earl,  168, 

173 

Ulick,  s.  2nd  Earl,  180,  185-187,  194, 

196,  also  sons  of  Richard  Saxonagh 

Ulick  VII.,  or  Sir  Wm.,  162,  170 

■ Ulick,  s.  Redmond  na  Scuab,  256,  271 

Ulick,  3rd  Earl,  235,  239,  242-244, 

248,  249,  257,  266,  267,  275,  352,  362 ; 
grant  of  freedoms,  364 

Clann   Ricaird,   Clanricard,  original 

and  later  meanings,  133,  137,  138 

■ Clann  Ricaird,  tribe  or  country,  116, 

140,   144,   146-148,   152,   154,   155,   157, 
158,  168,  174,  265,  2(i7,  268,  275 

MacDavid,  137,  143,  146,  152,  155, 

191   193,  241 

MacDavid,  Sir  Hubert,  208,  233,  235 

. MacDavid,  Hubert,  son  of,  257 

MacDavid,  Wm.  Garbh,  155 

MacWalter,   of    Tuath    JIacWalter, 

137,  159 

■ Theobald,  MacWilliam  of  Munster, 

168 


Burial  of  Eoghan  Bel,  32 

Burning  of  churches,  probable  meaning, 

112 
Burren  of  Corcomroe,  battle,  39 
Burris,  Burgheis,  Burgage,  108 
JUirriscarra,  108;  Abbey,  95;  C,  91 
Burrishoole,  108,  189,  190,  244,  249,  25(i, 

300,  301 

Abbey,  95,  158,  189 

Ba.,    156,    288;    Ca.,    I(i3;    cuntry 

and  harbour,  1.S9;   manor,  364 

Butler,  Henry,  102,  114.  115,  120,  300 

Henry,  s.  John,  298,  3U0 

John,  114,  115,  119 

John,  298,  ;3(X),  344 

Peter,  292 

Theobald,  116 

Theobald,  342 

Castle  of  Henry,  114 


C. 


Cabragh,  344,  345 
Cadwelly,  D.,  107 
Caeluisce  Ca. ,  314 
Caerthanan  Ca.,  Castlehill,  151,  166.     See 

also  Kyrenan 
Cahers,  Cashels,  36 
Caher,  Erris,  298 
Caher  na  mart  Ca. ,  250,  251,  305 
Caille  Conaill,  290,  295 
Cairbre  Cennderg,  8 

Cinnchait,  10 

Litfeachair,  14 

s.  Maine,  10 

MacMain  and  Cairbre  Cinnchait,  339 

Ba.  of  Granard,  327 

Cairid,  280 

Cairns,  1,2,  5,  281,  340 

Cairn  of  Eochy,  5 

Cairthi  liag  fada,  130 

Caislen  na  Cailliiihe.     Sec  Castlehag 

na  Circe.     Sec  Castlekirke 

Caladh,  54 

Calraige,  Calry,  17,  20.  21,  25.  29,  34,  325, 
326,  328;  base  of  Hy  Fiachrach  power, 
17  ;  subdivisions,  17 

of  Coolcarney,  307 

of  Moyheleog,  117,  289 

Calthorpe,C.,  201,368 

Campbell,  or  MacEllin,  Angus,  246 

Gilla.spick,  211 

Cantok,  T.,  122 
Cantreds  of  the  King.  55 

Carbury  of  Droni cliff,  11,  17,  32,  .59,  tUi. 

102,  117,  122,  143,  153,  1.59,  213 
Carew,  Sir  G.,  276 

John,  Sub-slHTitr,  205 

John.  294,  357 

Maurice,  292 

Richard,  102,  191 

Carmelites,  94.  95 

Carn,  Tirawley.  344  ;  Ca..  2il5,  297 
Carnamalgada,    Carnawley.   or    Mullagli- 

carn,    33,    289    (inauguration    pbue    of 

O'Dowda) 
Carnbuide.  battle,  11 
Carnfree.  124,  289 
Carnglas.  149 


432 


INDEX. 


Cam  Inghine  liliriiiin,  inauguration  pliice 

of  O'Dowdii,  289 
CViriiri  Droma  Cliabh.     Sec  Carbury 
Caiiii,  Ceaia,  Cera,  10,  11,  17,  18,  24,  25, 

34,  40,  ry,t,  78,  88,  Si),  102. 114,  115,  150, 

154.  15(i,  182,  210.  257,  282,  283,  288, 

294.  310,  324 

Manor,  104,  28G.  287 

Subiiifeiulaiion,  287 

Rents  of  Earl  of  Ulster  and  IMacWni., 

288 

Mac  William's  rising  out,  355 

Carrautawy,  322 

Carras.  Atliecartha,  281 

battle,  22(i,  227 

Ca.,  Carlia,  Annacare,  173,  180,  225, 

220 

Carrickanass  Ca.,  3G5 

Carrickt'ergus  or  Knockfergus,  131,  132 

Carrickmailye,  Carrickaueady,  357,  3(59 

Carrickenedv  Ca..  222,  301,  357,  369 

Carrig  Manor,  309 

Caryoghtracli,  Ciarraige  Uachtarach,  345 

Casliel,  Tijiperary,  03 

Cashels.  Cahers.  36 

Casbel  of  Moyne,  65 

Casheluarragh  Ca.,  139 

Cashlauu  iia  Draucaddha,  319 

Casteldunghy.  Castle  na  Geeha,  344 

Castelgeych,  Castelgoch,  292 

Castleaffy,  301 

Castlebar,    103,   150,   154,   186,    243,    246, 

248,  249,  251,  253,  255,  258,  263,  268, 

272,  288,  296,  364 

estate  of  Kdm.  Bourke,  246 

Castlebourke,  Kilvouell  Ca.,  164,  287 
Ca —  Bracons,  353 
Castlecarra,  103,  225,  244,  287 
Castleconnell,  52,  125 

Lord,  135,  277 

Castleconor,  106.  138,  143,  148 

Manor.  295.  296 

Castle  of  the  Cricli,  241 
Castledermot,  116 

Castlehag  in  L.  Carra,  Aiinagh  Ca.,  Caslle 
Island,  83,  205,  272 

in  L.  Mask,  37,  64,  206 

Castlekeel,  169,  322 

Castlekirke,  Oilen  na  Circe,  L.  Carra,  83 

Oilen  na  Circe,  L.  Corrib,  75 

Tirawley,  104.  108,  292 

Castlelacken.  365 
Castlelucas,  106,  287 
Castlemacgarrett,  169,  221.  322 
Castlem'^kerra.  357,  369 

Castlemore,   27,   103.  108.  119,   134,  166, 

212,  257,  313,  314,  315,  318,  319 
Manor,  104,  314.  315 

P.,  19 

Castle  lie  Gye,  245 

Castlereagb,  Clanmorris,  322,  3GG 

Tirawley,  268,  365 

Roscommon,  79,  161 

Ba.,  Roscommon,  19 

Castle  of  Tibbot  Boy.  227 
Castletown  in  Carbury,  138 
Castle  "Wilkin,  52 

Cathair  na  ]Mart,  Caliernamart,  197 
Cathal,  s.  Ailill,  .39 
Cathedrals  in  ruins.  92 


Cathry,  3.  21  ;  become  Hy  M.my,  328 
Catliyrleilaii,  344 
Cavalry  of  MacLocblin.  45 

of  O'Roiirk,  45 

Cave  of  Alia  in  Carra,  42 
Cearball.  s.  Dunlaing.  39 
Cecil,  8ir  R.,  278 

Ceis  Corann.  81 

Celiac!.,  s.  Eoghan  Bel,  32 

Celtic  Immigration.  1,  2 

Cemeteries  of  the  Brugh,  &c. ,  340 

Cenel  Conaill,  41 

Cennfaelaidh,  K.  C,  34 

Certificates  of  causes  of  rebellion,  214-216 

Cess.  176 

Chaloner,  T. ,  241 

Chapters  of  cathedrals,  49,  92,  93 

Chiefs  made  seneschals,  185 

Church  building,  91 

Churches  used  as  storehouses  and  pillaged, 

65 
Church  Island  in  L.  Carra,  31 
Cian,  s.  Ailill  Olum,  14 

s.  Garad,  14 

Gianachta,  2,  4 ;  as  Firgaileoin.  331 
Ciarraige.     See  also  Kerrv,  19,  22,  23,  25, 
27,  89,  280,  313 

tlieir  subdivisions,  19 

lochtarach,  Kerry  Eighter,  of  Loch 

na  iiAirneadh,  313 

Uachtarach,  Kerry  Oughter,  313 

Theodum.  345 

Ciarau,  St.,  32 

Cical  Grigeucosach.  4,  329,  333 
Cill  Calmain  Ca.,  Kilcolman.  119 

Me<lhoin.     See  Kilmaine 

Seiscnen,  Kilsheshnau,  116 

Cinel  Aedha.  23 

Coirpri.  34 

Enna,  19 

Eoghain,  4(i,  136 

Dobhtha.  20 

Dubhain.     See  Conmaicne 

Cisteicians,  49,  94 
Claenloch.  Castlebar.  63 

Clan  Conwav.  62,  137.  143 

Clan  David  Burke,  1.52 

Clanderniots,  229 

Clan  Donnell  Gallowgla.ss,  148,  163,  177, 

183,  187-189,   191,  209,  239,  285.     See 

also  MacDonnell 

Donnell,  their  bonaught,  184 

Donnell,  of  Costello,  231  ;  of  Gal- 
lon, 231 ;  of  Leinster,  176 ;  of  Scotland, 
177 

Dowel  1.  176 

Olanevallies.  223,  294.     Sec  also  Clann  an 

Fhailghigh 
Claumany  Tuath,  311 
Clanmorris,  Ba.,  19,  28,  169.  191, 198.219, 

222.  225,  248,  265 
Clanna  Breogain,  5 
Clann  an  Fhailghigh,  294 

Cein,  14 

Cuain.  59,  63.  83,  102,  150, 154,  283. 

280-88 

Domnaill  O'Dubhda  of  L.  Con,  46 

Flieorais.     Sec  Bermingliam 

Fiachrach.  Hy  Fiachrach.  33 

Maille,  18.     See  O'Malley 


INDEX. 


4;ia 


Clann  Maurice,  133, 144, 14(),  147. 140, 154, 
155,  l<i9.  See  a'so  Clanmorris  and 
Preiulergast 

Mebhric,  134.     See  llerrick 

Monia,  7,  14 

Toniiiltaigh,  73 

Uadach,  117 

Ulcin,  Staunton,  135 

Umoir,  4-(),  8.  !),  15,  18,  21,  30,  303 ; 

legend  of  return  from  exile,  9 
Clain-annell,  MacDonnell,  222 
Clanricard,  tribe  or  country.     See  Burke, 

Clanricard 
Clan  Sweeny,  1{)3,  170,  177 
Clanvara  Ca. ,  311 
Clar,  meaning,  111 

Atha  dha  Cliaradli,  Clare  Co.,  Ill) 

Clare  Ba.,  20,  Gl,  142,  205,  225,  226 

Ca.,  119 

Co.,  175, 180, 181,  198,  273 

de  Clare,  Juliana,  wife  of  Thos.,  123  ;  her 
heirs,  282 

Rich.,  124 

Thos.,  123,  282 

Claregalway,    113,    156,    158,   343;     Ca., 

168,  180 
Clare   Island,  86,  221;    Abbey,  94;    Ca., 

306 
Clarke,  Capt.,  255 
Clerk,  R.,  344 
Clew  Bay,  43-69 
Cliara.     See  Clare  Island 
Clifford,  Sir  C,  261,  267-274 
Clochan  na  ndall,  297 
Cloghan  Ca.,  Kilniaine  Ba.,  180,  364 
Cloghanower,  159 
Cloghanverla  Ca.,  180 
Clogher  Ca.,  Cloghan,  227 
Clogher  MacAdam  Ca, ,  322 
Clonbern  P.,  19 
Clonfert,  67 
Clonfert,  I^,ishop  of,  201 
Clongowla,  223  ^ 
Clonmacnoise,  27,  63 

Bishop  of,  144,  3J.0 

Clonmacnowen  Ba.,  55,  140 
Clontarf,  battle,  41 

Cloonagashel  Ca.,  180,  216,  246,  247.  248, 

251,  2.55,  263,  284,  365;  Sessions,  248 
Cloonawillin,  294 
Clooncarha,  317 
Cloonconor,  322 
Clooncrini,  317 
Cloonee,  battle,  171 
Cloonen  Ca.,  188,  206,  288,  366 
Cloonenagb,  284 
Cloonenass,  297 
CloongeeCa.,  312 
Cloonkeen,  322 
Cloonliffen,  284 
Cloonoan  Ca.,  206 
Cloonpatrick,  28,  305 
Clowneduffe,  366 
Cluain  Fuiche,  11 
Cnucha,  battle,  11 
Coatch,  Capt.,  274 
Codhnach,  river  of  Drumcliff,  11 
de  Cogan,  288,  296,  344 

John,  84,  116,  321 

John, 292 


de  Cogan.  Milo's  raid  in  Coiinaught,  62 

Uriles,  1-25 

Walter,  295 

Coill  Berrain,  battle,  294 
Coillte  Conmaicne,  US 

L\iighne,  5,  159 

CoUa  Uais,  15 
College  of  Galwav,  90 

Colloonev,  39 ;  Ca.,  36,  46,  211,258.263, 

270,  272,  274 
Collier,  Cpllycr,  W.,  177.  179,  228 
Col  man  of  Lindisfariie,  35 
Columljan  monks'  settlements,  35 
Comarb  of  Patrick,  64 

lauds,  49 

Comerford,  (i.,   Attorney  of  Connaught, 

201,  208,  222,  225  228,  248.  268 
Commission  for  the  ( 'Dmposition,  200,  201 
Commissioners   for   Peace    in    1.589,  228  ; 
tlieir  report,  230;  second  set,  231 

for  second  trial  of  Sir  K.  Bingham, 

237 

Compensation  for  imprisonment  of   Earl 

of  Ulster,  342 
Composition  for  Cess,  179,  201,  202,  203, 

205 

remarks  on  Malbie's,  217 

Conaire,  K.  Munster,  11,  12 
Conall,  s.  of  Amalgaid,  289 

Cernach,  329 

Cruachna,  K.  C,  11,  12 

Echluath.  15,  16 

s.  Enda,  29 

Gulban,  16 

Conditions  of  peace,  1.589,  234 
Condummor,  Castleconor  (?)  cantred,  344, 

345 
Conello  baronies,  44 
Cong,  35,  45,  66,  67,  81 ,  231 .  243,  245,  267  ; 

abbey.  49,  63,  90,  111 ;  its  lands,  358 ; 

manor,  104 
Congnaig,  Codhnach,  11 
Conmac,  s.  of  Fergus  JlacRoigh,  327 
Coumaicne,  35,  38,  42,  280,  281,  324,  326, 

327 

divisions  of,  19 

Cinel  Dubhain,  or  of  Dunmore,  44, 

281 

Cinel  Enna,  281 

Cuile  Toladh,  84,  88,  101,  122,  155, 

281,  283 

Mara,  64,  84,  115 

of  Moyreiii,  42,  54,  114,  314 

of  Longford  or  Aiinaly.  34,  54 

table  of  tribes.  280 

Cannachta,  original  meaning,  19 
Connaught,  38-42,   44,  45.   59,   122.  123, 

148, 162, 163, 168,  256.  257.  265,  275.  27<!. 
341,  342 

early  bounilaries  and  divisions.  6 

dioceses  formed.  48 

main    support  of    Conn    and    other 

K.  I.,13 

qualification  for  K.  of,  25 

tribute  to  Brian  Boro,  40 

wars  with  I^lunster  and  Ulster,  12, 

42  .       .„ 

K.'s  inability  to  keep  treaties,  o7 

causes  of  wars  of  conquest,  60 

invaded  by  M.  de  Cogan,  51,  <'>0 


434 


INDEX. 


C'i>nniiught    invaded    b}'    J.    de    Courcv, 
51 

invaded  by  Justiciary,  53,  72,  78,  82, 

IK) 

alleged  grant    to  "Wm.   FitzAudelin, 

51 

grant  to  W.  de  Burgo,  52 

grant  to  K.  de  Burgo,  52-55 

<,'rauts  to  others,  52,  53,  55 

held  by  Ciithal  Crobhderg  and  Aedli 

as  a  barony,  54,  55 

partition  between  Cathal  and  King, 

53 

castle     building     and    colonisation, 

88 

Norman    lords    and    Irish    tenants, 

security  under  Norman  lords,  00 

sufferings  from  wars  of  conquest,  74, 

8G,  88 

distress  from  war  in  1597,  21!!),  271 

political  state  in  1597,  2()8-272 

prosperity  in  1587,  217 

counties  formed,  175,  181 

government  of,  170,  174,  175 

descent  of  lordship  to  Edward  IV., 

132 

Conn  Cedcathach,  11-13 

Connection    of    Luighne,     Delbhna    and 

Ciaiiachta,  330 
Counemara,  209,  303 
Connor,  battle,  124 
Conor,  s.  Donnell,  K.  Luighne,  40 

8.    Maelseaclilainn,    lord     of    Corca 

Modhruadh,  40 

Coogue,  319 

Coolane}-  Ca. ,  319 

Coolavin  Ba.,  18,  139 

Coolcarney,   Cuil  Cernadha,  17,   73,   155, 

212,  290,  307,  311.  312 
Corann.     See  Corran 
Corbally,  322 

Corbeggan,  Corraveggaun,  344,  345 
Corcalee,  325 
Corcamoe,    Corca   Mogha,    Corca    of    the 

Wood,  19,  20,  22,  38,  80,  149,  280,  325, 

320 
Corcachland,  20 
Corca  Choiiluain,  20 
Corco  Firtri,  14,  18,  41 
Corcovaskin,  304 
Corcu  Themue,  17,  25,  28,  286 
de  Cordova,  Don  L.,  220 
Cormac,  St.,  31,  280 

Gaileng,  14 

Mac  Art,  K.  I.,  13,  14,  43 

Cornasack,  297 

Corran,  11,  13,  17,  52,  102,  119,  121,  122, 
134,  139,  143,  231 

Ca.  of,  Ballymote,  125 

Corraun  Ca.,  311 

Corr  Sliabh.     See  Curlews 
Cosgrach,  a.  Flannabhra  of  Umall,  38 
Cost  of  war  of  1.589,  245 
Costello,  Ba.,  89,  119,  198,  201,  222,  223, 
240,  248,  207,  273 

Ba.,  composition  for,  217 

Ba.,  subdivisions  of,  319 

de  Costentin,  G.,  52,  .53 

Councillors    of     Irish    birth    distrusted, 
224 


Country  sickness,  258,  259 

de  Courcy,  J.,  (i4,  06 

Courts    of     the    Queen     in     Connaught, 

218 
Cranan,  322 
Crannoges,  37  ;  Boyd's  Island,  47,  <i3 

of  Lahardane  captured,  273 

of  L.  Hacket,  03;  in  L.  Mannin,  313; 

in  Moher  Lake,  30(i 

Crassus,  W.,  .54 

Crecraige  or  Gregraige,  Attacots,  331 
Creevagh  Ca.,  the  Crich,  284,  366 
Cregduff  Ca.,180 
Cregmore  Ca. ,  245 

Crich       Cairbre,       Creghcarby,       Manor, 
342 

Ca. ,  205,  219,  284,  360 

Fir  Thire  cautred,  102,  321,  343 

Crigh  Ca.,  Crich,  205,  219 

Crimhthann    Culbuidhe,    K.     Aicill    and 

Umall,  12 

K.  Leinster,  11 

8.  Enna  Cennsalach,  24 

Mor,  15 

Grinder,  battle,  32 

Croaghpatrick,  18,  20,  111 ;  Hill  of  Aigill. 

305 
Crobar  Gar,  252 
Croghan  of  Ai,  25,  27 

Gaileng,  105 

Cromlechs,  1,  112 
Crosmacrou,  battle,  157 
Crosmaoiliona.     See  Crossmolina 
Cross,  abbey  lands,  359 

Cross  C. ,  28 

of  Cong,  40 

Crossmolina,  295,  290  ;  Abbey  and  Abbot, 

295  ;  Ca.,  106,  3(55  ;  P.,  289 
Crosspatrick,  29 
Crowenbog  Manor,  309 
Cruach  of  Ballycroy,  43 
Cruachan,  meaning,  305 

Ai ,  339.     Sri'  Fwathcroghan 

Aigle,    10,    17,    24,    26;    battle,    10; 

struck  by  thunderbolt,  44 

Cruffon,  326 

Cruithne,  1-3;  are  the  Gael,  330,  331 

Cuchulainn,  Cuchulliu,  8,  329 

Cuil  Cernadha.     See  Coolcarney 

Cuilcnamha  Manor,  294,  295 

Cuilconaire,  battle,  33 

Cuilcore,  Kilquire  (?),  28 

Cuil  Toladh,  281 

Cuimin,  St.,  31,  32 

Culleencrin,  Grinder,  32 

Culneiridh,  311 

Cuniall,  11,  13 

Cunga  Feichin.     See  Cong 

de  Curcy,  M. ,  291 

Curlews,    Corr   Sliabh,   81,  82,  106,  171, 

274 
Cusacks,  117,  185,  291  ;  Adam,  sen.,  102, 

290,  291,   294;    Adam,  jun.,   121,   292, 

294,    298 ;    Colin,    121 ;     Robert,    294 ; 

Patrick,  177 

SirThos.,  170,  171 

Cusackstown,  or  Rathreagh,  294 
Cuslough,  94,  354;  Ca.,  105,  106,  284 

Rent  to  MacWm.,  284 

Cusyn,  E. ,  107 


IN  DEX. 


435 


D. 


Dairemor  Ca. ,  31!t 

Dal  Araidhe,  16 

Damage  by  rebels  in  1589,  23!) 

Daiiihcliluaiii,  battle,  24 

Daiiu,  329,  330 

Danganinore  Ca.,  311 

Dauiiochanie,  Donaghorau,  122,  281,  282, 

342 
Darcy,  J. ,  26(J 
Dartry,  213 

Datbi,  K.  C,  K.  I.,  17,  24-2G 
Dawatblethveii  Manor,  309 
Delbhua,  2,  3,  5,  20,  22,  25,  38,  32G 

ancestry,  335 

occupation  of  Meath  and  Connaugbt, 

335,  33G 

Derbiled,  Nun,  32 
Derowel  Ca.,  322 
Derrymaclaghney  Ca.,  1()8 
Derver  Manor,  308,  309 
Desmond,  304 

Earl  of,  154,  157,  187  ;  Sugan  Earl, 

27G 

Devil's  Hook  and  his  son.     See  Bourke, 

Richard,  s.  Edmond  IV. 
Diarniait,  s.  Tomaltacb,  K.  C. ,  39 
Differences    between   Normans,    English, 

and  Gaels,  202,  203 
Dillon,  Garrett  MacTeige,  215 

L.,  235 

N. ,  235 

Sir  Kobert,  228,  231,  235,  237,  240 

Theo.,  190,   191,  207,  215-218,   232, 

240-242,  249,  255,  259,  2<i3,  274,  310, 
311 ;  settles  in  Castlemore,  319  ;  acquires 
land  in  Airtech,  320 

Thos.,    Justice   of    Connaugbt,    201, 

208,  224,  235,  242,  248,  249,  3G8 

Capt. ,  258 

Disert  Lawrence  Manor,  102 

Dislocation  of  legends  by  Annalists,  330 

Dissolution  of  monasteries,  99 

Division  of  Connaugbt,  Mayo  baronies,  182 

Doctrine  of  Rebirth,  335 

Docwra,  Sir  H.,  lands  in  the  Foyle,  27(), 

277 
Dolfyn,  Thos.,  344 
Dolmens,  1,  28 

Dolphin,  J.,  and  his  son,  118,  119 
Dominicans,  95 
Domnoniaus,  Firdomnaun,   are   the   Gael 

and  Milesians,  origin   and  connections, 

328,  333,  334 
Domnu,  330,  334 
Donaghmore,  29 
Donaghoran,  Dannocharne,  122,  281,  282, 

342 
Donaghpatrick,  28 
Donamon,  80  ;    Ca.  and   IManor,  83,  124, 

137,  15G,  157 
Donamona  Ca.,  189,  209,  221,  241,  288,306 
Donamoua  Sessions,  205,  210 
Donegal  Ca.,  1G5,  277 
Donka  Ca.,  180 
Donncad,  Lord  of  Cairbre,  42 

• Donogh,  of  Murrisk,  K.  C,  25 

Donucothaigh,  K.  C,  34 


Donneyvin,  309 

Doo  Ca.,  315 

Dookeeghan,  102,  293,  309;    Manor,  104, 

298 
Doon  Ca.,  Dun  Mughdhord,  45,  84,  85,  301 
Doona  Ca. ,  221 
Doonfeeny  P.,  290 
Doonlaur,  191 
Dooumacnynye,  Doonmacreena,  Dunmaic 

ninuidl),"Ca.,  321,  322,  3G(i 
Doonoor,  chief's  residence,  110 
Dowaihmyl—  Manor,  309 
Dowlagh  Ca. ,  299,  357,  3(;9 
Downerage  Ca. ,  180 
Drithliu,  24 

Droicheil-inghine-Goillin,  80 
Dromahaire,  211  ;  lia.,  17 
Dromard  P. ,  294 
Drowse,  45 

Uruids  and  St.  Patrick,  27,  29 
Druim  Cenanuain,  7'> 
Druimue,  85 
Druim  Robaigh,  34 
Drumbolgyn,  292 
Drumcliff,  127 
Drummut  Cerrigi,  26 
Drumrany,  354 
Duach  Galach,  K.  C. ,  25,  2() 

Tenguma,  K.  C. ,  30 

Dubh  Cunga,  73 
Dubhinnrecht,  K.  C. ,  34 
Duffathkeeghau,  Dookeeghan,  Manor,  309 
Duhallow,  304 

Duniha   Caechain,    Dookeeghan,   a    roval 

fort,  298 
Selca,  10,  289 

na  Ronihanach,  318 

Dunadach,  K.  Uniall,  38 
Dunamase  Ca.,  IIG 
Dunamoe,  3G 
Dunbriste,  29 

Duncad  Muirsce,  Donogh,  K.jC.,  34 

Dunciarraighe,  47 

Duncoghy,  Donicoy,  345 

Dundewnyll,  R.,  343 

Dunfidhne,  near  Taiidrego,  32 

Dungalue.  52 

Dunghal,  lord  of  LTniall,  34 

Dunguaire,  Castlekirke,  Tirawley,  104 

Dunkellin,  Lord,  235,  274 

Dunlo  Ca. ,  46,  66 

Dunmacknynye  Cfl. ,  Tirawley,  294 

Dun  ]\Iic  Conor,  105 

Dun  Modhord.     See  Doon  Ca. 

Dunmore,  45,  47,  62,  108.  223;  Ba.,  19, 
226,  227,295;  Ca.,  172 

Dunmouhgherne  Manor.  Sec  Dannoch- 
arne, 122,  .342 

Dun  Mughdhord.     Sec  Doon  Ca.  _ 

Dun  na  iiGall,  Ballynacarrach,  37,  47 

Dunros,  151 

Dun  Rosaarach,  65 

Dysert  O'Dea,  battle,  124 


K. 


Eachros,  Aughros,  battle,  34 

Earl's  Island,  135 

Early  tribes  as  Gaels,  334 


436 


INDEX. 


Easilara,  Ballysadaie,  79 

Easky  P. ,  2'.ir) 

Eastersiiow,  Atli  Disert  NuaJaii,  131 

Eiistyre,  53 

Eccuil,  Aicill,  85 

Ecclesiastical  iirchitecture,  36 

Echtglie,  45.  fio 

Elair,  s.  Biiiritl,  39 

Elias  of  Duiuloniiell,  291 

Ellagh,  Tirawley.  295 

Elpliin.  27,  116,  118 

liisliop  of.  201,  235 

Ely.  Iiish  of,  164 
Emain  Macha,  15 

Emer,   wife  of  Cuchulainn,   a  Futiioriaii, 

329 
Emly,  63 
Eiula  Croiii,  s.  Ainalgaid,  28,  29,  289 

of  Airtech.  27 

Enna,  s.  Brian  Oil)sen,  19,  321 
Eniiowments   of    comarbs  transferred   to 

bishops,  90 
Englishman,    meaning    in    16th    century, 

218 
English  settlements  in  Connaught,  120 

serving  Irish  chiefs,  77,  83 

Enniscrone  Ca.,  162,  164,  167 
Eochai'ih  Airenih,  7 

AUat,  6,  7 

Eochy,  s.  Amalgaid,  27,  290 

Breac,  21,  29,  289 

8.  Cairbre,  K.  C,  10 

Feidhlech,  3.  7 

• Mac  Erca,  4 

Menn,  15 

IMuighmhedhoin,  Moyvane,  15 

Muinderg,  12 

Eoghan  Aidhne,  21 

Bel,  30-32 

Mor.  11.  12 

s.  Niall,  16 

Srebh,  30 

Episcopal  jurisdiction  established,  48 

Eraght  Thomas.  173,  183 

Ere,  s.  Ailill  Molt,  30  ;  his  son  killed,  32 

8.  Bron,  20 

Cullniidhe,  24,  25 

Eremonians,  3 

Erne,  196,  210,  211 

Errew  Abbev,  31,  49,  90  ;  Abbot  of,  290 

Erris,  17,  32',  35,  52,  59,  102,  121,  20'J,  218, 

219,  224,   240,  244,  246,  255,  257,  285, 

288-290,  298,  308 

Orrus,  caiitred,  308 

Escir  Abbann.     See  Knniscrone 
Esdara.     See  Ballysadare  and  Easdara 
Essex,  Lord,  273,  299 

de  Exeter,  Barnaba,  wife  of  Jordan  II.,  308 

Basilia,  wife  of  Jordan  I.,  308 

Elizabeth,  wife  of  Sir  Richard  II., 

309 

Eva,  wife  of  Sir  Richard,  308 

Ismania,  wife  of  Jordan  II.,  308 

Ismania,  wife  of  Sir  Richard,  308 

Johanna,  widow  of  Stephen,  308 

John,  8.  Jordan  II.,  308.  344 

John,  8.  Sir  Richard,  308 

John,  308 

Jordan,  95,  102,  103,  114,  115,  116, 

307,  309 


de  pjxeter,  Jordan,  his  grants  of  land,  307 

Jordan,  s.  Jordan,  121,  298,  308,  310 

Jordan  Bacagh,  308 

Mabilia,  wife  of  Sir  Richard,  308 

Matilda,  widow  of  Stephen,  309 

Meiler,  309 

Meiler,  s.  Jleiler,  127,  308,  309 

Nicholas,  309 

Sir  Richard,  140,  308 

Sir  Richard,  s.  Sir  Richard,  56,  308, 

309  ;  his  estates,  309 

Simon,  308 

Stephen,  95,  102,  125 

Sir  Stephen,  309 

Stephen,  s.  Stephen,  298,  309 

Stephen,  a  friar,  308 

Stephen,  310 

MacJordan,    IMacSiurtain,    151,    152, 

155,  159,  160,  172,  185,  198,  199,  202, 
225,  263,  264,  311,  312,  368  ;  liis  rising 
out  to  MacWm.  and  composition  there- 
for, 355,  356 

MacJordan,  Brian,  269 

MacJordan,  Calbhach,  Callough,  312 

• MacJordan,   Edmond    an    Machaire, 

268,  357  ;  grant  of  rent  charge  on  Gallen, 
&c.,  365,  366 

MacJordan,  Edm.  Duff,  252 

MacJordan,  Henry,  312 

MacJordan,    John,    149 ;    his    sons, 

151,  152 

MacJordan,  John,  160 

MacJordan,  John,  310 

MacJordan,  John,  s.  John,  310 

MacJordan,  John,  Mor's  sons,  311 

MacJordan,  John,  s.  Meiler,  311 

MacJordan,  Jordan,  149 

MacJordan,    Jordan,    s.   Thos.,  312, 

357,  368 ;  grant  of  land  and  freedoms, 
366 

MacJordan,    Meiler,    310;     another 

Meiler,  310 

MacJordan,  Meiler,  357 

MacJordan,  Thos.,  311 

MacJordan,  Thos.  Duff,  311 

MacJordan,  Thos.  na  gCapall,  268, 

269 

MacJordan,  Walter,  s.  above,  269 

MacJordan,  William,  311 

MacJoidau  na  Coille,  317 

MacJordan  na'Coille,  Richard,  311 

MacStephen,  Walter,  357,  368 

Clan  Stephen,  295,  310,  311 ;    their 

castles,  310,  311 

Sleight  Henry,  311 


an  Failghech  Breathnach,  Richard,  294 

Farragh,  29 

Fastness,  244  ;  of  Joys'  country,  244 

Fechin,  Sc,  35 

Fedelmid,  s.  Amalgaid.  29 

Fenton,  Sir  G. ,  235,  260,  263,  2(!6,  267 

Feradach,  alias  of  Dathi,  K.  I.,  25 

alias  of  Sachell,  26 

s.  Ross,  33 

Ferdiad,  8 

Fergus,  s.  Amalgaid,  29 


INDEX. 


437 


Fergus,  MacRoigh,  S,  1!»,  280 

of  Fir  Craibe,  280 

Fermanagh,  122,  213 ;  Manor,  342 
Fertlotbair,  royal  fort  of  Carra,  31,  280 
Fertyr  and  Clancowan,  half  cantred,  344 
Fiachaidh  Caisinn,  10 

Whitehand,  12 

FiachraElgach,  2',t,  35 

Foltsnathacli,  15,  17,  24,  289 

of  Magh  Tail,  15 

Fiauna,  13,  14 

Fidach,  K.  Fir  Craibe,  G  ;  palace  of,  6 

Fidh  Gadhlaigh,  73 

Fildew,  Capt. ,  and  his  galley,  257,  274 

Finan  of  Rathen,  St.,  31 

Finglas,  221 

Finn,  13,14 

Finncharn,  81,  82 

Finn  Loch  of  Cera.     See  Lough  Carra 

Finnure,  53 

Fir  Bolg,  2,  4,  5,  325,  331-333,  341 

Craibe,  6,  'J,  11.  15,  17,  19,  280,  337  ; 

their  kingdom,  33!) 

Domnonn,  2.  3,  15,  17,  331-333 

Gaileoin,  2,  3,  18,  331-333 

Siuire   and   Fir   Thire.      See  Claun 

Cuain 

FisMorris  (MacMorris  ?),  Hary,  216 
Fitton,  Sir  E.,  175-177,  179,  180,  195 

Sir  E.,   designs  to  forfeit   lands   of 

Lower    Conriaught,    182 ;     remarks    on 
state  of  Connaiight,  182 

FitzAIexander,  Edin.,  170,  178 
FitzGeotfrey,    Evelina,    wife    of    Earl    of 

Ulster,  119 
FitzGerald  of  Offaley 

Amabill,  122,  281 

John,  s.  Thos.,   122,   123,  281,   282, 

341 

Juliana,  wife  of  Thos.  de  Clare,  122, 

123,  281 

Maurice,  79,  83,  84,  86,  87,  95,  101, 

102,  281,  282,  307,  321,  324 

Maurice,  s.  Maurice,  116,  281 ;  divi- 
sion of  his  Connaught  estates,  122 

Maurice,  .s.  Tiios.,  103 

-  of  Desmond 

James  FitzThomas,  276 

James,  304 

John,  s.  Thos.,  103 

Maurice,  s.  Thos.,  130 

Thos.,  s.  Maurice's  estate,  120 

(?),  Sir  Maurice  of  London,  103 

FitzJIaurice,  Sir  James,  180,  187 
FitzSimon,  MacEryddery,  322 
Richard  na  Koillie,  216 

Walter,  357,  368 

Nicholas  of  Dublin,  201 

FitzSymons,   Nicb.,    357,    368;    grant   of 

land  and  freedoms.  366 
FitzWilliam,  Bryan,  246,  260 

Sir  Wm.,  201,  222.  223,  231,  242 

interferes  in  operations,  228,  231 

■ ■  want  of  money  for  Government,  240 

Five  Cantreds  of  the  Kinjr,  86,  88,  120 

Flannabhra  of  Umall,  34,  303 

Flathgal  of  Umall,  34 

de  Flatisbury,  287 

Fleets  of  Alba,  45 

Fleet  of  Connaught,  44-46 


Fleet  of  Innsi  Gall,  69,  115 

of  the  Hourkes,  16it 

of   Munster  in   jibicksod  and  Clew 

Bay,  43 

Fleming,  Adam,  102,  121,  298 

R. ,  309 

of  Carrantawy,  322 

de  Flete,  R. ,  Seneschal  of  Connaught,  135 

Flidais,  7,  8 

Fogartacli  of  Corcofirtri.  40 

Fogbill,  29 

Fomor  and  Fomorach,  325,  329,  330 

Fordruim,  battle,  45 

Forracb,  Farrnj;h,  29 

Foiud,  battle,  24 

Fountain  Hill,  281 

Four  Maels,  32 

Fowle,    R.,    Provost    I^Iarshal,   201,    228. 

229,  237,  242,  258,  368 
Franciscans,  95 

Fraoch,  commander  of  Spaniards,  12 
Frencli,  R.,  241,  253 
Fresketh ,  292 
Fuerty,  27 

Fulbourne,  S.,  Archbp.,  91,  92 
Furbough, 352,  353 


G. 


Gabhra,  battle,  14 

Gabhraighe,  Gabhry,  3,  328 

Gaela,  21 

Gael,  1,  3 ;  absence  of  government  among, 

203 
Gailenga,  2,  3,  13,  17,  18,  29,  34,  40,  45, 

307;  as  Firgaileoin,  331 
Galey,  52 

Gallagh  Ca.,  L.  Glinn,  320 
Galleu,  89,  102,  1.52,   154,   167,   170,  198, 

219,  244,  248,  257 
Galleys  at  Sligo,  274 
Gallowglasses,  148,  155,  157, 158, 163, 105, 

169,  176,  177,  194,  244,  249,  264,  285  ;  of 

Mac  William,  354 
Galway,  52,  101,  114,  136,  164,  168,  170, 

174,  176,  177.  180,  183,  186,  187,  190. 

197,  209,  229,  230,  232,  233,  239,   242, 
245,  260,  263,  273 

Ca. ,  36,  46,  60,  62,  80,  83  ;  escape  of 

pledges  from,  257 

College,  90 

Countv,  68,  158,  175,  176,   179-181. 

198,  199,  273,  296 

Mayor  of,  235 

Merchants,  205,  219 

Sessions,  205 

Gamanraigbe,  Gamanry,  3,  6-8,  13, 15, 17. 
280 

ancestors  of  Hv  Fiachrach,  339,  340 

kingdom,  339,  340 

Gann,  4 

Gaol  of  Co.  Mayo,  197 

Garbally,  172 

Gardener,  Sir  R. ,  260 

Garrymore  Ca. ,  180 

Garvev,  Clir.,  219,  224,  225,  238 

W. ,  368 

Gaughan,  of  ]\[oyheleog,  117 
Gavnard,  M.,  344 

2  F 


438 


INDEX. 


tJaviMid,  It.,  344 

Cfgli.  nun.  32 

Ueiiaiin,  4 

(Jenealojiies,  value  for  earlv  times,  325 

GiUon,  J.,  224 

Glaiina  Voagli,  Olenn-na-Mochart,  73 

Glanog,  battle,  15'J 

Olasry,  327_ 

Glencar,  257 

Glendaduff.  151 

(ik-n.lutr,  1!)5 

Gleiifarne,  84 

Gleiihest,  295 

Glenn-na-Mochart,  Glanna  Voagli,  73 

Glen  Xephin,  21)0 

Gliusk  effii,'y,  OS 

Glyse.  T.,  344 

Goll.     Sec  Aedh  MacMorna 

Goriuanston  Register,  52 

Goit,  276 

Gortnedin,322 

Government  of  Connauglit,  175 

Graiiia's  Castle,  300 

de  Gray,  J.,  Justiciary,  52,  53 

Gray,  Lord  Leonard,  98 

Grec,  Greg,  18 

Grec  MacArodh  an<l  Cormac  MacArt,  43 

Grecraighe,  stone  cave  in,  43 

Green  Castle  of  Inishowen,  131 

Greg,  18 

Gregiaighe,  Gregry,  14,  17,  18,  22,  27,  45, 

325,  336,  337  ;  relations  with   Gailenga 

and  Luighne,  330 
Grellagh  Manor,  342 
Grennach,  2".  12 
Griffin's  sons,  Geraldines,  75 
Guaire.  s.  Aedh,  s.  Eochaidh  Breac,  32 
Guer,  Sinnott,  114 
Gweeshadan  Ca.,  Gissaden,  249,  257,  369 


H. 


Hag  Island,  L.  Carra,  S3.     See  Castlekirke 

de  la  Have,  W.,  342 

Headford,  SO;  Ca.,  104 

Hercaith,  20 

Heric,  20 

Herota,  Hirota,  Iruaithe,  5 

Hollvmouut,  Moylla  Ca.,  285 

Holyrood  C. ,  91 

Horses,  prices  in  1340,  136 

Howth  Ca,,  159;  lord  of,  158 

Hussey,  M.,  227 

Hv  Ailello.  18,  27,  34,  38,  320  ;  branch  of 

Gregrv,  IS,  27 
Hy  Aitheachda,  39 
Hy  Amalgada,  Hv  Awley,  11,  29,  31,  39, 

40,  390 
Hy  Uaedain  of  Badhghna,  22 
Hv  Eriuin,  distinguished  from  Hy  Broin, 

20 

distinguished  from  Silmurray,  22 

Ai,  17.  IS,  24,  25,  34,  38 

Brefne,  21 

Seola,  11,  17,  19,  23,  24,  280 

Umaili.  34,  303 

Hv  Broin,  distinguishel  from  Hy  Briuin, 

2b 
Hy  Conmaic,  327 


Hy  Diarmada,  75 

Hy  Eachach,  32,  289 

Hy  Fiacliracli,  N.  and  S. ,  origin  of,  7 

Aidhne,  24,  39 

Muaidhe.    IMoj',    or   of    Murrisk,   or 

Nortli,  11,  17,  19,  24,  25,  34,  35,  38,  40, 
42,  43,  45,  286  ;  suppress  other  tribes, 
326 

Ciuel  Fedhlimidh,  298 

Hy  MacCaecliain,  121 

Hy  Maine,  Hy  Many,  6,  11,  14,  20-22,  314, 
325  ;  Cathal  Carrach  settled  therein,  .59 
Hy  Neill,  17 
Hy  Tualhaigh,  22 


I. 


lar  Connaught,  201,  205,  218,  240,  245 

Ibaune  Ba. ,  270 

Iberians  in  Ireland,  1,  2 

Ilane  ne  Moghere,  306 

lUanmacgillavally,  319 

lUauncarbry,  Iniscremha,  75 

lUauncolumbkille,  35 

Illaunnaglasby  C,  93 

Imelaghbegan",  309 

Inauguration  of  MacWilliam,  240 

Inchawyn, 344 

Indrechtach,  K.  C,  25 

Inis  Aenaigh,  Inisheeny,  85 

Iniscaoil,  304 

Iniscremha,  Illauncarbry,  75 

Inisglora,  32 

Inisiiark,  305,  352 

Inishboffin,  305,  352;  Abbey,  35;  Ca., 
257,  306 

Inishcoe,  151,  158,  296;  Ca.,  371;  royal 
fort,  290 

Inisheeny,  Inis  Aenaigh,  85 

Iniskea,  255 

Inishmaine,  9,  31,  78,  223;  Abbey,  49,  90, 
358 

Inishowen,  Donegal,  136;  sea  fight,  46 

Inishrobe,  35,  66;  C,  94 

Inismor,  its  English  garrison  burnt,  114 

Inismurniy,  3S 

Inis  Raitliin,  Inishraher,  69,  85 

Innsi  Gall,  09,  70  ;  fleet  from,  115 

Modh,  Clew  Bay  Islands,  43,  69,  85, 

114 

Ihver  Ca.,  371 

Inveran  Ca. ,  190 

Inver  Domnann,  Broadhaven,  4 

Invermore  Ba.,  Erris,  298 

Invermore,  coast  of  Galway,  304 

lochtar  Tire,  196 

Irrusdomnoiin,  3,  4,  0,  13,  17,  20,  25,  33, 
280,  3,39,  340;  disintegration  of  king- 
dom, 33 

lornis  larthar,  Erris,  298 

Irchloghton,  344 

Ireland  divided,  12 

Ireland,  the  K. 's  position,  203 

Irian  race,  3 

Iron  sheep  tribute,  22 

Iruaithe,  4,  5.     See  Herota 

Islandeady  C,  94  ;  P.,  280,  301 

Island  of  Lough  Talt,  139 

Ith,  sons  of,  5 


INDEX. 


439 


Jennings,  IMacSeonin,  284 
Johannis  IMarcus,  21(> 
John,  s.  Gerald,  107 
Jones,  T.,  Bishop  of  Meatli,  183 
Jonyn  MacUlick,  21(1 
Joy,  208,  20!),  222,  223,  224,  250,  251,  282, 
324  :  Joys'  coiiutry,  245 

Cloasearlykane,  205 

Rich.,  s.  Thos. ,  and  Thos.'s  widow, 

324 

MacThomas,    324,    352;     grant     of 

land  and  freedoms,  370 

Justiciary  comes  to  Connaught,  115-118 


Kavanagh,  M.,  241 

Keancondroe  Ca. ,  311 

Iveelogues,  288 

Keltyprichane,  22() 

Ker,  Carra,  cantred,  344 

de  Kerdyff,  N.,  314 

Kerry,  89.     See  also  Ciarraighe,  89,  325, 

32« 
— -  Eighter,  or  Lochnarney,  102,  319 

■ Cantred,  315  ;  value,  120,  288 

■ •  Moy  Ai,  101,  103 

Oughter,  319  :  cantred,  315 

Knight  of,  276 

Kerymoyng  and  Kervlochnayrh  Theodum, 

345 
KielcoUa,  322 
Kilbelfad  P. ,  290 
Killiennan,  28,  62 
Kilbixi  Manor,  315 
Kilhoyounagh,  45 
Kilbride  P. ,  290 
Kilcahill,  62 
Kilcashel  caher,  36 
Kilcolgan  Manor,  122,  342 
Kilcolman  Ca.,  103,  119,  121,  124,  319 

P.,  Clanmorris,  319,  321 

P. .  Costello,  19 

Kilcommon  P.,  Kilmaiue,  108 

P.,  Erris,  63,  298 

Kilconduflf,  150,  312 

KilconnellBa.,  55,  140 

Kilcormick,  31 

Kilcreevatity  Abbey,  95 

Kilcronan,  27 

Kildacommoge  P.,  28,  286,  287,  307 

Kildare,  Earl  of,  158,  161,  163-165 

Bishop  of,  235 

Kildarvila,  298 
Kildavnet  Ca. ,  300 
Killernan  Ca.,  180 
Kilgarvan  P.,  312 
Kilgeever,  94 
Kilkelly,  73 
Kilkenny  Co.,  352,  353 
Kilkerrin,  19,  113 

Killala,  29,  117,290;  P. .  289 

Bishop,  O.  O'Conor,  357,  368  ;  grant 

of  freedoms,  364 

Chapter  lands,  360 

See  lands,  359,  300 


Killallaghtan,  307 
Killannan,  29S 
Killaraght,  27 
Killare  Ca. ,  .51 
Killedan,  312 
Killeeiibreniii,  149 
Killeennacrava,  90,  95 
Killian  Ba.,  140 
Kiliogunra,  29 
Kiiiiunmod,  131 
Kilvine,  321 

Killybegs,  304  ;  Ca.,  277,  278 
Kiliybrone,  Killala,  29 

Ardngh,  2il0 

Kilinacduagb,  IJishop  of,  235 
Kilmaclasser,  301 

Kilniaine,  9,  62,  74,  77,  81,  108,  117,  263, 
281;  Ba.,  19.  185,  205,  209,  219,  222, 
225.  226,  248,  294 

Sessions,  239,  240 

Manor,  93,  104 

Kilniaineniore,  28 
Kilmainebe-,  28,  122,  281 
Kihiieena,  28 
Kilniolara,  94 

Kilmore,  Bishop  of,  208,  228,  229 

Kilniore  in  ]\Ioy glass,  27 

Kilinoremoy,  2!!,  Ml ;  3Ianor,  104  ;  P.,  290, 

295 
Kilmullen,  28 
Kilnamanagh  P.,  19 
Kiliiamullagh  Abbey,  288 
Kilnanardra  Ca.,  Houndswood,  180 
Kiljiatrick,  218 
Kil<iuire,  Kilchowyre,  28,  216 
Kilroddan,  26,  27 
Kilroe,  battle,  121,  291,  2i)2,  298 
Kilronan,  75 
Kilsheshnan,  116 
Kiltartan  Ba.,  140 
Kilveen,  108 
Kilvine,  108 

Kilvonell  Ca. ,  Castleljourke,  287 
Kinaff,  312 
Kinchire  JManor,  315 
Kincon,  295 
King  Edw.  II. ,  weakness  of  Govt. ,  129 

Henry  II. ,  51 

John,  52,  53,  313 

seeks  to  control  Connaught,  144 

King's  Cantreds,  55,  o(),  140 
Kings,  ranks  of  Irish,  L'03 
Kinkelly,  322 

Kinlough   Ca..  207,    260,   284.    352,  302; 

C.  !I3 
Kiiinitty,  battle,  153 
Kiusale,  279 

Kinturk  Ca..  248.  287.288 
Knappagh, 305, 344 
Kniglits  Hospitallers,  95 
Knight  of  Kerry,  270 
Knock  P.,  19 
Knockavoe,  battle,  160 
Knockfergus.     Scv  Carrickfergus 
Knock  Ferrv,  81 

Knockmov.  67  ;  Abbey,  94  ;  lands.  360 
Kno.knuillen  Ca. ,  157.  211 
Knockoconor,  152 
Knockspellagadaun.  150,  192 
Knocktoe.  battle.  162-164 


440 


INDEX. 


Kolnegassil,  81.     Sec  Cloonagashel 
Kyberreimn  Ca.,  366 


L. 


Lackagh.  62;  Ca..  168 

Lackaii  MucFirbis  Ca.,  290 

.le  Lacv,  Earl  Hugh,  82,  84  ;  his  grants  in 

Conniiu-ht,  52,  102,  307,  313 
Pierse,  276 

Walter,  53,  54,  64,  66,  67,  313 

Laegaiie,  K.  I.,  16,  26;  his  daughters,  27, 

28 

Buadhach,  329 

Lagan,  Lugiiaii,  244,  290 
L:il):igli  at  Atliloiie,  77 
Laliaidane  Craniiog,  273 
Lally,  Archbp.  W.,  92 
Lambert,  .^ir  O.,  279 

Landholders  surrender  for  regrants,  218 
Laiiesborough  Ca. ,  54 
Lawless,  117:  Adam,  343 

M.,305 

N.,  223 

Robiu,  114 

Robert,  344 

"William,  125 

Sir  William,  295 

Leacht  Air  lorruis,  48 
Leaffoiiy  River,  40,  290 
Leaght  Dauhybaun,  25 
Leatli  Cuinn,  12 

IMogba.  12 

Fherguis,  300 

Lee  Essadiira,  121 

Lecmagh,  Legvoy,  battle,  130 

de  Lecto,  H.,  343 

Lee,  Capt.  Tbos.,  277,  278 
Leenane,  Linan  Chin  Mbara,  85 
Lege  Ca. ,  Ley,  341.     See  Ley 
Legend  of  Clann  Umoir's  expulsion,  333 

Leacht  Air  lorruis,  43 

of  Migration  of  Gael ,  340 

Lehincb  Ca.,  108,  154,  219,  208 

Manor,  104,  106,  108 

Leinster,  44,  47,  59,  342 
Leitrim  Co.,  218,  2.59 
Leix,  276 

Le  Mote.     See  Moat 

Lennan,  — ,  260 

Letter,  313,  319 

Levally  in  Tavase,  ne  Tavese,  286,  287 

Tirawlev,  297 

Ley  Ca. ,  116,"  122,  341.     See  Lege 

Leyghuyl,  Lisladbguill,  345 

Levny,   Luighne,  52,   113,  122,  134,   139, 

i43,  147,  159,  231,  307 
de  Leyva,  Don  A.,  221,  222 
Lienot,  N. ,  135 
Life  of  St.  Cellach,32 
Limerick,  275,  352,  353;  Ca.,  54;  Co.,  68 
Linau  Cbinn  IMhara.     See  Leenane 
Lisanaffrin,  110 
Liskillen,  24;    described,  286;    Ca.,  180, 

188,  285 
Lisna  Cartha,110 
Lisnadbine.  chief's  dwelling,  110 
Lisnatreanduff  described,  281 
Lissarewel,  Lisfarrell,  344,  345 


Listathell  Manor,  309 

Lixnaw,  3U4 

Loch  Beannchair,  TuUagban  Bay,  43 

Buadhaigh,  royal  fort  of  Carra,  286 

Ce,  L.  Key,  11 

Cime,  11.     See  L.  Hacket 

Crichan,  81 

Laeigh  in  L^mall  bursts,  39 

MicOiredbaigh.     See  L.  Talt 

• na  nAirneadh,  L.  Mannin,  19 

Nen,  crannog  of,  25,  110 

Techad,  L.  Cara,  11,  27 

Logan,  J.,  132 
Loghbbais,  Louis  (?),  113 
Longford  Ca.,  O'Madden's,  194 
London,  Sir  ISIaurice  of,  103 
Loona  C  and  cashel,  36,  111 
Lorg,  Lurg,  battle,  18,  34 
Lorge  Owle  O'Malley,  306 
Lorrha  Manor,  123 

Lough  Allen,  115 

Carra,  86 

Corrib,  39,  225 

Dauhybaun,  25 

Gara,  11,  27 

Gill,  32 

Glynn,  26,  27 

Hacket,  11,  43,  63 

Lannngh,  Castlebar,  63 

MacFarry,  Lough  Talt,  63 

Mannin,  19,  27,  69,  313 

Mask,  64,  134;    Ca.,  103,   135,    154, 

155,    207,    284,   352,  362 ;    Manor,  i  104, 
122,  281,  282,  324,  342 

Narney,  69.     See  L.  Mannin    • 

Loughrea,  157;  Ca. ,  87,  101,352;  Manor 

101 
Lough  Eee,  39 
Lough  Talt,  63,  73,  74 
Louth  Co.,  122,  123,  342 

John,  Earl  of,  287 

Lowhid,  352,  353 
Lowyu,  canti-ed,  102,  344 
Luacb  Leasa,  40 

de  Ludgate,  S.,  342 

Lufftrtaun,  Lugbbhurtau,  85 

Lugad,  s.  Luigbni  Firtri,  14 

Lugaid  Menn,  16 

Lugbbhurtan,  Luffertaun,  85 

Luigbni  Firtri,  14,  and  Corniac  Mac  Art, 

335 
Luighni,  Luighne,  2,  3,  10,  11,  13,  17,  22, 

31,  72,  73,  81,  102,  313;   divided,  45; 

origin,  18,  331,  335,  336 

King  of,  Dermot,  s.  Donnell,  41 

King  of,  Donnell,  s.  IMaelruanaid,  41 

King   of,  Tuathchar,  s.   Cobhthach, 

41 

King  of,  Uatbmaran,  s.  Dobhailen, 

41 

King  of,  Uathmaran's  son,  41 

Lung  River,  176 

de  Lungespee,  W.,  102 
Lurg,  Lorg,  battle,  18,  34 
Lynch,  J.,  242 

N.,  242 

Lynot.s,  185,  297;  G.,  121,  292,  294 
Lynot's  Ca. ,  156 
Lynne  Manor,  309 
Lysrotberagb  Manor,  342 


INDEX. 


441 


ij. 


MacAdani,  322 

MacAedlia,  ]\[.,  Archbi>.,  133,  135 

MacAedhajraiii,  MacEgaii,  O'Conor's 
Brehon,  126 

MacAillin,  Doiiiiell  and  Dowell,  171 

Mac  an  Airchiiinigli,  157.  See  O'Kelly  of 
Donamoiia 

Mac  an  Brehon,  322 ;  Cosiiaidlie  Og,  354 

Mac  an  Mliilidh,  MacEvilly.     Sec  Staunton 

MacAite,  D. ,  357 

MacBianain,  E. ,  73 

MacCarthy,  Corniac,  invades  Coiinaught, 
45 

. Finghin,  66 

MacCeitheinaigh,  117 

MaeConcannon,  41 

MacConell.     See  MacDonnell 

MacCostello.     Sec  de  Angulo 

MacCosty  (Merrick),  21)5 

MacCristick,  322 

MacDeoraid,  32 

MacDermot,  47,  65,  86,  123,  124,  125,  126, 
127,  130,  131,  134,  139,  143,  14(1,  150, 
159-162,  166,  168,  169,  179,  180,  231, 
255,  257,  258,  265,  274,  286,  318,  352 

his  rising  out  for  MacWni. ,  355 

Brian,  316.  317 

Cathal,  63,  64 

Conor,  89 

Conor  Oge,  149 

Cormac,  77,  SO 

Cormac,  s.  Tomaltach,  72,  86 

- —  Derniot,  126 

. Dermot  Gall,  125 

Donogh,  83 

sons  of  Eoghan,  316 

s.  Gillachrist,  76 

Maghnus,  317 

Maurice,  63 

Tadhg,  316 

s.  Tomaltacl),  69 

Tomaltacl),  s.  Conor,  81 

Tomaltach,  131 

Tomaltach,  31(i 

MacDermot  Gall,  134,  139  ;  transfers 
Gallagh  and  Artech  to  Dillon,  320 

Cathal,  317 

Conor,  132 

. Maurice,  317 

Teige,  149 

MacDermot  Koe.  139 

MacDomhnaill  Mhic  Muircheartaigh,  title 

of  O'Conor  Sligo,  138,  152 
MacDoniichadha,    ]\IacDounchaidh.       See 

MacDonogh 
MacDonnell,   Clandonnell,  105.  148.  166, 

"08    "09    222,   224,   225,  227,  243-245, 

247-249,  251,  263,   264,  271,  272,  282, 

283,  288,  297,  359 

restoration  of  title,  215 

Aedh  Boy  (Hugh),  s.  Mulmory,  269 

Aedh  Boy,  s.  of  Torlogh,  1.57 

■ Aengus.  216 

Aileu,  223 

Alexander  Og,  216 

Alexander,  s.  Aedh  Boy,  244,  249 

. Caheer,  172,  206,  213 


^lacDonnell,  CoUa.  269 

Ever,  213 

Felim,  252 

Felim,  s.  M;ircu8,  211!,  21'.' 

Feragh,    Fenulhacli,    17C.,    192,    206, 

21(;,    244,     248;     grant    of    lands    and 
frt-edoms,  3(i(( 

Feragb,  s.  Tirlagh  Roe,  216,  357 

Goree,  Guaire,  2((9 

Justin,  180,  187,  188,  210,  21.5,  221, 

222 

Marcus,  s.  Aedh  Boy,  216 

:\Iarcus  MacAii  Ab,  192,|240.'244,  368 

Melaghlin,  221 

Moelemora,  215,  216 

s.  Mulmory,  216 

Randall,  177 

Randall,  s.  Colla,  187 

Rich.  Oge,  215 

Torlogh,  155 

Torlogh  lioe,  249,  252 

Walter,  2(i9 

Claim  of  Aedh  Buidhe,  297 

Clanrannell,  3ul 

of  Clanmorri.s,  322 

(if  Costello,  and  Sliocht  Marcus,  269 

.Sept  of  Rury  Og,  269 

of  Antrim,  Alexaiuler  Carrach,  211 

Dounell  Gornie,  211 

John  Mor,  28.") 

of  Leiiister,  Calvagh,  177 

MacDonnell    JMic    IMurtough,    167.       Sec 

O'Conor  Sligo 
MacDonogh,  MacDonnchadha,   MacD<inn- 
chaidh,  139,  143,  146,  147.  1.50-153.  159, 
16(),  167,  265  ;  of  Corran,  272 

Conor,  126 

Cormac,  149,  150 

IManus,  157 

Melaghlin,  126 

.Murrough,  126 

Murtough,  126 

Tomaltach,  131 

Tomaltach,  s.  Gillachrist,  12f> 

MacDousall,  148 

MacDowell,  15.5,  160,  109 

MacDuarcan,  311 

MagElget,  Seneschal  of  Connaught,  114 

MacKllin,  246 

MacE  Neill  Barre,  Owen,  246 

Rory,  24r, 

MacEiierhiny,  1.57.     Sec  O'Kelly  of  Dona- 

moua 
MacErvddery,    FitzSimon,   322;   "Walter, 

231  " 
MacEvilly.     Src  Staunton 
MacFheorais,  125.     Sic  Lord  Athenry  and 

Berniiiigham 
:\IacFirbis,  40,  290 
iMacFlyiin,  Archbi).  F. ,  91 
MacFyreaghe,  W.,215 
MacGarailt,  MacGarrett.    Sec  Prendergnst 
IMacGillap.itrick.  D..  113 
MacGoisdelbh,  MacCostello,  80.  313.     See 

de  Angulo 
Macgreailiey,  MacOirechtaigh,  A.,  B.,  J., 

and  M..  302 
]\Iachaire  Gaileng,  .Morgallion,  313 
MacHenry,  114.     .Vtc  Butler 
MacLeod,  246 


442 


INDEX. 


Maclesain,  81 
MacLochlaiun,  K.  Ulster,  42 

Conor,  45 

Murtougli,  47 

MacMiihoii,  304 

— —  s.  Murrough,  126 

MacMaurice.     Sec  Premlergast 

^lacMaurice  of  Kerry,  304 

MacJIeyler  of  Corran,  151 

.MacMurclMiiHia  for  MacMaurice,  117 

MacNeiil,  28(1 

MacNiadh,  K.  Munster,  11,  12 

MacNicholas,  311 

]\IacOireclitaigli.     See  a! so  Mageraghty 

B.,  Airchiiinech  of  Aghagower,  113, 

301,  302 

D.,  comai'b  of  Aghagower,  70 

Amhlaibh's  grandson,  76 

Donn  Og,  72-74,  76,  80,  81,  82 

MacPadin.     See  Barrett 
JMacPhilpiii.     Sec  Bourke,  de  Burgo 
MacRicard,  Walter,  216 
MacRoe,  Walter,  21() 
MacRudhraiglie,  316 
MacScelliijg,  46 

MacSeonin.     See  Bourke,  de  Burgo 

MacSheehy,  148 

MacSherone,  322 

MacSomliairle,  115,  116 

MacSweeny,  MacSuibline,  117,  148,  169, 

187,  304,  318;    the  three  MacSweenvs, 

264 

D.,  155 

Banagh,  273,  277-279,  304 

ne  Doe,  279 

MacThomas,  Sliane,  233 
MacTybod  of  Itoss  Ba. ,  324 
MacUchtraigh,  T. ,  70 
MacUlick  of  Kinkelly,  322 
MacUlkin,  Staunton,  287 
Mac  Walter  of  Garryduff,  322 
MacWalter  Burke.     See  de  Burgo 
MacWilliam  Burke.     See  de  Burgo 
Maelcluithe;  39 
Maelcotliaigh,  34 
Maelseachlainu  I.,  K.  I.,  39 

II.,  K.  I.,  40 

Magelaghy.     See  MacOirechtaigh 
Mageraghty.     See  MacOirechtaigh 
Magh  Ai,  Aei.     See  Moy  Ai 

Broin,  290 

Caeri,  28 

Finn,  20 

Foimsen,  28 

Leana,  Moy  Lena,  battle,  12 

Luirg,  Moy  Lurg,  11,  17,  20,  39.  46 

Medhoin,  9,  45 

Nissi,  118 

Sine,  81 

Siuil,  battle,  11 

Tureil.     See  Moytura 

Magrath,  M.,  Bishop  of  Achonry,  99 
Magu,  8,  337-39 

Maguire,  2.54,  255,  271 

Maicne  Erca,  20 

Maine  Aitluemail,  K.  C,  9,  338 

Malbie,  Sir  N.,  179,  185-199,  310,  322 

his  son,  259 

Mallow  Manor,  103 
Malods,  223 


Mam  an  ghair,  195 
Mandevyle,  Gyle,  132 

John,  1.32 

Rich.,  132 

Robert,  s.  Rich.,  132 

Robert,  s.  Martin,  132 

Manegerrelough  ('a.,  Ratlinegarlogy,  180 
Mannin  Ca. ,  313;  Tuath,  319. 
Manors  and  Tuaths,  104 

Manor  houses,  104 

Manulla  Ca.,   287,   288;    C.   and   Dolmen 

and  Well  of  Slan,  28 
Marbury,  J.,  201 
Jlarcus  Edmundi,  216 
de  la  Mare,  Sir  J.,  341 
Margenana,  81 
de  Marisco,  G.,  .54,  69,  78 

Wni.,  77,  78 

Market  towns,  108 

Marshall,  Earl  Richard's  wai-,  83 

Earl  Wm.,  .54,  55,  77 

IMassacre  of  de  Buigo's  soldiers,  67 

Mass   books   of    Aghagower    and   Knock, 

70 
Mata,  8 

Martial  law,  228 
Martin,  J.,  215 
•  N.,  256 

Wm. ,  235 

Marty  n,  G. ,  344 
Mayuooth  Manor,  342 

Mavo,  Abbey  or  Town ,  34,  35,  52,  67,  68,  74, 
77,  81,  89,  113,  115,  116,  223,  321,  322 

Abbey,  90,  111,  321 

Abbey  lands,  358 

Church  roofed  with  lead,  39 

churclies  and  relegs  used  for  storing 

corn,  87 

Mavo  County,  19,  101,  148,  175,  180.  181, 
198-201,  231,  257,  259,  266,  268,  269,  275, 
276 

details  of  baronies  and  chiefs,  181 

early  castles,  104 

gaol,  197 

manors,  104 

town,  108 

sessions,  248,  2,53 

under  Earl  Walter,  120 

CO.,  general  submission  in  1597,  268, 

269 

CO.,  rising  out,  361 

CO. ,  tributes  to  O'Conor,  47 

diocese,  92 

P.,  321 

Meath,  10,  12,  21,  26,  44,  45,  47,  51,  59 

origin  of  kingdom,  9 

Bisliop  of,  228,  229,  231,  237 

Meave,  Meadhbh,  Me<lh,  8,  3.37,  338 

compared  with  Grace  O'JMalley,  337 

Mebhric.     See  Merrick,  121 

Medon,  9 

Meelick,  Milic,  Ca.,  Tirawley,  195,  294 

Gallen,  73;  Manor,  102;  P.,  312 

CO.  Galway,  Ca. ,  60,  83,  86,  101,  125 

CO.  Galway,  fortified  church,  67,  79 

Meernlough  Ca. ,  139 

Melaghlen,  Edm.,  272 
de  Mendosa,  Don  P.,  221 
Merburv,  Capt.,  describes  rebels  of  1585, 
228 


INDEX. 


443 


Merrick,    Hosty,    295 ;    tradition    of    liis 

death, 121 
Merrinian,  Cajit.,  208 
Mervine,  J. ,  308 

Meyler,  FitzHenry,  Justiciary,  52,  OG,  07 
Milic.     See  Meelick 
Miled,  3  ;  Milesian  pedigree,  3 
Milltowu  Ca.,  22G 
Minahaii,  O'Muimhneachaiii,  298 
Moat,  le  ftlote,  meaning,  104 

and  castle,  105 

Muchua,  St.,  34 
MocorliaCa.,  173,  285 
Moelle  Ca.,  1!»2,  285 

Moeninagh,  Moenmoy,  21,  53,  (!(),  84,  125 
Mogh  Corb,  14 

Neid,  11 

Nuadhat.     Sec  Eoylian  Mor 

Moher  Lake  Crannoge,  300 
Molesuarne,  Mweelis,  281 
Monasteries,  Celtic,  organised,  34,  35 

plan,  35,  30  ;  appearance  and  nature, 

111 ;  their  cashels,  3(i 

of  Roman  Orders,  >)0-100 

dissolution,  [)[),  103 

Monastic  architecture  of  new  orders,  !)0 

Orders,  ancient  rules  abandoned,  4U 

endowments  transferred  to  bishops,  4!) 

Monycrower,  284 

Moore,  J. ,  323 

Moran,  D. ,  223 

Mordant,  Capt. ,  200;  his  company  mu- 
tinies, 224 

■ N. ,  248 

Morice,  J.,  343,  344 

Morris,  A.,  Mayor  of  Gal  way,  235 

G.,  Bailiff  of  Galway,  235 

Mostyn,  Capt.,  208 

Mound  burial  in  Leacht  Air  lorruis,  43 

Mouutjoy,  Lord,  275-277 

Moy  River,  29, 155,  105,  107,  18G,  192,  193, 
213 

Moy  Ai,  Magh  Ai,  11,  20,  25.  27,  40,  55, 
62,  72.  78,  123,  124,  140,  32G 

Moycharra,  Mocorha,  Ca. ,  173 

Moyculla,  MoycuUen,  353 

Moyenry,  281 

MoygaraCa.,  104,  212 

Moygawnagh  P. ,  290 

Moyglass,  27 

Movheleog,  Magh  hEleog,  Moylaw,  17,  4fi, 
^9 

Moylla  Ca.,  HoUymount,  285 

Moylurg,  Magh  Luirg,  11,  17,  20,  39,  4G, 
52,  120,  130,  131,  100,  100,  188,  31(i 

kingdom  formed  over  old  tribes,  320 

■ Tirerrill  cantred,  55 

Moyne,  80;  Ca.,  1.57,  172,  173,  200,  3(i4  ; 

in  dispute,  173 
C.  and  casliel.  111 

Manor,  104 

Tirawley,  Abbey,  95,  203;  Ba.,  294 

Moyntercreighan,     173,     185,     197.       See 

Muinter  Crechain 
Moyour  Ca.,  Castleaffy,  301 
Moyrathir  Manor,  309 
Moy  rein,  327 
Moytnra  Cong,  4,  5,  8 ;  battle,  332 

North,  5:  battle,  333 

Muaidli.     See  Mi>y 


Mucna's  Well,  2.S 
.Muilenn  Adam  C. .  1.57 
Muinchind,  310 
IMuiiie  Maiciii,  81 

•Muinter  Crechain,  125,  173,  1S5,  197.  281. 
282,  283,  353.  .3.58 

Crecliain  Manor,  or  Lehinch,  liHl 

Eolais,  81 

Gadhra,  18 

Mailfinnain,  53,  314 

Murchadha,  .S,S 

Muirchertacb  MacKrca,  30 

s.  Niall  MacLochlin,  4(> 

Mullafarry,  29 

Mullaghcarn,      inauguration       place      of 

O'Dowda,  .33.  289 
Mullingar,  214 

Prior  of,  290,  291 

Munster,  24,  47,  52,  .59,  63,  68,  123,  148, 
1G8,  180,270,341,  342 

conquers  Fir  Craibe,  15 

]\Iuredach  Tirech,  15 

s.  Eoghan  Bel,  32 

Murneen  Ca. ,  322,  305 

iAIurrisk,  221  ;  Abbey  and  land,  95,  3.59 

Ba..  Oulymalyl  185,  190,  197.  285 

Murtough,  s.  Dermot,  a.  Ferghal,  120 

Mweelis,  281 

My  nee,  Capt.,  258 

Myntraghyn,  344 


Nangle,  Baron,  199.     See  de  Angulo 
Narney,  20,  27 
Nathi.     See  Dathi. 
Navan,  313 

Neale  Ca.,  180,  187,  208,  285,  300 
Nechtan,  s.  Brian  Orbsen,  19,  321 
Necromancy  and  Tuatha  De  Danann,  330 
Negotiations  with  rebels,  1595,  2(>3 

1.590,  200,  207 

Nemed,  4 

s.  Badrai,  5 

Nephin,  Neimhfin,  195 

Newbrook  Ca.,  208.     See  Belanaloob 

New  Castle,  near  Castlebar,  .301 

of  Gallen,  311  ;  Tuath,  311 

of  Galway,  229,  230  _ 

of  Inishowen,  131,  353 

le  Newenhagard,  near  Trim,  309 

Newport  Ca.,  301 

Newtown  Ca.,  Tirawley,  363 

Nia  Mor,  K.  C. ,  14 

Niall  of  Nine  Hostages,  14,  24,  25 

Niall  (ilunduff.  .39 

.Niall  Sinnacli,  K.  Teffa,  120 

Nolan,  T..  219,  225;  describes  rebellious 

acts,  233  ;  grant  of  lands  and  freedoms, 

30(; 
Nolan's  Ca.,  241.     Sec  Ca.  of  the  ('rich. 
Norman  invasion.  47 
Norris.  Sir  J.,  200,  201,  2(i6,  207 

SirT.,  201 

■Northburgh  Ca.,  131 
Northmen,  or  Danes,  ;V<,  39 
Norwegians' castles,  110 
Nunneries,  95 

Nyaki,  53 


444 


INDEX. 


O. 


O'Biiighill,  OBoyle,  Donnell,  12(i 

Uonogli,  304 

Bishop  N.,  248,  249 

Tadlig  0-,  2(14 

Tuichleach,  121 

Obresil,  315 

OBiien,  43,  45,  55,  59,  64-6G,  G8,  74,  88, 
157,  158,  ICC),  1(>8,  194,  304 

Brian,  130 

Brian  Roe,  119  ;  his  descendants,  124 

Conor,  45 

Derniot,  s.  Brian  Roe,  123,  124 

Donnell  Mors  daughters,  08 

Donogh   Cairbreach,   09,  72,  74,  75, 

77,  82,  84 

Donogh,  8.  Torlogh,  124,  125 

Fiuolii,  wife  of  Sir  Wni.  de  Burgo,  123 

Murtough,  43,  44 

Slaine,  wife  of  Sir  Kdm.,  135 

Teige,  1.55 

Teige,  10(J 

Torlogh,  43 

Torlogh,  118,  119 

Torlogh,  123,  124 

Sir  Torlogh,  201 

of  Aran,  304 

O  Byrue,  Feriagh  MacHugh,  255,  209,  271 
O'Caellaighe  captures  K.  C.,  34 
O'Caidhins,  105 
OCaithniadh   of   Erris,   298;    Aedh,   03; 

Fergal,  121 
O  Caleesus,  Rohertus,  210 
OCallaghan  of  Erris,  03,  298 
O'Caomhain,     O'Keewan,     35,    40,    290; 

privileges,  40 
O'Carroll,  100 
O'Ceirin.lord  of  Keryloughnarney,  40,  313 

Tadhg,  77 

Ochaiiie,  10 

O'Cinaeidh,  C,  lord  of  Ui  Atheachda,  39 
O'Col.hthaigh,  G.,  K.  Uinall,  305 
O'Coinin,  298 
O'Coiicannon,  45,  140,  149 
O'Conallan,  T.,  120 

O'Conor,  17,  40-43,  59-01,  133,  139,  140, 
143,  140,  147,  102,  2.57,  258 

power  based  on  Silmurray,  17 

base  of  power  about  A.i).  1200,  08 

as  tenant  of  tlie  King,  5(),  120 

diflSculty  of  Ids  position  after  1228, 

50 

Torlogh  Mor's  descendants  settled  in 

Mayo,  89,  280 ;    supersede   local   chief- 
tains, 69 

his  residence,  110 

tributes  from  Mayo  in  twelfth  cen- 
tury, 47 

Aedh,  K.,  42 

Aedh  D-all's  sons,  07 

Aedh,  K.,  s.  Cathal  Crobhderg,  53- 

5.5,  70,  72-79;  rebellion,  78 

Aedh,  s.  Aedh  Brefnecli,  147 

Aedh,  K.,  s.  Feliin,  s.  Cathal  Crobh- 
derg, 56,  11.5-119,  121 

Aedh,  K.,  8.  Felim,  K.,  s.  Aedh,  140, 

147 

Aedh,  K.,  s.  Torlogh,  147 


O'Conor,  Cathal  Crobhderg,  51-54,  59, 
03-71,  305,  314  ;  accepts  a  grant  of  Con- 
naught,  54  ;  death  and  panegyric,  71 

Cathal  Can  ach,  52,  59,  63-66 

Conor,  8.  Aedh  Muimhneach,  86 

Conor  O'Diarmada,  03 

Conor   Moenmoy,  and  his  sons,  51, 

52,  03,  07 

Dermot,  s.  Manus,  77,  87 

Donnell,  K.,  44 

Donnell  Midheach's  sons,  59 

Felim,  K.,  s.  Cathal  Crobhderg,  56, 

01,  70,  78-80,  82-88,  115,  117 

Felim,  s.  Aedh,  s.  Cathal  Crobhderg, 

123-126,  294 

Felim,  134 

Maelisa,  71 

Mahon,  Mathghamhain,  s.  Aedh,  s. 

Conor  Moenmoy,  70 

Manus,  121 

Manus,  s.  Donnell,  Tanist,  25 

Melaghlin  Og,  MacManus,  126 

Murtough  Mweenagh,  69 

Niall  Ruadh,  s.  Cathal,  86 

O. ,  Bisliop  of  Achonry,  99 

Ruaidhri,  K.,  submits  to  O'Brien,  43 

Ruaidhri,  K.   I.,    s.  Torlogh,  K.  I., 

45-47 

Ruaidhri  na  Fedh,  126 

Ruaidhri,  K.,  149,  150 

Tadhg,  s.  Aedh,  s.  Cathal  Crobhderg, 

89,  113 
Tomaltach,  Archbp.,  117 

Torlogh  Mor,  K.  I.,  30,  38,  42,  44-46, 

59 ;     nature    of    his    supremacy,    203 ; 
settlements  of  descendants,  59 

Torlogh,  K.,  8.  Aedh,  140,  147 

Torlogh,  s.  Cathal  Crobhderg,  53,  50, 

69 

Torlogh  K.,  s.  Aedli,  s.  Eoghan,  130, 

131,  134,  130 

O'Conor  Donn,  150,  155,  150,  100,  101, 
164,  100,  108,  109,  171,  172,  179 ;  mean- 
ing of  Donn,  150 

Aedh,  101 

Cathal,  155 

Dermot,  s.  Dualtagh,  253,  260,  270, 

277 

Dualtagh,  231,  233  ;  his  sons,  203 

Torlogh  Og,  1.50-153 

O'Conor  Roe,  139,  150-153,  155,  157.  160, 
Kil,  104,  100,  108,  172,  180,  187,  191, 
245,  352  ;  sons  of,  231  ;  rising  out  for 
MacWm. ,  355 

Aedh,  s.  Aedh,  101 

-  Donagb,  100 

Felim  Finn,  157,  1.58,  100 

Ruaidhri,  s.  Felim  Boy,  253 

Torlogh  Roe,  150,  153 

O'Conor,  (M.ann  Andrias,  O'Conor  Sligo, 
59,  138,  139,  146,  147  ;  its  subdivisions, 
138 

O'Conor  Sligo,  00,  138,  139,  147.  152.  100, 
106-1<)8,  188, 19(;,  198,  201,  211,  257,  208, 
274,  311,  318;  assumption  of  title,  152, 
107 

Brian,  154 

Cathal  Og,  147  ;  his  sons,  152,  153 

Donnell,  s.  Murtough,  147,  150-152 

Donnell,  100 


INDEX. 


445 


O'Conor,  Donnell,  a.  Eoghan,  150 

Sir  Donuell,  201 

Eoghan,  155 

Maghnus  Fionn,  152 

Murtough,  152,  15.3 

Ruaidhii,  15il,  IGO 

Tadhg,  i;>8,  147 

- — -  Tadhi;  Og,  Ki? 

O'Conor,  Clan  of  Cathal  Migaran,  50,  80 

Tighernan,   s.    Cathal   ISIigaran,  73, 

74  ;  his  sou,  80 

Tighernan,   s.    Conor,   60,    77  ;    his 

sons,  77 

O'Conor,    Clan   of  Maglmus,    s.    Torlogh 
Mor,  50,  (JO,  74,  84,  87 

Derniot,  s.  Kuaidiiri,  s.  Manus,  67 

Manus,  s.  Derniot,  s.  Planus,  88 

Melaghlin  Og,  MacManus,  126 

O'Conor,    Claun   Muircheartaigh  ]\Iuimh- 

nigh,  or  Clan  Murtough  Mweenagh,  50, 
61,  60,  74-78,  80,  81,  87,  102.  113,  127, 
130,  208,  300  ;  expelled  from  Mayo,  120, 
121 ;  character  of  clan,  80  ;  sons  of  Mur- 
tough Mweenagh,  50,  73,  84 

Cathal,  s.  Conor  Roe,  s.  M.  M.,  121 

Conor  Hoe,  s.  M.  M.,  87  ;  his  sons, 

114 

sons  of  Conor  Roe,  114 

Dermot,   s.   Manus,   s.    M.  M.,   114, 

115 

Donnell  of  Erris,  s.  Manus,  s.  M.  M., 

86,  114,  115,  117,  121 

Mahon,    s.    Dermot,    s.    Manus,    s. 

M.  M.,115 

Lochlainn,  a.  Dermot,  s.  M.  M. ,  117 

Manus,  s.  M.  M. ,  77,  81,  85-87  ;  his 

sons,  80,  113,  114 

■ Melaghlin,  s.  Conor  Roe,  80,  113 

Ruaidhri,  s.  Cathal  Roe,  124-126 

Tadhg,  s.  Conor  Roe,  114,  115 

■ Tadhg,  s.  Tuathal,  114 

Tuathal,  s.  M.  M.,  76,80 

O'Conor,  Clan  of  Ruaidhri,  K.  I. 

Ruaidhri,  K.  I.,  51,  52,  62,  63;  his 

sons,  59,  74-76,70,  85,  86 

Aedh,   K.,   s.   Ruaidhri,   60,  73,  75, 

70,80-83 

Brian,  s.  Ruaidhri,  78 

Brian,  s.  Torlogh,  s.  Ruaidhri,   80, 

82,  87,  88 

Conor  Boy,  s.  Torlogh,  s.  Ruaidhri, 

86 

Dermot,  s.  Ruaidhri,  67,  70 

Donnell,  s.  Dermot,  s.  Ruaidhri.  88 

Murtough,  s.  Dermot,  s.   Ruaidhri, 

89 

Murrough,  s.  Ruaidhri,  51,  62,  63 

Niall,  s.  Donnell  ^lur,  s.  Ruaidhri, 

113 

Torlogh,    s.    Ruaidliri,    67,    72,    73, 

77-79  ,,    . 

Torlogh,     s.     Aedh,     s.       Ruaidliri, 

113-115 
O'Conor  Kerry,  304 
O'Cuinn,  286 

O'Culechaiii,  D. ,  Professor,  70 
O'Cullenan ,  322 
O'Daly,  D. ,  Subsheriff .  224 
de  Oddingeseles,  137,  341,  342 
Odhbha,  286 


()  Dohliailen.  G.,  126 

O'Dolartv,  273,  276  ;  Shane  Og,  264 

ODonnell,  86,  116,  117,  125,  KUJ,  138, 152. 

154.  158-160. 162, 164-167. 187. 195.  198. 

233 

Aedh  Ruadh, 160 

Aedh,  8.  Aedh  Kuadh.  160 

Conn, 160 

O'Donnell,  Hugh  Roe  (Aedli  Kuadh),  248, 
240,  253,  256-250,  263  268,  270-270;  bis 
demands  in  150.5,  263  ;  noininatea  a 
MacAVm.  and  otlier  chiefs.  263-265 

Con, 105, 106 

Manus,  166 

Niall  Gai  ve,  268,  273,  276 

Kury,  270,  271 

O'Dowda.  ODubhda.  40,  44,  61,  65,  67, 
74,  89,  138,  130,  150,  153,  167,  242,  251. 
265.  289,  200,  307 

-Aedh     C. ,    39;    arrangement     witli 

O'Caomhain,  40 

Aedh,  C.  42 

Awliff.  C,  s.  Donnell  Finn,  45 

— —  Brian.  C,  45 

Catl.al  Dubh.  206.  354 

Conor.  42 

Coanamhaigh.   commander   of   fleet. 

46 

other  Cosnamliaighs,  46 

David,  C,  233 

Donnell  Finn,  44 

Donnell's  sou,  45 

■  Donnell,  148 

Donogh  brings  fleet  of  Innsi  Gall  to 

Clew  Bay,  66,  77  ;  his  son,  70 

Gebennach,  s.  Aedh,  41 

Maelruanaidh,  C  s.  Aedh,  41 

Maelseachlainn,  s.  IVIaelruanaidh,  41 

!Melaghliu  Carrach,  125 

Mulrony,  C. ,  70 

Mulrony,  s.  Donogh,  89 

Murrough,  63 

Murtough,  ('.,44 

Murtough,  113 

Murtough,  s.  Conor,  126 

s.  Niall,  42 

Ruaidhri  Mear,  47 

Taichleach  ,  s.  Aeilh  ,  44 

Taichleach,  C,  63 

Taichleach,  66 

Taichleach,  s.  Aedh,  86 

Taichleach,  121 

Teige,  157 

—  Tomaltac'n,  66 

Tuathal,  76 

Clan Donogh,  307 

O'Dubhda.     Sec  O'Dowda 

i    O'Duinncathaig,  L.,  43 
Odba  Ceara,  18,  286 
Oeii  Adarc.  AVell,  20 
Oengus,  a.  Amaliraid,  20,  290 

Finn,  20,289 

O  Fallon.  240 

O'Farrell.  O'F.rghail.  .Tohu  t;all.ln.  120 
I    Thos.,  126 

K.  Conmaicne,  125 

0" Fergus,  300 

O'Flahertv,  O'Flaitlibhertaigh,  2<1.  25.  42. 
43,  48,  '61.  ('.3.  74-78.  H2.  .S4.  T-'O,  127. 
141,  168.   177,  182,   18C.,   18S,  224,  225. 


44G 


INDEX. 


ITX),  •2:>7,  277,  303;  his  son,  0!) ;  blinds 
Uuiiiiilui  O'Conor,  43;    expelled   from 
Clare,  120 
OFliiliertv,  Aedh,  72,  74,  80,  85 

Aedii  Diibh,  s.  Morogh,  233 

Ainalgiiid,  42 

gniiiiisoii  of  Catlial  Boy,  303 

Uoiinell,  73 

DonnelJ,  169 

Dounell  Crone,  179 

Doniiell  na  Pipee,  253,  254 

Ednioud,  255 

Finola,  wife  of  David  Bourke,  169 

• ■  Sir   Morogh  ne    Doe,  Murcliadh    na 

dXuath,  172, 177, 179,  196,  201 ,  205,  209, 
220,  222,  22.S,  226-2o0,  232,  239,  242,  248, 
2.53,  324;  price  for  joining  rebels,  225; 
grant  of  lands  and  freedoms,  369,  370 

iMorogh  na  Maor,  270,  272,  274 

Morogh,  s.  Grace,  254 

Ruaidhri,  64 

Ruaidhri,  expelled  from  Clare,  121 

Roger,  Ruaidhri,  205,  209.  241 

Teig,  s.  Sir  Morogh,  22(>,  227 

Teig  ne  Mully,  229 

Urun,  227 

Grace's  galley,  279 

O'Flanagan,  F. ,  73,  75 

M.,  127 

O'Floinn,  O'Flynn,  87,  317;  Conor,  123 

David,  72 

of  Moyheleog,  69 

O'Frizil,  A. ,  titular  Archbishop  of  Tuam, 

98 
0'(iadbra.     See  O'Gara 
O'Gallagher,  304 

O.,  Bishop  of  Killala,  99 

O'Gara,  41,  44,  45,  48,  61,  65,  89,  139,  153, 
307  ;  conveys  castle  to  Dillon,  319 

Brian,  43 

Donnsleibhe,  43 

Donnsleibhe,  69,  77,  78 

Fergal ,  317 

Gillaruadh,  78 

Ruaidhri,  42 

Ruaidhri,  89 

Taichleach,  39 

Tomaltach  Og,  317 

O'Gaughan, 46,  63 
O'Gloinin,  46 
O'Goirnighiallaigh,  69 
OGormghail,  286 
OGradaigh,  H.,  317 

O'Hara,  O'hEghra,  18,  41,  45,  48,  61,  65, 
67,  73,  89,  113,  139,  140,  149,  150,  153, 
154,  162,212,  254,  311,  317 

Aedh,  84;  his  sons,  80 

Art,  125 

Bee,  63 

Bishop,  152 

Conor,  69 

Cormac,  317 

Donnell,  41 

Dounell,  117- 

Donnell  Duff's  son,  117 

Donogh,  84,89 

Duarcan,  42 

Duarcan,  45 

John,  8.  Art,  133 

John,  147,  1.52 


O'Hara,  sous  of  John,  152,  154 
xMurtoui;]i,  1411 

Taiclileach,  43,  44 

O'Hara  Boy,  139 

O'Hara  Reagh,  139,  265,  212 
OH  art,  2.51 

O. ,  Bishop  of  Achoiiry,  99 

O'hEghra.     Sec  O'Hara 
O'Hegny,  66 

O'hEidhin.     See  O'Heyne 
O'hEidlinechan,  D.,  81 
OHely,  Bishop  James,  248,  249 
O'Henuegan,  311 

O'Heyne,  O'hEidhin,  48,  61,  84,  127,  140, 
143 

Eoghan,  75,  85 

O'Higgin,  Brian,  311 

Cormac,  161 

Tadhg  Og,  311 

O'hUain,  114 
Oilen-da-Chrunde,  86 

na  Circe,  Castlekirke  in  L.  Corrib,  75 

Oireacht  Thomais.  353 

Oirghialla,  15,  16 

O'Kelly,  O'Cellaigh,  61,  87,  127,  134,  140, 
143,  144,  147,  149,  150,  152,  155,  157, 
160,  161,  163,  172,  182,  188,  191,  242, 
205-267,  352;  his  iron,  22 

Conor,  161 

Donogh  Reagh,  172 

Grainne,  150 

Melaghlin,  161 

Tadhg,  125 

Tadhg  Caoch,  159 

Tadhg,  276 

Tadhg,  s.  Wm.,  193 

sons  of  Wm. ,  161 

O'Kelly,  Clann  an  Airchinnigh,  or  O'Kellys 
of  Donamona,  288 

David,  157 

David,  160 

Hy. ,  156 

John's  sons,  177 

John,  Shane   MacHubert,  156,  189, 

216  ;  grant  of  land  and  freedoms,  366 

Meyler,  157 

-  Wm.,  156 
O'Kenedy,  166 
O'Killeen,  317 
O'Lachtna,  290 

Cathal,  09 

Flann,  115 

Murrough,  63 

O'Laidigh,  J.,  Bishop  of  Killala,  91 
Okl  Castle,  Bellahagh,312 
Olnegmacht,  7,  14,  339 
O'Lochliii,  or  MacLochliu,  Conor,  45 

Jlurtough,  46,  47 

O'Longain,  struck  by  lightning,  44 
O'Madadhain,    O'Madden,   127,    140,   143, 

147,  168,  194 

-  Coagh,  242 

John,  12(! 

O'Maelbhrenainn,  s.  Breallach-an-chairn, 

117 

Ruaidhri,  77 

Tadhg,  81 

O'Maeldoraidli,  K.  of  Cinel  Conaill,  41 
O'Maelfhina,  117 
O'Maelfhoghmhair,  Mat-lisu  s. ,  70 


INDEX. 


47 


O'Maelmuaidl).  Sec  O'Mulloj' 
O'Maelseacliliiiini.  lycc  OiMelaghlin 
O'Maille,  OMalley,  45,  61,  «(i,  127,  143, 
185,  188-l!t0,  H)!»,  208,  221,  250,  251, 
204,  208,  209,  272,  274,  275,  2711,  301, 
303-30(),  344,  308;  grant  of  lands  and 
chiefly,  307;  list  of  obits,  305;  his 
island,  304 

rising  out  to  MacWm.,  355 

Aedh,  304 

Aedh,  s.  Dermot,  304 

Conor,  s.  Aedh,  304 

Corniac  Cruiun,  303 

Cormac,  s.  Donut-ll  Ruadli.  134 

Dermot,  304 

Dermot,  210 

Dermot,  s.  Covniac,  304 

Donnell,  s.  Dermot,  304 

Donnell.  s.  Dermot,  304 

Donnell,  Grace's  brother,  270 

Donnell,  s.  Mmedhach,  80 

Donnell  Roe,  134,  303 

Dubhdara,  s.  Muredhach,  09 

Dubhdara,  Doodara,  221 

Eoghan,  Une,  208,  270,  357.  3()8 

Eoghan,  303 

Eoghan,  304 

Grainiie,  or  Grace,  180, 189,  19(;,  209, 

232,  245,  301;  visits  England,  253  ;  state- 
ment of  her  position,  254;  character 
and  comparison  with  Meave,  190,  337  ; 
her  gallev,  279  ;  her  son,  240 

John  ,"304 

John  na  Seoltadh,  304 

Laghlar,  Loclilainn,  C. ,  210 

Laghlen,  210 

Melaghlin,  80 

• Melaghlin,  C. ,  197,  357 

Melaghlin,  s.  Conor,  303 

Murtough.  8(; 

Kobertus,  210.  228,  229,  233 

Tadhg. 44 

Tadhg,  270 

Tadhg  Roe,  233,  357,  308 

s.  Thos. ,  304 

Tuathal,  304 

Tuathal,  304 

W.,  147 

"VV. ,  304 

O'Maiunin,  K.  of  Sodhan,  20 
O'Many,  55,  50,  140.     See  Hy  Many 
O'Mannachain's  son,  71 
O'Melaghlin,  45,  51,  72,  125 

Donnell  Bregacli's  son,  81 

O'Moran  of  Ardnarea,  09,  290 
O'Muimhneachain  of  Erris,  298 
O'Mulfover,    O'lMuelfhoshmhair,    Comarb 

of  Killala,  117 
OMullaly,  ArcliV)ishop  T.,  98 
O'Mulloy,  O'Maelmhuaidh,  D.,  120 
O'Mulrony,  O'Maelruanaidh,  320.    Sec  also 

MaiDermot 

Cathal,  (59 

Dermot,  47 

Maurice,  47 

Melaghlin,  03 

O'Murray  of  Carra,  121,  280 
of  the  Layan,  117,  290 

of  Roscommon,  140 

O'Nayl  (for  O'Malley),  344 


ONeil.  50,  66,  130,  1.57,  105.  160,  1(;8,  171 

l-larl  of  Tyrone,  258,  259,  26.5-267, 

270 

Henry,  160 

• — -  Torlogh  Lynagh,  195 
O'Quin,  O'Cuinn,  47 
O'Reilly.  17.  21,  115,  l-.l.S 
Orniond,  44;  Irisii  of,  104 

Earl  of,  130,  1,50,  298.  31X>.  3.59 

grant  of  freedoms,  3(;4 

O'Rothlain,  C.  of  Calry,  9 

O'Rourk.  O'Ruairc.  17,  21,  25.  38,  40.  41- 
43,  4.5,75,  115.  125,  MC),  147,  IHS.  198, 
201.  222,  228,  229,  231.  230,  245,  2.55, 
271,  274,  277 

.Sir  Brian,  201 

Jirian  Oy,  253,  2.54,  209 

Ferghal,  K.  C,  39 

Tadhg,  209 

■  Tigernan,  45 

O'Rourk's  kingdom  included  in  Meath,  .59 
O'Rowan,  311 
O^Ruadhain,  110.  105 
O'Ruairc.     See  O'Rourk 
O'Ruanadha,  Archbishop,  chained,  71 
O'Siiaughnessy,  O'Sechnasaigh,  113,  127, 

140.  143 
O'Su.anaigh.  St.,  31.  .33 
O'Taidhg.  F. .  73,  75,  77 

K,  7(i 

O'Talcharain,  281 

O'Tierney,  lord  of  Carra,  121,  286 
O'Toghda,  C.  of  Bredagh,  03 
O'Triallaigh,  St.,  31,  33 
Oughaval,  28.  35;  Stonechurch,  45 
Oulymaly,  185,  197.     S'-e  Murrisk  Ba. 
Owle-s  189,  198,  257,  273.     Sec  Murrisk, 

Burrishoole  and  Erris  Baronies 
Owyll.  cantred.  .300,  344;    church  advow- 

son,  345 


Palace  of  Fidach,  0,  3.39 

Palatinates  of  Desmond  and  Orniond,  145 

Parson  of  Donamona,  150,  189,  21(i,  300, 

See  O'Kelly  of  Donanionu 
Partholan,  4 
Partraige,  Partry,  18,  22,  23,  25,  182,  223, 

280,  280,  324 
Peace  of  1,589,  216 ;  of  1590,  244.  251 
Perrot,  Sir  .T. ,  199,  200,  207.  214,  .357 
Petit,  — ,  102;  Adam,  291  ;  Nirliolns.  290, 

291 
Phelipyston  de  Nugent  Manor,  309 
Plague  and  famine,  100 
Pledges  hanged  at  Ballinrobe,  208 

of  1597,  209 

Plessington,  C;i]>t.,  279 

Pobal  Ghearr,  28;}.    Sir  Oireiiclit  Thomaii 

le  Poer,  294;  Eustace,  290;  Stephen,  296 

dePonte,  J.,  342 

Pope's  power,  92 

Portleice,  118 

Portnahally,  293 

Portumna  Cn. ,  101 

Prebendaries,  93 

Prendergast.     See  alio   MacMaurice   and 

MacMorris 


448 


INDEX. 


Pren.lergast,  David,  117.  321 

David,  s.  David,  3l'1 

Kliiis.  321 

Gerald.  101,  321 

Gerald,  s.  David,  321 

Henry,  321 

Jol.ii.  123 

John, 343 

John,  8.  David,  321 

Maurice  Sugach,  133,  321 

Maurice.  321 

Philip,  321 

William,  125 

William,  sr. .  and  "Wni.,  jr.,  10() 

William,  322,  343 

William,  321 

Yseinaiii,  308 

Clann  Muiris  na  mBii,  321 

MacMaurice,  117,  133,  159,  171,  185, 

l'.)(i,  2<i3,  2(14,  2()8,  321 

MacMaurice,  Maurice,  14G 

MacMaurice,  liichard.  l'J9 

^MacMaurice,  sons  of  Richard,  152 

MacMaurice,  Thos. ,  140 

MacMorris,  133,  198,  199,  202,  231, 

208,  271,  352,  308 

MacMorris,  David,  199,  210,  231,  271, 

357,  308 

MacMorris,  Hy.  Keogh,  253 

MacMorris  Joim,  216,  233,  272 

Mac^Iorris,  Moyler,  210 

MacMorris,  Richard,  210,  357  ;  sur- 
renders for  regrant,  322,  323  ;  transfers 
to  Moore,  323  ;  grant  of  lands,  freedoms, 
and  rent  charge,  305 

Presentments    against   Sir   K.    Bingham, 

239 
Prior  of  Inishmaine,  71 


Queen's  lands,  360,  362,  365 

Philippa  and  Connaught,  133 

Quin  Abbey,  243 


R. 


Race   of    Guaire,   Hy   Fiachracli,    South, 

25 
Racial  types,  1,  2 
RadclifF,  Sir  H.,  274 
Rahard,  284 
Raithin,  Ballyheane,  28 
Rappa  Ca. ,  304 

Randown,  .55,  79,  87,  119,  124,  308 
Rann  MacWilliam  liourke,  138 
Rathard  C'raihe  Ca.,  117 
Rathberk.  344 
Rathbranna,  309 
de  Rathcogan,  J.,  295 
Rathcroghan,  (Jruachan  Ai,  7 
Rath  Eochaidh,  Cruachau  Ai,  7  ;  built  by 

Gamanry,  3.39 
Rath  Essa  Oaerach,  Rausakeera,  204,  281 
Rathfran,  31,  295  :  Bay,  15 

Abbey,  95,  105,  295,  308,  310,  300 

Royal  Fort,  290 

P. ,  290 


Rathlacken  Ca.,  297 

Rathnaguppaun  Ca. ,  Ratli  Ca.  ,315,  316, 

319 
Rathreagh  or  Ciisackstown,  290,  294 
Rath  Secher,  132 
Rathslyberaght  Manor,  309 
Ratoath,  313 
Rausakeera,  Rath  Essa  Caerach,  240,  204, 

281 
Raytrayny,  344 
Realin,  Aenach  Drithlind,  24 
Rebels,  demands  in  1.580,  208;  demand  a 

MacWni.,  22() ;  demands  at  Gal  way  and 

grievances,  229  ;  forces  of  1590,  243 
Rectories,  90 

Red  Book  of  Earl  of  Kildare,  281 
Reduction   of  dioceses,   48-50 ;    parishes, 

50 
Reformation  in  Connaught,  103 
Releg  of  Croghan,  7,  25 
Rents  instead  of  cess,  199 
de  Ridelesford,  Walter,  84,  104 
Risings  out  due  to  MacWm.,  355 
Roads  and  bridges,  111 
Robe  River,  11,  79,  200,  281 
Roba,  Rodhba,  Manor,  104 

Ballinrobe,  144 

Robeen  Ca.,  180 
Roche,  Agatha,  107 

^ Gerald,  101,  100,  321 

Hy.,  103 

Hy. ,  s.  Hy.,  100,  107 

John, 292 

Tenants  in  Lehinch,  107 

Rochford,  Rochfort,  223 

Maurice,  292,  293 

Philip,  343 

Rockfleet  Ca.,  190,  224,  301 
Rock  of  L.   Key,  82,  80 
Romanesque  architecture,  93,  94 
Roscam,  24,  88 

Roscommon,  ,38,  59,  02,  80,  87,  110,  118, 
119,  124,  1.33,  242,  309 

Ca,  50,   110,  117,  130,  140,  149,  155, 

157, 158,  171,  175,  180,  197,  240,  .■^08 

Co.,  140,  154,  155,  175,  179,  198,  231, 

255,  2.59,  200,  273 

Ro8  Fhraochain,  Rossreaghan,  battle,  4 

Rosguill,  45 

Roskeen,  62 

Roslahan,  287 

lies  MacCaitni,  29 

Ross  Ba.,  19,  101,  141,  148,  153,  170,  182, 

198,  201,  281,  282,  285,  352  ;  transferred 

to  Galway,  201,  324 

Ca.,  141,  324 

C.  and  Cashel,  .30,  111 

Tirawley,  Ca.  and  Town,  108,  294 

Bishop  of,  292 

Rosscleave,  .'301 
Rossclogher  Ba. ,  17 
Rosseik,  290  ;  Abbey,  95 
Rosserrilly,  242 
Rosslee  P.,  35,  40 
Roundfort,  281 

Round  towers,  41 
Rude  stone  monuments,  112 
de  Rupe.     See  Roche 
Ruscach  na  Gaithi,  318 
Russell,  Sir  W.,  2.57,  200,  203 


INDEX. 


149 


s. 

Sach»ll,  Feradach,  2() 

St.  John's  House,  BalHmoV)e,  1)5 

St.  Leger.  Warliam,  1344,  2G() 

St.  Patrick,  25-21),  280 

Salerno,  Arclibj).  AV.  of,  91 

Sanb,  K.  C,  i),  10 

Sandars,  Dr.,  187 

Savage.  Sir  A.,  273,274 

Savages  of  Carra,  287 

Sauvages  Castle,  287,  309 

Seal  Balbh  and  Tuathal  Techtmar,  .331 

Scots,  171,  185,  189, 191-11)(),  200,  210-213, 

239,  240,  24(),  2()5,  273  ;   cost  of  liiring,    ' 

194 
Seehaunmore,  295 
Segais,  battle,  30 
Seman,  W. ,  344 

Sencheneoil.     See  Tuath  Sencheneoil 
Seneschals,  197,  198 
Sengann,  5 

Sessions  at  Ballinrobe,  144 
Settlers  in  Mayo  in  sixteenth  century,  218 
Shankill,  27 
Shannon,  45,  118,  275 
Sheres,  F.,  235 
Sheriff's  powers,  175 

Sheriffs  of  Connaught,  114,  115,  294,  307. 
308,  310,  315 

of  Cork,  74 

of  Kildare,  342 

of  Mayo,  187,  225,  226,  240,  272 

of  Koscommon,  231,  308,  318 

Sligo,  187,  196,  210,  256,  272 

Shrule,  108,  116.  149,  186,  188 

Battle,  177,  366;  skirmish,  179 

Ca..  28,  91,176,  177 

Manor,  104 

Co.  Longford,  battle,  34 

Sidney,  Sir  H.,  171.  174,   175,   182,  183, 
185,  186  ;  account  of  Mayo,  183 ;  of  Sir 
J.  Bourke, 184 
Silanmchadha,  140 
Silmaelruain,  Sylmolron.  101 
Silmaelruana.  04 

Sil  Muireadhaigh.  Silmurray,  19,  22,  23, 
38.  65.  69,  72.  73.  78,  81.  82,  124,  126, 
130,  139,  140,  147,  150,  157,  161.  280. 
286 
Siuir  River.  286 
SkreenC,  34.42;  P.,  294 
Sleimhne  Master,  77  ,   o.- 

Sleoflow,  Sliabh  Lugha,  cantred,  34o 
Slewoney,  288  ,0100 

Sliabh  an  larainn.  Slievanienn,  4.  SI,  «J 
Sliabh  Gamh.  Ox  I\Iouiitains,  164,  329 

Ealpa  and  death  of  Datlii.  25.  2() 

Forniaeile,  battle,  42 

Lugha,  52,  79,   102,  115,   307,   313, 

314 ;  cantred,  345 ;  Ca.  Castlemore, 
119,  314 

Slieve  Alp.     See  Sliabh  Ealpa 

Baune,  39 

Carna,  150,  192 

Dart,  281 

Jlurry,  242  ,       ,     .,  ^ 

Sligo,  32,  78,  122,  124,  152.  153  ;  battle,  32 

Abbey.  259 


221 


for 
325,  326 


Sligo.  Ca.,  117,  138,  1,50,  1.59.  160.  Hif..  19.5. 
210,  211.  240,  254  256,  '2r>S.  2(i.H,  274 

Co..  125,  157-159,  162.  176.  176,  181, 

187.  198,  228.  229,  257.  2.59,  2<iH.  290. 
307 

Estate  of  Fitzgerald,  95 

Manor,  102.  120,  122.342 

Smerwick,  187 

Sodhan,  20,  325 

Sons  of  Fergus,  s.  Cellacli,  kilie<l,  34 

Spain.  K.  of.  260,  267 

Spaltrach,  battle,  14 

Spaniards  in  Muiister  army,  12 

Spaniards,  220,  247 

Spanish    shii)s    wrecked.    220, 

Ulster,  278 
Spreading  of  tribes  over  others 
StaghcaUaii  Manor.  309 
Stanley.  Sir  W.,  243 
Stangford,  322 
Staunton,   also  MacEvilly,  1.3.5,   1.50,  185, 

225 

Adam,  80,  83,  102.  287 

Clanu  A. lam,  114 

Adam,  jr.,  287 

Adam  Duff  (Staunton?).  80 

Bernard,  287 

Sir  Bernard,  344 

Joan,  wife  of  John,  301 

John.  301 

John,  125 

John. 343 

Sir  John ,  344 

Nestii,  dau.  of  A<lani,  287 

Philip,  s.  Adam.  287 

Philip,  s.  Bernard,  287 

Mac  an  Mhilidh,  MacEvilly,  134,  159. 

185,  287,  3(i8 

Mac  an  ISIliilidh,  Myly,  3.57 

Mac  an  Mhiliilh,  gr:int  of  lands,  of 

chiefry  and  fieedoiii.x,  367,  369 

Clann  Ulcin,  Macl'lcin,  1.S5 

Stipends  ilue  by  K.  C.  to  siil)-kings,  22 
Strade  Abbey,  Athlethan  Abbey,  95,  193, 

.307,  308,  311,  312.  3.56.  360.  363  ;  made 

manor,  3.56,  363 
Strand  of  Ballvsadare,   Traigh   Eothaile. 

5,  121.  147,  159 
Strange.   Sir  T. .  175.   201.210.  212.  217, 

228,  231,  235,  237.  245 
Strete.  Capt.,  265 
Stringills-Well,_28 
Sturniyn,  J.,  305 
Summer  of  aberration,  155 
Suppression  of  early  tribes  by  later.  32(> 
Surrenders  an<l  regrants,  179 

of  Irish  titles  for  earldoms,  1(J8 

Sussex,  Lord,  276 

Sylmolron,    Sil   Maelruain,  cantred,    lOl. 

345 
Synod  of  Fiadh  Mic  Aenghusa,  48 

Kells,  48 

Rathbresail,  48 


T. 

Taaffe, -.2.59;  M..  296 

'lain  Bo  Cuuilgne.  8 

Tankard.  J..  Kisliop  of  Killala.  92 


450 


INDEX. 


T»ra.  4,  6,  10,  12.  24 

Tiiwnn-jli,  322 

Tuvlor.  256 

IVtfa,  12.  45 

Telliuh  E:icliacli,  317 

Tenipk'house  Cii.,  139 

Templeimtrick  on  Inchanf;oill.  28 

Tempul  na  Lecca.     See  Inishrolie  C. 

IVrnion  of  IJalla,  or  near  Ballyglass,  165 

of  Ball  a,  322 

of  Kiris,  1('.7 

Caellainne,  Roscommon  Co.,  45 

Lands,  49 

Terneyn,  Tir  Ninniilh.  Court  of,  343 
Ten  yglaas  ilanor,  123 
Tl.omond,  68,  84,  123.  124,  175,  206,  265, 
273 

Irish  of,  164 

Earl  of,  168,  171,  176.  179,  201,  242, 

268.  273 
Three  Tuaths,  Tri  Tuatha,  20,  52,  55,  65, 

72,  73.  83,  131,  140 
Tiaquin,  120;  Ba.,  140 
Tihohine,  83;  P.,  19 
Tibraide,  34 

Ti^ernan.  St.,  of  Errew,  his  paten,  36 
Tiiini.  K.  C.  6.  7 
Tipperarv  C.>.,  68,  3.52,  353 
TiraunCa..221,  225,  298,  372 
Tirawlev,  17,  29,  31,  35,  68,  72,  74,  75,  89, 

102,  il6,  117,   121,   147,  150,  151,  156, 

1.58,  160,  162,  167,  213,  221,   243,    248, 

2.57.  268,  270,  275 

Cantred,  290,  344 

Court  of,  345 

Parishes  amalgamated,  50 

Tir  Briuin  in  Brefne,  54 

7ia  Sinna,  89 

Tir  Connell.  86,  124,  158,  171.   193-195, 

198,  213,  271,304,  341,  .342 
Tirel,  R.,  52 

TirEnna.  19,  101,  125,  321 
Tireragh,  Tir  Fliiachrach.  17,  32,  33,  35, 

.52,  .55,  102.  115,  117,  120,  134,  138,  143, 

147,  150,  1.51,  1.59,  162,  164,  195,  212, 

229,  245,  289,  290,  292 

under  Abbot  of  Balla,  50 

Parishes  amalgamated,  50 

Tirerrill.  18.  25,  .52,  119,  139 
Tirhugh,  166 
Tirieirhrathbothe,  .52 

Tir  Maine,   Tirmany,  .52,  5.5,   56,  80,  84  ; 

rising  out  for  MacWm.,  .355 
Tirmany,  K.  of,  56 
Tir  Nechtain,  Tirrenaghtin,  19,  101,  125, 

321,  322 
Tir  Ninni.lh,  Tirrenene,  Tir  Enna,  321,  322 
Tirremoy,  cantred,  102 
Tirrell,  W.,  172 
TirTuathail,75,  115,  139 
Tithes  enforced  in  Coiinaught,  90 
Toberbride,  Ballintubber,  Ca. ,  345 
Tobercurry  Ca. ,  1.52 
Toberloona,  286 
Toberpatrick,    Tobur    Patraic,    81.      Sec 

Ballintubber 
Tochar,  Togher,  meanint;,  111 
Togher  Ca. ,  194,  208,  244,  285 

of  Moin  Coinneadha,  62,  75,  125 

Togherpatrick,  36,  111,  156 


Toomore.  Toomour,  40,  69,  290;  Ca.,  312 
Tortan,  battle,  32 

Touaghty,  35,  39,  40  ;  Ca.,  216,  288 
Tradiiiou  of  Bourke's  revenge  on  Lyiiotts, 

297 
Transformation   of   clans   into   Milesians, 

16,  17,  327 
Transition  from   power  of   local  lords   to 

Queen's  government,  178 
Trea,  mother  of  Cormac  ]\IacArt,  14 
Treaty  of  Windsor,  51,  57,  62,  204,  302 
Trcmontana,  H.M.S.,  278,  279 
Tri  d  of  Sir  R.  Bingham,  216,  237 
Tributes  due  to  K.  C,  22 
Trimleston,  Lord,  235,  287 
Tristellaveragh  ]\Ianor,  342 
Truce  of  the  two  Tibbots  in  Mayo,  275 
Tuaim  dha  Ghualann,  Tuam,  45,  62,  67-69, 

74,  75,  87,  116, 147 

Cathedral.  40,  92 

Castle,  110 

• residence  of  K.  C,  42 

Diocese,  92 

Archbishop,  188,  208.  235,  301,  302, 

357,  308  ;  See  lands,  358-360  ;  grant  of 
freedoms,  363,  364 

Archbishop  F.  O'Kuanadha  chained, 

71 

the  Tuaths.     Sec  Three  Tuaths 

Tuatha   De   Dan  an  n,   2-5,  325,  .329,  334- 

336  ;  identified  with  other  tribes,  335, 

336  ;  genealogy,  340 
Tuath  Aitheachda,  Touaghty,  ,39 
Tuathal  Techtmar,  3,  9,  10 
Tuatha  Taiden,  6-10,  17,  19,  20,  280,  331 ; 

connection    with   Hy  Many,  .339 ;   their 

kingdom,  339 
Tuath  Concobarni,  and  Crecraighe  (Gre- 

gry),   and    Cruithnech,    and   Fer  Dom- 

nann,  and  Jlic  Umoir,  Resen,  or  Resent 

Umoir,  and  Sencheneoil,  11 

-  Resent  Umoir,  11,  280,  324 

Rois    and    Clanns    of    Ross   of    Hy 

Fiachrach,  328 

Ruisen,  in  Carra,  40 

Truim,  283,  353 

Tuaths  and  Manors,  104 
Tuhberbride  Ca.,101 
Tubbernacreeva,  Oen  Adarc,  29 
Tubber  Scornev,  297 

Tuite,  Lieut.,  2.58 

Tulcha  Domnaill,  24 

TuUvhugh,  231  :  Ca.,  1.39 

Tulrohan  Ca.,  317;  Tuath,  319 

Tulsk,  12  ;  Ca.,  150,  161,  258,  263,  274 

Tuluban,  157 

Turgeis,  Turgesius,  39 

Turin  Ca.,2f6,  227 

Turlach  IMochain  Ca. ,  257 

Turloch,    Turlough,  87;   C.    and  Well  of 

Sin,  28;  P.,  286,  288 
Typeraght  Manor,  342 
Typerneyvin,  292 

Tyrenmore  Ca. ,  Burrishoole,  115,  300 
Tyrnaghtyn,    Tir    Nechtain,    court    and 

theodum,  343 
Tyromoy,   Tyrremoy,    cantred,   343,    344, 

.345 
Tyrone,   Earl   of.     See  also  O'Neill,  168, 

257-259,  271.  272,  275 


INDEX. 


451 


u. 


Ua  Cathbharr,  15,  16 

Ua   Cobhthaigh,    G.,   K.    of    Uniall    and 

Airchiiinech  of  Agliagower,  44 
Ua  Corra,  15,  16 

Ua  Sibhleu,  K.  of  Hv  Eacbacli  Moj',  47 
UaTraigtheeh,  A.,  40 
Ufford,  SiiR.,  ll'J 
Uille  Uanach  C:\.,  Ill) 
Uladh,  2 
Ulster,  12,  15,  16,  45,  122-124,  148,  160, 

164,  276,  341,  342 

Countess's  rights  ignored,  136 

Earldom's  descent  to  E<lw.  IV.,  132 

Kings,  Fergus  and  Doiinell,  32,  33 

Ulsternien,  42,  45,  211;  appear  as  Fonio- 

rach,  32U 
Ul'unan,  O'Lonian,  53 
Umall,  and  men  of  Uraall,  10,  11,  18,  22, 

25,  38-40,  59,  64,  85,  89,  102, 114,  121, 

136,  149 
• •  meaning,  303 

Ui  Maille,  196.     Sec  Murrisk  Ba. 

Urlare  Abbev,  95,  314,  316 

Uryel,  Oriel,  341,  342 
de  Usser,  W. ,  295 
Utlagh.R.,  130 


W. 

Waldrons,  de  Angulos(?),  315 
Walsh,  W.,  344 


Walshes,    Branaghs,   344;    of    1{ohk   15.v. 

324 
War,    Irish    method    ad<>i)tfd    by     Lord 

]\Ii>untjoy,  275 
Wateifoni,  :&2,  .353 
Waturhouse,  Sir  E.,  201 
Wciipons  of  Kirbolg  mid  Tuatha  De  Diui- 

ann,  331,  H32 
Weekes,  Capt.,  226 
Wells— Mucnos,  28  ;  Oen  Adarc,  29  ;  I'ut- 

rick's   at    B;dlina Vf,    and    at    ISally- 

haunis,    of    Sin    at   Tmlougli.    Shin    at 

ManuUa,  28  ;  'rulibernacrecvn,  29 
West  of  Conuaught,   40,  45,  (i2,  6(i,   72, 

133 
West  Meath,  64 
Wexford,  44 
White,  E.,  228 

Sir  N.,  201 ,  228,  230,  368 

le  Whvte,  J.,  107 

Wideos,  T.,  196 

William  Cra^isus,  75 

FitzAudflin,  51,  62;    confused  with 

W.  de  liurgo,  51 
William  Keairii.  Browne's  servant,  223 
William  Og.,'216 
Wintelmolmau,  Jluintir  Jlailtinnain,  53 


Y. 

Yellow  Book  of  Lecan.  290 
Yellow  Ford,  battle,  272 
Yellow  Pass,  battle,  274 


Printed  by   hALLANTTNK.  Hanson  .V  Co 
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NOTES  ON  THE  EARLY  HISTORY 

OF    THE 

DIOCESES  OF  TUAM 
KILLALA,  AND  ACHONRY 


BY 

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